著者
羽渕 一代
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.2, pp.103-117, 2000-10-31 (Released:2016-11-02)
著者
小川 伸彦
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.3, pp.109-129,182, 1991-02-28 (Released:2017-02-15)
被引用文献数
1

Every object acquires its social significance by being multiply defined from various domains of values, such as the political, the economic, the historical, the aesthetic, the religious and so on. The definition of Cultural Property in Japan (Bunkazai) is one of such domains. If something is registered as an Important Cultural Property, this signifies not only its historical and artistic importance, but means also that the thing has been introduced into a new value domain. However, when an object with religious value is registered to be a cultural property, its two definitions ('religious' and 'cultural') from the different value domains are not always compatible. This is so, because its definition as a cultural property, being institutionalized and authorized by the state and supported widely by the people, easily overwhelms its religious definition. The purpose of this paper is to doubt sociologically, with the help of historical facts and documents, the taken-for-grantedness of the value domain called "Cultural Property". It was in 1897 that the definition "National Treasure", the highest category of Cultural Property, was newly introduced by the Old Shrines and Temples Preservation Act. And it was this act that served as the basis for the present Cultural Properties Protection Act enacted in 1950. After analyzing 1) how the conception of "fine art" was interpreted in Japan over a thirty year period, from the Meiji Restoration in 1868 until 1897, 2) why things with religious value became the objects of preservation, and 3) what kind of discussion was held in the Imperial Diet in approving the act, one conclusion seems clear. That is, that the value "National Treasure" was brought forth in order to meet two demands: the spiritual demand which was enhanced by the nationalistic trend of the time and the demand for the promotion of overseas trade to increase the national wealth. The birth of the National Treasure can be interpreted, from one side, as a symbolic example of the secularization of religion during the modernization process of Meiji Japan. But from the other side, it was a conversion of a religious symbol into a national symbol which was none the less sacred.
著者
戸梶 民夫
出版者
SHAKAIGAKU KENKYUKAI
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.1, pp.69-85,178, 2009

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the aspect of the "Resolution of Shame" that Transgender individuals acquire through body transformation, in contrast to the concept of performativity in Queer Studies. In the 1980s, the body transformation of Transpeople changed its meaning from non-subjective subordination in the Institution of Patriarchyto queering "Subordination-Subjectivation" to the norm. However, in the mid-1990s, the equation of body transformation to the performativity of the Queer theory was strongly criticized by Transpeople and in transgender studies. In this criticism, two positions were taken. One position emphasized the restraint of the body transformative practice in an ontological context. The other position said that the body transformative practice could not be reduced to the construction of identity and a gender stereotype, and that it intended to have feelings of "Safety" and "Belonging." This position also showed that the body transformative practice of Transpeople includes two kinds of Performativity (identification and assimilation). By reading the trans-embodiment analysis by Jay Prosser (a theorist in transgender studies who represents the latter position) making use of the theoretical frame of Eve K. Sedgwick's "Absorption Performativity/Theatrical Performativity," this paper strives to show that there is a positifying of the goal of Safety and Belonging in the bodily transformation of Transpeople and this positifying is accomplished by a theatrical performativity distantiating shameful bodily parts.

4 0 0 0 OA 純潔の構造

著者
ノッター デビット
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.39-54,188, 2004-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)
参考文献数
38

