著者

岩脇 千裕

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.3, pp.125-132, 2009-02-28 (Released:2015-06-06)

参考文献数

9

著者

富永 京子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.3, pp.109-126, 2013-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

22

著者

徳岡 秀雄

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.p108-117, 1981-03

著者

串田 秀也 好井 裕明

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.161-169, 2000-10-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

著者

梅川 由紀

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.23-40, 2017-06-01 (Released:2021-06-04)

参考文献数

19

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本稿の目的は、「ごみ屋敷」の当事者が溜め続けるモノの意味を明らかにし、人間にとってのごみやモノの概念を再考することである。これまで当事者は、社会的孤立/断絶状態にあるとみなされてきた。しかし本稿では、毎日スーパーに出かけ、多くの他者とコミュニケーションを図りながらごみ屋敷で暮らす、当事者Aさんを取り上げる。分析においてはモーリス・アルヴァックスの「モノと記憶」に関する議論に着目した。調査は、当事者Aさんへのインタビューと、片づけ作業およびその後の生活状況に関してフィールドワークを行った。 調査の結果、大きく二つの指摘を行った。第一に、モノを溜め込むことで構築されるアイデンティティを明らかにした。Aさんは他者と良好なコミュニケーションを図ることを「望ましい自己」の姿と捉えていた。そして家に溜め込むモノは「望ましい自己」を達成した「証」として理解されていた。ゆえにAさんがモノを溜め込む理由は、望ましい自己を実現した記憶を、モノという形ある対象に具現化し、記憶を保管するためであることを明らかにした。そして、ごみ屋敷に溜め込まれるモノには、「心情的価値」と名付けられる価値が存在する様子を示した。第二に、モノを捨てることで構築されるアイデンティティを明らかにした。Aさんはモノを捨てることでジレンマを解消でき、新たに望ましい自己の証を手に入れられる場合、モノをごみと捉え、捨てていた。「必要な存在」としてのごみの側面を明らかにした。 ごみ屋敷とは、単なるトラブルという側面を超えて、人間とごみ・モノとの関係性を私たちに問いかける事象であることを明らかにした。

著者

佐藤 成基

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.37-53,224, 2002-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

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This paper attempts to explore the relationships between nationalism and fascism in historical contexts. Nationalism is political action seeking to represent the "wills " and "interests" of the "nation" as a political (imagined) community, also regarded as "us" or "a people." Forms of nationalism historically vary. Fascism could be regarded as a form of nationalism, which first emerged in Europe under the impacts of the First World War. This "total war" brought about dramatic changes in the relationships between "state" and "society": while the state expanded their ruling functions and came to penetrate civilian lives more deeply, various political groups in society began to claim more actively their interests to the state. State and society were thus "democratized." As a result of these changes, nationalism turned from an official, top-down movement, which had still been dominant in the prewar period, into a popular mass movement seeking to mobilize the "nation" as a whole. The First World War also transformed the idea of nationalism: strong solidarity under the "total mobilization" and "fraternity" in trenches were idealized as symbols of the nation. The idea of the nation came to be associated with the memory of the experiences of national solidarity during the war. "Front soldiers" coming back from the battlefields became active bearers of nationalism and developed militant "paramilitary" movements. Moreover, the idea of "national self-determination," which was officially recognized by world leaders as a principle of international politics in the Paris Conference, raised the moral and political legitimacy of nationalism, although the Versailles settlement could never fully realize this ideal and even engendered resentments in some "nations." All these changes contributed to the rise of the popularity and the intensity of nationalism in the postwar period, which fascism was able to utilize to gain mass support.

著者

青木 康容

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.2, pp.59-67, 1983-09-30 (Released:2017-02-17)

著者

妻木 進吾

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.21-37,173, 2003-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

