著者
遠藤 珠紀
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.111, no.3, pp.293-322,441-44, 2002-03-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

In the study of how the Japanese medieval imperial court was actually operated, a concept of "bureaucratic farming" has been offered, and when considering auch an idea, the role played by bureaucratic families (ie 家) becomes very important. In the present paper, the author takes up the Benkan 弁官 and Geki 外記 Bureaus at the time and examines the "medieval family" institution existing among the secretaries (shi 史 and geki) who were responsible for the everyday operations of these two bureaus, focussing on the establishment of families as managerial units and primogeniture succession from fathers to sons, especially the political status corresponding to the establishment of main branches and their exclusive inheritance of family wealth. Section one traces the split that occurred in the head of the Benkan secretaries, the Ozuki 小槻 family, into the Mibu 壬生 and Omiya 大宮 lines in relation to the formation process of the "medieval family." As a result, the author shows that the establishment of these two lines into "ie" was finalized in 1273 after several generations of dividing up the official family genealogy. Section two turns to secretarial head of the Geki Bureau, the Nakahara 中原 family, showing the transformation of an ancient uji 氏 (clan) into a medieval ie. Section three examines changes that gradually occurred from the fourteenth century on in the sixth levels of subordinate bureaucrats working at the two bureaus in response to abovementioned changes in secretarial head families, showing that in contrast to their superiors, who were also active as scholarly (hakase 博士) families, these subordinate government officials became an independent class of job-oriented professionals. The author concludes that it was during the late Kamakura era that a transformation occurred in the staff organization of the Benkan and Geki Bureaus, which formed the nucleus of medieval court day to day operations What remains to be studied, then, is the relationship of actual bureaucratic duties to such organizational changes.
著者
大久保 桂子
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.94, no.12, pp.1882-1910,1992-, 1985

The Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 has long been considered an epoch-making event by which Parliament finally overcame the monarchy of the Stuarts. However, this too easily accepted view makes it impossible to see any serious meaning in the rather negative attitude of the Jacobites towards the Revolution. But since an assurance of the 'Revolution Settlement' was above all guaranteed by maintaining through parliamentary laws a new monarch against his lifelong rival, Louis XIV, and since only a minority of Englishmen accepted the Revolution without hesitation, Jacobitism should be regarded as more reality than nightmare. To begin with, this paper questions whether the Act of Settlement of 1701 could actually 'settle' the succession of the Crown and do away with all hopes of Jacobitism. And if not, as the author believes, it must be asked how subsequent attempts were made to secure that settlement and what circumstances necessitated such measures. One of the most important events of 1702 occured when Louis XIV, despite his former recognition of William III as the lawful King of England in the Treaty of Ryswick of 1697, proclaimed James II's son 'King James III'. This single action was enough for England to declare war on France, although the Spanish succession has been a sounding issue among the major sovereigns of Europe since 1701. Just before the War of Spanish Succession broke out, the English Parliament decided at last to take positive steps to reject any implications of Jacobitism as illegal : first, dealing with foreign allies by proposing a Commons' Resolution requiring an additional clause in some treatises of alliance ; and next, dealing with the English people themselves with two resolute pieces of legislation -the Bill of Attainder for the Old Pretender and the Abjuration Oath demanding that they 'renounce, refuse and abjure any allegiance or obedience to him'. These events make clear that Jacobitism was regarded in much the same way as Louis XIV's intervention in determining the English throne and therefore in the Revolution Settlement itself, and explain why Jacobitism posed a serious threat in that critical year of 1702. The fact that admittedly not all M.P.s were ready to abjure allegiance to the Pretender is another testimony concerning the extent to which the Revolution Settlement was established, or was expected to be established, during the thirteen years of William III's reign.
著者
近藤 和彦
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.3, pp.321-357,423-42, 1988

Manchester in the eighteenth century has been associated with the coming of the industrial revolution. Certainly it would become one of the leading centres of the capitalist world economy in the nineteenth century, but it was still 'one of the greatest mere villages in England', famous for its textile trade, with a population of some twenty thousand, in the age of Defoe and Walpole. More significantly for the purpose of this paper the parish of Manchester was in the diocese of Chester, a part of the country notorious for party strife and as 'disaffected'. The collegiate parish church was a stronghold of high church clergymen, while the parish contained a sizeable cluster of dissenters (mainly presbyterians) which amounted to 422 families out of 3201, i.e. more than 13% of the whole and more than twice the national average of 6.2%. My analysis in this paper is focused first on the clerical quarrels within the collegiate church of Manchester from 1718 to 1728. Samuel Peploe (1668-1752), who had proved his spirit against the Jacobites in 1715 as vicar of Preston, was promoted by the whig government warden of Manchester in 1718 (and then bishop of Chester in 1726). He would have to face hard years in dealing with the high churchmen and non-jurors in the church and the parish. Secondly the workhouse project and the opposition in the town are analysed from 1729 to 1731. John Byrom (1692-1763), a high churchman of letters and stenographer, was one of the most active opponents of the scheme. His correspondence, diaries and poems, together with parliamentary and other sources, reveal a good deal of the hitherto hidden social alignments of the Mancunians and clarify other often misrepresented circumstances. Factious rivalry infected the town, and such public projects as an incorporated workhouse were doomed to failure by the opposition of high churchmen (tories), who feared that the alliance of low churchmen and dissenters (whigs) might dominate not only the incorporated trust, but also the administration and finance of the town. The intended bill for the workhouse became an issue of party politics in Parliament, and was defeated in April 1731 by an alliance of tories and whig opposition members. Byrom's return to Manchester on 10 June (the Pretender's birthday) was welcomed at the collegiate church, where Peploe remained beset as warden. The sources I rest upon are both local and central, unpublished and published, v. notes. I have edited the most relevant documents relating to the workhouse issue in the Bulletin of the Faculty of Letters, Nagoya University, vol.33 (1987). The article containing the selected documents is abbreviated as WH, and referred to on page 45 (note 4).
著者
見瀬 悠
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.127, no.9, pp.1-35, 2018