In this paper I argue that Durkheim's theory of the sacred and profane offers a theoretical perspective from which to grasp the unique dynamics involved in the interplay between romantic love in the Victorian period and Victorian culture.Durkheim's later theory is particularly apt for exploring the sociological dimensions of emotional phenomena, and I argue that its focus on the "religious" elements of social life such as beliefs and rites makes it viable as a framework from which to understand romantic love as an historically distinct phenomenon. While the "modern cult of individual love" has previously been analyzed in terms of Durkheim's ritual theory by Randall Collins, I argue that Collins's understanding of romantic love lacks an historical perspective, and that while his theory is valuable in its explanation of the significance of courting rituals , thus incorporating Durkheim's assertion about the importance of "rites," it fails to incorporate Durkheim's emphasis on the importance of "beliefs" and symbols. As a case study aimed at demonstrating the effectiveness of Durkheim's later theory in illuminating the nature of romantic love in the nineteenth century, I sketch the nature of both the beliefs and rites that made up the "religion" of romantic love in Victorian-period America. I then analyze the role of romantic love in the formation of the Victorian-period ideology of sexual purity in light of Durkheim's theory of the dual nature of the sacred as well as anthropological research on purity and pollution. I argue that the sacralization of romantic love brought about the coding of sex as a radically impure and polluting (profaning) force, and that the resulting need to purify sex led to the ritualization of sexual expression in marriage. This argument follows Foucault in rejecting the "repressive hypothesis" which characterizes so much theorizing about Victorian-period sexuality, but attributes the newfound preoccupation with sexuality in this period not to notions of "power/knowledge" but; rather to the symbolic power of the sacred and the equally powerful symbolic polluting force of the profane, resulting in an emphasis on extreme sexual purity outside of ritualized contexts.
著者
ノッター デビット
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.3, pp.53-68,151, 2001-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

In this paper I examine the discourses relating to the "love marriage" and courtship in the women's periodicals Fujin Koron (Women's Central Review) and Shufu no Tomo (Housewife's Friend) over a period of roughly ten years, from the inception of the periodicals in 1916 and 1917, respectively, until 1926, the last year of the Taisho period. As an analytical tool, I have adopted the concept of "acceptability" developed by Jean Pierre Faye, a theorist whose work is informed by a view of language as a socially and historically situated phenomenon. Faye is concerned with the processes whereby a narrative is rendered socially acceptable, and since this is contingent upon key words and expressions, Faye focuses on the way these expressions undergo complex transformations, a process I have termed "semantic transformation." I have examined the expressions "ren'ai kekkon" or "love marriage," and "danjokosai," a term which translates literally into "association of men and women" and whose meaning has shifted over time. I claim that the term "ren'ai kekkon," or "love marriage," shifts from signifying a congenial relation between spouses to meaning a marriage based on romantic love and free choice of partner. Ironically, since the "loveconquers-all" discourse, which gains momentum in the early 1920s, was saturated with the notion of sexual purity, this precluded talk of "danjokosai" as courtship, considered dangerous, but I argue that this inconsistency in the discourse is absorbed by the multiplicity of meanings for the term "danjokosai." I also argue that key words found in this discourse such as "junketsu" (purity) , and "jinkaku" (personality/character), had a special appeal for the newly educated women of the new middle class, an affinity which helped render the discourse acceptable.
著者
中西 真知子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.1, pp.21-36,207, 1998-05-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

Reflexivity is a concept which reflects oneself to others and determines oneself by the reflection of others. Giddens critiques empirical and functional methods of sociology, and suggests new rules of sociological methods by means of using the concept of reflexivity. Giddens also uses reflexivity to explain modern society. In modern society reflexivity works faster in the social system, and reliable certainty cannot be found anywhere. Giddens insists that post industrial society is not 'post-modernity' but 'high-modernity', a boundless working of reflexivity. In high-modernity, politics acts as an important role as rationality did in modernity. Giddens makes a close connection between sociological method and modern society by using 'reflexivity', which is the key word of both method of social thought and social theory of modernity. If reflexivity works more and more, we must doubt not only the foundation of social science but also that of logics and natural science. To pursue reflexivity more radically, we will see a more uncertain world than Giddens anticipates. In addition, we should pursue not simple modernization, which reflects Western rational modernization, but reflexive modernization, which reflects multiple cultures. When we understand that everything is reflected in our own culture, including our concepts, even the concept of 'reflexivity', and sympathize with other different cultures, we can subjectively and critically begin a new method of social thought. At the same time, we can reflexively construct a society for the future.
著者
小原 一馬
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.3-118, 2011