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Recently, the Japanese authorities have been enforcing measures to support the societal reinsertion of Nojukusha (Japanese outdoor sleepers). "Support center" programs attempt to get them out of homelessness by giving them access to jobs or social welfare support, and giving them an "appropriate" place in Japanese society. These measures clearly show the existence of Nojukusha who reject this program and remain on the street. They are categorized as "people who refuse a decent civic life," and they become the targets of pressure and exclusion. If their "preference" is reasonable for them, what is the logic that sustains this choice? This paper attempts to examine the logic of their "preference. " For this purpose, I rely on the theory of "life structure" and adjust it to grasp Nojukusha street life. Based on survey data, I describe the process and state of Nojukusha street life. This data consists of survey data for 672 Nojukusha and life history data for 722 Nojukusha. I conclude that Nojukusha "preference" means "resistance" because their life structure is patterned both by the necessity to survive in the street and by an ethic: "we should live our lives by working for ourselves." Nojukusha, who have been excluded from the labor market, find that it is impossible for them to get away from homelessness by getting a job. For them, the support center program offered by the authorities means a whole life depending on social welfare services. The street life, then, is the only one they can choose to conform themselves to their ethic. It is then the only reasonable preference. This paper leads to a paradoxical conclusion. The "preference" for homeless life tends to be regarded as deviance from public opinion and the actions of "normal" citizens. However Nojukusha life is based on their own values.

著者

芦田 徹郎

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.169-177, 1993-02-28 (Released:2017-02-15)

著者

桶川 泰

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.3, pp.155-171, 2008-02-29 (Released:2015-06-06)

参考文献数

27

著者

羽渕 一代

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.2, pp.103-117, 2000-10-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

著者

小川 伸彦

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.109-129,182, 1991-02-28 (Released:2017-02-15)

被引用文献数

1

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Every object acquires its social significance by being multiply defined from various domains of values, such as the political, the economic, the historical, the aesthetic, the religious and so on. The definition of Cultural Property in Japan (Bunkazai) is one of such domains. If something is registered as an Important Cultural Property, this signifies not only its historical and artistic importance, but means also that the thing has been introduced into a new value domain. However, when an object with religious value is registered to be a cultural property, its two definitions ('religious' and 'cultural') from the different value domains are not always compatible. This is so, because its definition as a cultural property, being institutionalized and authorized by the state and supported widely by the people, easily overwhelms its religious definition. The purpose of this paper is to doubt sociologically, with the help of historical facts and documents, the taken-for-grantedness of the value domain called "Cultural Property". It was in 1897 that the definition "National Treasure", the highest category of Cultural Property, was newly introduced by the Old Shrines and Temples Preservation Act. And it was this act that served as the basis for the present Cultural Properties Protection Act enacted in 1950. After analyzing 1) how the conception of "fine art" was interpreted in Japan over a thirty year period, from the Meiji Restoration in 1868 until 1897, 2) why things with religious value became the objects of preservation, and 3) what kind of discussion was held in the Imperial Diet in approving the act, one conclusion seems clear. That is, that the value "National Treasure" was brought forth in order to meet two demands: the spiritual demand which was enhanced by the nationalistic trend of the time and the demand for the promotion of overseas trade to increase the national wealth. The birth of the National Treasure can be interpreted, from one side, as a symbolic example of the secularization of religion during the modernization process of Meiji Japan. But from the other side, it was a conversion of a religious symbol into a national symbol which was none the less sacred.

著者

ノッター デビット

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.39-54,188, 2004-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

参考文献数

38

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In this paper I argue that Durkheim's theory of the sacred and profane offers a theoretical perspective from which to grasp the unique dynamics involved in the interplay between romantic love in the Victorian period and Victorian culture.Durkheim's later theory is particularly apt for exploring the sociological dimensions of emotional phenomena, and I argue that its focus on the "religious" elements of social life such as beliefs and rites makes it viable as a framework from which to understand romantic love as an historically distinct phenomenon. While the "modern cult of individual love" has previously been analyzed in terms of Durkheim's ritual theory by Randall Collins, I argue that Collins's understanding of romantic love lacks an historical perspective, and that while his theory is valuable in its explanation of the significance of courting rituals , thus incorporating Durkheim's assertion about the importance of "rites," it fails to incorporate Durkheim's emphasis on the importance of "beliefs" and symbols. As a case study aimed at demonstrating the effectiveness of Durkheim's later theory in illuminating the nature of romantic love in the nineteenth century, I sketch the nature of both the beliefs and rites that made up the "religion" of romantic love in Victorian-period America. I then analyze the role of romantic love in the formation of the Victorian-period ideology of sexual purity in light of Durkheim's theory of the dual nature of the sacred as well as anthropological research on purity and pollution. I argue that the sacralization of romantic love brought about the coding of sex as a radically impure and polluting (profaning) force, and that the resulting need to purify sex led to the ritualization of sexual expression in marriage. This argument follows Foucault in rejecting the "repressive hypothesis" which characterizes so much theorizing about Victorian-period sexuality, but attributes the newfound preoccupation with sexuality in this period not to notions of "power/knowledge" but; rather to the symbolic power of the sacred and the equally powerful symbolic polluting force of the profane, resulting in an emphasis on extreme sexual purity outside of ritualized contexts.