近世フランス王国では、外国人は相続・被相続の自由を持たず、国王は帰化せずフランス生まれの子を残さずに死亡した外国人の財産を取得できた。この外国人遺産取得権は、王国で外国人を臣民から区別する法的基準であった。本稿は、この法が外国人に対して担った機能を、適用の過程や規則・規範、関与する人々の意図や利害との関係といった実践的側面から考察することで、規範的テキストの背後にある「制度の精神」を描き出すことを試みた。最初に、外国人遺産取得権の誕生と王国の法・財政への定着の過程を概観したうえで、実施の手続きを死後財産の差押えに着目して分析し、いかにして適用対象が選定されたのかを考察した。続いて、十八世紀パリのサン=ジェルマン=デ=プレ地区でこの法の対象となった外国人の特徴を出身地、社会的地位、王国滞在の性質、帰化の有無といった観点から分析し、外国人遺産取得権の適用を抑制ないし促進した諸要因を考察した。その結果、以下の結論が得られた。まず、当時の統治技術や制度的枠組みの限界ゆえに、外国人遺産取得権を厳密に実施するのは困難であった。さらに、特定の国民集団への免除特権や国際協定による「互恵的」廃止、一部の貴族に対する特別措置によって、この法の適用は実際に制限されていた。とはいえ、外国人遺産取得権は廃れていたわけではなく、その実施には社会的属性や王国滞在の性質に関係なく外国人を一元的に定義しようとする「絶対主義的」な傾向も確認された。その背景として、外国人遺産取得権の財政的重要性の増大と、十八世紀半ばに再び表面化した王権と領主権の競合を指摘した。このように外国人遺産取得権の実施を考察することで、王権の「絶対的」権力への志向、歴史的に形成された法制度と社会の構造、主権国家間の関係を統御する国際法の発展との間で、十八世紀の君主制国家が陥った矛盾が浮き彫りになるのである。
著者
五十嵐 修
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.109, no.6, pp.1121-1142,1257-, 2000

In early medieval times, penance took on two forms : public and private, corresponding to how widely a certain sin was known to people. The synodal courts of the carolingian period represented one form of public penance. The main purpose of this essay is to illuminate the context in which public penance functioned during the Carolingian period. The revival of public penance was, in the view of this paper, one of the most important outcomes of the Carolingian theocracy. The author examines this form of penance for this period, because it has been very underestimated by historians to date. Public penance included not only strictly religious penances, but also sanctions invoked by both secular and ecclesiastical authorities, since there was the idea that both secular and ecclesiastical authorities should suppress crime and maintain the public order. Public penance is seldom mentioned in the penitentials, but we find much mention of it in the capitularies, episcopal decrees and conciliar acts. Through studying public penance, we can learn the basic ideas about preservation of public law and order during this period.
著者
一ノ瀬 俊也
出版者
公益財団法人 史学会
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.112, no.8, pp.1370-1385, 2003-08-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

The intent of the present article is to analyze "histories" compiled by each regiment in the Japanese army from the Russo through the Sino-Japanese wars, concluding that such works were nothing the Sino-Japanese wars, concluding that such works were nothing but attempts to praise "the heroic past" and provide a means to instill such a consciousness in both the troops and society in general.The historical remembrances of the Russo-Japanese conflict were more and more emphasized with the outbreak of the First World War and the anti-war and anti-militarization movement that accompanied it.The descriptions of those who had died in past conflict were intended to stir the emotions of the troops and provide a route by which to legitimized "dying forons's country".Even on the local level during that time, "memorials to veterans" of both wars were compiled with the similar intention of establishing a forum upon which to instill a common sentiment about the viewpoints and logic of the military within local society.After the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident, "regimental histories" took on two distinct forms.The first consisted of memoirs concerning the victorious history of the Russo-and Sino-Japanese Wars, which in addition to insisting upon Japan's legitimate claim to Manchuria, tried to prove that even the Japanese people, who had not really experienced a genuine war since the Russo-Japanese conflict and had become used to peace, could indeed win another full-scale war, thus playing a role in attempts to instill"definite behavior patterns" and encourage the country's fighting spirit.The second contained contemporary regiment-by-regiment accounts of the Manchurina Incident told from the personal views of individual combatants with the intention of verifying the regiment's consciousness concerning the Incident, encouraging further sacrifices for the cause, and appsaling to society at large.The veteran memorial literature published on the local level at that time were compiled with a similar intent in mind, attempting like during World War I to instill military ideals and persuasive logic into society at large.
著者
橋本 道範
出版者
史学会 ; 1889-
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.129, no.6, pp.986-1002, 2020-06
著者
島津 毅
出版者
史学会 ; 1889-
雑誌
史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.129, no.1, pp.1-36, 2020-01