Despite an abundance of application opportunities, for a long time Goffman's sociology of play/games has practically been ignored in the studies of play theory. The aim of this paper is to give his sociology of play an appropriate position in the historical development of play theories. To this end, the following points are demonstrated: 1. What were the achievements and the problems of the play theories (of Huizinga, Caillois, and Bateson) before Goffman? 2. How did Goffman inherit the previous works' achievements and solve their problems? 3. What kind of relationship did Goffman's sociology of play have with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which had the greatest influence on the development of play theories after Goffman? While Caillois basically inherited Huizinga's definitions of play he criticized Huizinga's concept of play as being too wide, and his definitions of play are not appropriate for "play" as a whole but only to a part of it. Therefore, Caillois redefined "play" to the domain of culture, and also he classified "play" into four by two categories. Responding to Caillois' criticism of Huizinga, Goffman developed Bateson's frame theory, and he showed that the fun of play can be explained through a single, integrated one without any classification. This new frame theory by Goffman can be summarized as the playing field introducing various valuable things from the outside world into itself through its frame while blocking any irrelevant objects; it is important to balance the way of its reflection of the outside world in order to heighten participants' concentration on its unique reality utilizing randomness and symbolic distance. This theory of Goffman's is in a complementary relationship with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which also emphasizes concentration, and thus its integration will lead to a more complete theory.
著者
渡曾 知子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.21-37,189, 2004-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)
参考文献数
25
被引用文献数
1

Regarded as the beginning of the constructionist controversies, "the Ontological Gerrymandering Critique" addressed both constructionist forms of description and their methodological presuppositions. In the course of the debates, while a variety of improvements were suggested for the former, no clear-cut prescription emerged for the latter. This paper employs radical constructivism's arguments to the epistemological premises which underlie constructionist's works. The aim is to elaborate a methodological foundation that can permit an approach to plural realities, which cannot be considered within the framework of social constructionism. After surveying the constructionist controversies, I focus on two pressing tasks.The first is a methodological inconsistency. Constructionist research is selective in its construction of reality, yet its epistemic standpoint itself is placed out side its own methodological principles. The other is that the more strictly constructionists elaborate their methodology, the more they exclude important factors which also contribute to the organization of social problems. Radical constructivism's perspective draws attention to self-referential concepts and arguments related to mutual interdependence between the observer and the observed. From this point of view, we can comprehend only after we construct cognition on the basis of individual standards, which Luhmann called "distinction". Although "distinction" is an essential element of observation, observers cannot distinguish their own distinctions during observations. They would require yet another distinction to do that. Therefore, radical constructivism says, distinction is a "blind spot" for observers themselves. Nevertheless, it's still possible to observe others' latent distinctions or latent social relationships by means of one's own blind spot. Employing the framework of radical constructivism, we can accommodate multiple realities which cannot be reduced to a single definition, and we can comprehend a wide range of social constellations. By adopting these explanations, I handle the constructionist problems noted above. In conclusion, I present a method of constructivistic observation, which can complement to social constructionism in a consistent way, and indicate some pragmatic problems involved in the constructionistic view.
著者
井上 義和
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.3, pp.85-101,149, 2001-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

Until now, the history of young intellectuals in Modem Japan have been described focusing Literary-minded Youth (“ Bungaku-seinen”). This paper proposes to reexamines that (folk-) theory, in finding out a “new” type of youth, Eloquent-minded (“Yuben-seinen”), and considering a reason for it being “forgotten”, in the way of historical sociology mainly using recollections and other objective indexes. (1) In Meiji 40's (about 1907-16), Elocution was very much in fashion centering around the speech clubs (“Benron-bu”) at school of higher education. So, (2) Young intellectuals at that time could select their own types between Literary-minded and Eloquent-minded. But, (3) Postwar-intellectuals (born during 1905-15)have reconstructed the history of their predecessors' as “from Literary-minded to Social-minded”, in other words, failed to notice the Eloquent-minded type. On the other hand, (4) Youth in Meiji 40's (born during 1890's) have had no representative to narrate their experiences as the history of young intellectuals. (5) There is a generation gap in the remembrance of elocution, between Postwar intellectuals and Youth in Meiji 40's. As a result, Eloquent-minded type has been out of position in the theory of the intellectuals in Modern Japan.
著者
鶴田 幸恵 小宮 友根
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.21-36,159, 2007