著者

ノッター デビット

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, pp.53-68,151, 2001-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

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In this paper I examine the discourses relating to the "love marriage" and courtship in the women's periodicals Fujin Koron (Women's Central Review) and Shufu no Tomo (Housewife's Friend) over a period of roughly ten years, from the inception of the periodicals in 1916 and 1917, respectively, until 1926, the last year of the Taisho period. As an analytical tool, I have adopted the concept of "acceptability" developed by Jean Pierre Faye, a theorist whose work is informed by a view of language as a socially and historically situated phenomenon. Faye is concerned with the processes whereby a narrative is rendered socially acceptable, and since this is contingent upon key words and expressions, Faye focuses on the way these expressions undergo complex transformations, a process I have termed "semantic transformation." I have examined the expressions "ren'ai kekkon" or "love marriage," and "danjokosai," a term which translates literally into "association of men and women" and whose meaning has shifted over time. I claim that the term "ren'ai kekkon," or "love marriage," shifts from signifying a congenial relation between spouses to meaning a marriage based on romantic love and free choice of partner. Ironically, since the "loveconquers-all" discourse, which gains momentum in the early 1920s, was saturated with the notion of sexual purity, this precluded talk of "danjokosai" as courtship, considered dangerous, but I argue that this inconsistency in the discourse is absorbed by the multiplicity of meanings for the term "danjokosai." I also argue that key words found in this discourse such as "junketsu" (purity) , and "jinkaku" (personality/character), had a special appeal for the newly educated women of the new middle class, an affinity which helped render the discourse acceptable.

著者

中西 真知子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.21-36,207, 1998-05-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

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Reflexivity is a concept which reflects oneself to others and determines oneself by the reflection of others. Giddens critiques empirical and functional methods of sociology, and suggests new rules of sociological methods by means of using the concept of reflexivity. Giddens also uses reflexivity to explain modern society. In modern society reflexivity works faster in the social system, and reliable certainty cannot be found anywhere. Giddens insists that post industrial society is not 'post-modernity' but 'high-modernity', a boundless working of reflexivity. In high-modernity, politics acts as an important role as rationality did in modernity. Giddens makes a close connection between sociological method and modern society by using 'reflexivity', which is the key word of both method of social thought and social theory of modernity. If reflexivity works more and more, we must doubt not only the foundation of social science but also that of logics and natural science. To pursue reflexivity more radically, we will see a more uncertain world than Giddens anticipates. In addition, we should pursue not simple modernization, which reflects Western rational modernization, but reflexive modernization, which reflects multiple cultures. When we understand that everything is reflected in our own culture, including our concepts, even the concept of 'reflexivity', and sympathize with other different cultures, we can subjectively and critically begin a new method of social thought. At the same time, we can reflexively construct a society for the future.

著者

細辻 恵子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.69-72, 2018-06-01 (Released:2021-07-10)

著者

小原 一馬

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.3-118, 2011

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Despite an abundance of application opportunities, for a long time Goffman's sociology of play/games has practically been ignored in the studies of play theory. The aim of this paper is to give his sociology of play an appropriate position in the historical development of play theories. To this end, the following points are demonstrated: 1. What were the achievements and the problems of the play theories (of Huizinga, Caillois, and Bateson) before Goffman? 2. How did Goffman inherit the previous works' achievements and solve their problems? 3. What kind of relationship did Goffman's sociology of play have with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which had the greatest influence on the development of play theories after Goffman? While Caillois basically inherited Huizinga's definitions of play he criticized Huizinga's concept of play as being too wide, and his definitions of play are not appropriate for "play" as a whole but only to a part of it. Therefore, Caillois redefined "play" to the domain of culture, and also he classified "play" into four by two categories. Responding to Caillois' criticism of Huizinga, Goffman developed Bateson's frame theory, and he showed that the fun of play can be explained through a single, integrated one without any classification. This new frame theory by Goffman can be summarized as the playing field introducing various valuable things from the outside world into itself through its frame while blocking any irrelevant objects; it is important to balance the way of its reflection of the outside world in order to heighten participants' concentration on its unique reality utilizing randomness and symbolic distance. This theory of Goffman's is in a complementary relationship with Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, which also emphasizes concentration, and thus its integration will lead to a more complete theory.