Recently, it has become a new methodological agenda to discuss the methodologies of interviews which could be collected under the rubric of "interview as interaction." But it seems that such discussions do not make clearer the sociological status of the description which is produced by that method.The task of this paper is to point out some confusion in such discussions, and make the viewpoint of "interview as interaction" into a methodological discussion which can thoroughly describe "people's lives."<br> Methodologies that emphasize the view of "interview as interaction" often differentiate themselves from the standpoint which emphasizes "the facticity of data" or "the pattern of narrative." But apart from facticity or pattern, it is unclear what becomes the value of the data.There are two confusions concerning the view of "interaction."<br> First concerns the usage of the two terms, "construction" and "interpretation." By virtue of the confused usage of these terms in such methodology, our understanding of other's conduct is reduced to the activity of "interpretation." The second confusion concerns the claim that they describe not "fact" or "pattern of narrative" but "the mode (or form) of narrative." But in such a claim, "the mode (or form) of narrative" becomes a "model" prepared on the researcher's side.Both miss the difference of the various actions and activities in actual interaction and do not make clear the implication of the term "interaction" within the methodology of interviews.<br> But, for the interviewee, the interview is one scene of his/her life in a literal sense.If this is so, the behavior and the activity which appear there must be the part of his/her life and describing them must be directly describing his/her life.Here, using particular data, we present that proposition and argue the importance of the viewpoint of "interview as interaction."
著者
中山 大将
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.2, pp.55-71,199, 2008-10-31 (Released:2015-06-06)
参考文献数
45

This article is a study on the process of reproduction of a national identity in a periphery. In a periphery, the natural environmental differences alienate the cultural national identity, and in order to overcome this, a political national identity particular to the periphery is required to arise within the normative culture particular to the periphery. This article analyzes that process, and discusses whether political-cultural elites represented the people or were agents for the center. These subjects are analyzed through use of the public discourse in political documents and the media, as well as via statistical data and economic surveys in Karafuto. One of the most important natural environmental differences in Karafuto was that rice was unable to be grown there. The agricultural policy of the Karafuto government, the two theses of Karafuto culture, and a food shortage in the whole of the Japanese empire demanded that the Karafuto people change their staple food. This meant a departure from being a “rice-eating community”, and it alienated the cultural national identity of the Karafuto people. In order to overcome this, the political-cultural elites in Karafuto attempted to establish a political national identity particular to the periphery, and to design the normative culture for the periphery. The natural environmental differences were the source of cultural national identity alienation; however, they were internalized and came to be the most important standpoint for the political national identity of the periphery. This political national identity particular to the periphery could react against the central political national identity when it came to issues of food security. Political-cultural elites appealed to the people to change their staple food, but they could not achieve their goal because most of the Karafuto people remained within the “rice-eating community” connected to the national market. The political-cultural elites did not behave as agencies for the center of the imperial government, but it is difficult to conclude that they represented the people sufficiently.
著者
森 真一
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.47, no.2, pp.3-19,180, 2002-10-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

There seems to spread such a discourse as " high self-esteem makes life happier, so, to the contrary, if your self-esteem is low or absent, it makes some psychological problems " among many people. I name this discourse " the rhetoric of self-esteem. " I consider the discourses of recovery books make the rhetoric popular. So, in this paper, I aim to analyze those discourses to make clear the relatedness between the rhetoric of self-esteem and the social situation that has accepted it. The writers of recovery books claim that the "dysfunctional family" or the "codependent relationship" produces those who have difficulties of living in the contemporary society because of their lack of self-esteem. What social situation makes such discourses plausible? A.Giddens would probably say that in the de-traditionalized, reflexive society, intimacy has transformed into the "pure relationship." In this form of relationship, people must always make a choice of continuing their relationship or discarding it, by referring to their inside. So people must get high self-esteem to be internally referential in such a society, which makes the discouses of recovery books plausible. But I propose to consider the pure relationship as the radicalization of "the cult of the individual." And, as a result of this tendency, many people have tried to manage the risk of hurting the "sacred self" of themselves and others by preserving their own self-esteem depending not on the other's estimation but on their own. The rhetoric of self-esteem presented by the authors of recovery books justifies this "self worship" and teaches many people the methods of this form of worship, which makes the discourse of recovery books plausible.
著者
木島 由晶
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.109-115, 2013-10-31 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
10
著者
朴 沙羅
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.2, pp.39-55,140, 2013-10-31 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
19