著者

渡曾 知子

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.21-37,189, 2004-05-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

参考文献数

25

被引用文献数

1

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Regarded as the beginning of the constructionist controversies, "the Ontological Gerrymandering Critique" addressed both constructionist forms of description and their methodological presuppositions. In the course of the debates, while a variety of improvements were suggested for the former, no clear-cut prescription emerged for the latter. This paper employs radical constructivism's arguments to the epistemological premises which underlie constructionist's works. The aim is to elaborate a methodological foundation that can permit an approach to plural realities, which cannot be considered within the framework of social constructionism. After surveying the constructionist controversies, I focus on two pressing tasks.The first is a methodological inconsistency. Constructionist research is selective in its construction of reality, yet its epistemic standpoint itself is placed out side its own methodological principles. The other is that the more strictly constructionists elaborate their methodology, the more they exclude important factors which also contribute to the organization of social problems. Radical constructivism's perspective draws attention to self-referential concepts and arguments related to mutual interdependence between the observer and the observed. From this point of view, we can comprehend only after we construct cognition on the basis of individual standards, which Luhmann called "distinction". Although "distinction" is an essential element of observation, observers cannot distinguish their own distinctions during observations. They would require yet another distinction to do that. Therefore, radical constructivism says, distinction is a "blind spot" for observers themselves. Nevertheless, it's still possible to observe others' latent distinctions or latent social relationships by means of one's own blind spot. Employing the framework of radical constructivism, we can accommodate multiple realities which cannot be reduced to a single definition, and we can comprehend a wide range of social constellations. By adopting these explanations, I handle the constructionist problems noted above. In conclusion, I present a method of constructivistic observation, which can complement to social constructionism in a consistent way, and indicate some pragmatic problems involved in the constructionistic view.

著者

井上 義和

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, pp.85-101,149, 2001-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

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Until now, the history of young intellectuals in Modem Japan have been described focusing Literary-minded Youth (“ Bungaku-seinen”). This paper proposes to reexamines that (folk-) theory, in finding out a “new” type of youth, Eloquent-minded (“Yuben-seinen”), and considering a reason for it being “forgotten”, in the way of historical sociology mainly using recollections and other objective indexes. (1) In Meiji 40's (about 1907-16), Elocution was very much in fashion centering around the speech clubs (“Benron-bu”) at school of higher education. So, (2) Young intellectuals at that time could select their own types between Literary-minded and Eloquent-minded. But, (3) Postwar-intellectuals (born during 1905-15)have reconstructed the history of their predecessors' as “from Literary-minded to Social-minded”, in other words, failed to notice the Eloquent-minded type. On the other hand, (4) Youth in Meiji 40's (born during 1890's) have had no representative to narrate their experiences as the history of young intellectuals. (5) There is a generation gap in the remembrance of elocution, between Postwar intellectuals and Youth in Meiji 40's. As a result, Eloquent-minded type has been out of position in the theory of the intellectuals in Modern Japan.

著者

鶴田 幸恵 小宮 友根

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.21-36,159, 2007

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Recently, it has become a new methodological agenda to discuss the methodologies of interviews which could be collected under the rubric of "interview as interaction." But it seems that such discussions do not make clearer the sociological status of the description which is produced by that method.The task of this paper is to point out some confusion in such discussions, and make the viewpoint of "interview as interaction" into a methodological discussion which can thoroughly describe "people's lives."<br> Methodologies that emphasize the view of "interview as interaction" often differentiate themselves from the standpoint which emphasizes "the facticity of data" or "the pattern of narrative." But apart from facticity or pattern, it is unclear what becomes the value of the data.There are two confusions concerning the view of "interaction."<br> First concerns the usage of the two terms, "construction" and "interpretation." By virtue of the confused usage of these terms in such methodology, our understanding of other's conduct is reduced to the activity of "interpretation." The second confusion concerns the claim that they describe not "fact" or "pattern of narrative" but "the mode (or form) of narrative." But in such a claim, "the mode (or form) of narrative" becomes a "model" prepared on the researcher's side.Both miss the difference of the various actions and activities in actual interaction and do not make clear the implication of the term "interaction" within the methodology of interviews.<br> But, for the interviewee, the interview is one scene of his/her life in a literal sense.If this is so, the behavior and the activity which appear there must be the part of his/her life and describing them must be directly describing his/her life.Here, using particular data, we present that proposition and argue the importance of the viewpoint of "interview as interaction."