The purpose of this article is to discuss the construction of the ethnic and legal category “Korean” in early postwar Japan. Taking the Imperial Ordinance of Alien Registration, issued in May 1947, the author focuses on how this first ordinance that regulated immigration control and alien registration in Japan was understood and enacted by the Japanese authorities, local governments, and so-called “Korean illegal entrants”, who were the targets of this imperial ordinance. Based on documental sources from General Headquarters Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, the Imperial Japanese Government, and local governments, the author points out the following two things. Firstly, the legal status of “Korean” in Japan was decided through negotiation and compromise between the US Government, the Occupation Forces and the Japanese Government. All three presupposed that Koreans, as “liberated peoples” in Japan, would and should be repatriated from Japan to Korea as soon as possible. Secondly, the instructions to the Japanese local governments indicate that the most important point in registering aliens was not to uncover “illegal entrants” but to find and reduce “ghost populations” stemming from double- or triple-registration for food rations. From the interviews with the former “illegal” migrants from Korea, the following can be pointed out: they made the best use of their knowledge and “common sense” to enable them to obtain their legal identity, the alien registration card, which defined them as “Korean”, thus also as “foreigners”. In fact, most of the “illegal” immigrants had lived in Mainland Japan for years before the liberation of Korea, and their migration history and knowledge of Japanese society enabled them to negotiate with Japanese authorities. With the collapse of the Japanese Empire, ethnic category such as “Japanese”, “Taiwanese” and “Korean” became an important factor that decided legal identities. Based on ordinary everyday ways of understanding, this decision was made through negotiations between each “Japanese” bureaucrat and “Korean” migrant, and influenced the migrant’s whole life and the legal status of “Korean” in Japan.
著者
畠山 洋輔
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.53, no.1, pp.21-36,201, 2008-05-31 (Released:2015-06-06)
参考文献数
57
被引用文献数
1

Trust is a theme that has been focused on recently in a variety of fields, especially the social sciences. In trust theories, trust is thought to make political and economic mechanisms function effectively, thus enabling smooth interactions on a daily level. However, against the background of the rise of trust theory, there still remains a sense of crisis pertaining to the loss of trust in a highly complex modern society. This study aims to explore how problematic situations are described with “trust.” Trust theories can be grouped into four categories in keeping with their approach: the psychological approach, the rational approach, the cultural approach, and the functional approach. Many of these theories assume that trust is something good as well as a form of social capital. When they explain problematic situations, they use “trust” as the logic of responsibility attribution similar to law, morality, and science. However, when compared with law, morality, and science, trust does not have to be provided for in advance in order to be applied as the logic of responsibility attribution. Trust theories thus offer a foundation for daily life and trust becomes more important in reflexive modern society. However, there is no guarantee that trust solves problems. “Trust,” when used as the logic of responsibility attribution in explanations by trust theories, can potentially form a blank discourse circulation centered on “trust,” which accompanies the discourse of loss and recovery. Trust theory that aims to reconstruct “true trust” only bears a part of this circulation. Thus, we need to consider what trust is lost, and also what and how trust should be recovered.
著者
池田 直樹
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.3, pp.21-38, 2020-02-01 (Released:2022-04-07)
参考文献数
21

本稿の目的は一九八〇年代のP・L・バーガーの思想、特にその資本主義擁護論を新保守主義との関係において解釈することである。一般にバーガーと新保守主義の関係は、一九七〇年代から八〇年代にかけての接近、九〇年代の決裂という流れで理解されていると言えよう。だが両者の関係の破綻に至る伏線は、八〇年代にすでに胚胎されていたと考えられる。これを論証するために本稿は、この時期のバーガーの中心的主題であった資本主義擁護論を同時期の彼の対話相手の一人であったM・ノヴァクの同種の議論と対比する。 バーガーの八〇年代の資本主義論は七〇年代における第三世界への関心に端を発していた。彼はこの主題に取り組む中で、自らの社会観と資本主義との適合性を徐々に自覚していく。 ノヴァクは八〇年代に、資本主義やアメリカ社会への批判が激化する中で、資本主義の宗教的な正当化を求めた。その際彼に大きな示唆を与えたのがM・ウェーバーである。そうしてノヴァクは、資本主義における営利活動がユダヤ―キリスト教の精神に満ちていることを強調し、また、資本主義は民主主義と必然的に結びつくこと、その内部に多元主義を生み出す点においてユダヤ―キリスト教の精神に共鳴することを説いた。 バーガーの議論はノヴァクの議論と多くの主張を共有していたが、そこには確かな相違も存在した。両者の相違は以下の四点にわたる。すなわち資本主義と民主主義の相関性の度合い、資本主義の宗教的正当化の可能性、ウェーバー受容、アメリカ社会観である。総じて言えば、バーガーは資本主義を擁護するものの、ノヴァクの極めて宗教的な議論には距離をとっていた。
著者
鵜飼 正樹
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.1, pp.95-124,191, 1985-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

This paper is based on participant-observation of a travelling theater troupe (taishu gekidan), the Ichikawa H. Gekidan. This kind of troupe has its orign in Kabuki, Shinpa, and Kengeki, and the elements from each of these traditions are mixed. An actor may be known by any one of three different kinds of names : his real name, his stage name, and the name of the character he is portraying. The Ichikawa H. Gekidan can thus be analyzed at each of these levels. At the level of the real name, family relationships are recognized. There are two families in the troupe, in addition to individual members. Each actor also has a stage name. The stage name reflects the teacher-pupil relationship, which is a psuede-familial one. Seniority and ability determine those who are called “older brother (nisan)” and “Older sister (nesan)”. Within each play, new relationships are formed that are different from these at the levels of real and stage names. Parts are divided into the “good guys (tachiyaku)” and the “bad guys (katakiyaku)” and the good never fail to defeat the bad. These three levels are distinguished according to time and place. For instance, the name of the character is used on stage, while the stage name is used backstage. However “Nisan-Nesan” relationships are preserved in every day life, which also functions to conceal family relationships from outsiders. Sometime family relationships come into conflict its stage-name relationships. Each actor has a reputation for virtuosity in certain type of roles (yakugara) such as lover (nimaime), “good guy (tachiyaku)” etc. Ideally an actor is cast in a role (haiyaku) that matches his strength (yakudokoro), but sometimes this cannot be achieved because of unavoidable factors such as limited personel.
著者
乾 順子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.39-56, 2014-10-31 (Released:2019-05-24)
参考文献数
33

The purpose of this article is to clarify the changes in the division of household labor and the structure of housework between husbands and wives in Japan using nationwide survey data. In recent years, work-life balance policies have been promoted in Japan and men’s working hours have been reduced. Therefore, it is believed that the division of housework between husband and wife has become more equal. To ensure gender equality in the future, it is important to understand the factors encouraging or preventing equality in the division of household labor. In previous studies, several theories, which can be described as the demands hypothesis, relative resources hypothesis, time constraints hypothesis, and gender ideology hypothesis, have been presented as explaining the determinants of who does housework. In this study, I explore two factors—women’s work outside their home and gender role attitudes—and their relationship with the division of housework. This is intended to test the hypothesis derived from feminism and proposed by the dual labor market theory. Through analyses using the second and third Japanese national family surveys (NFRJ03 and 08), we find that gender equality in the home has advanced slightly. The increased number of wives with regular employment appears to have caused the proportion housework done by husbands to increase by 2003. However, by 2008 the gender role attitudes of wives appeared to have a greater effect on the division of housework.In summary, the position of men and women in the labor market has been made equal as a result of social change, but because of the continuing influence of gender role attitudes, it seems that equality of housework burdens does not yet accompany this gender equality in the workforce.