著者
シャール サンドラ
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.2, pp.3-21,158, 2003-10-31 (Released:2016-05-25)
参考文献数
21

At first glance, it looks as if we know a lot about the lives of the women who, born in needy rural areas, worked in the silk spinning industry in prewar Japan. Many researchers have described their poor working and living conditions in the silk spinning mills, giving us a hint of what the reality of their lives might have been. Still, because they almost systematically investigated this topic in the macroeconomic context of the Japanese industrialization, they mainly criticized its negative consequences and argued that these workers, exploited and oppressed, led a horrendous life in these mills. Therefore, most people remember them as victims and commonly refer to the history of their lives as "the pitiful history of women workers" (jokou aishi). But what do the women who worked in the silk spinning industry in prewar Japan have to tell us about their own version of their past? Did they consider themselves as victims and describe their experience in pitiful terms at all? Very few scholars have looked for some answers to these questions. In this respect, this study, which is based on the analysis of oral testimonies by ex-spinning mills' operatives, aims at reexamining this "pitiful history of women workers" through the lens of life history, so as to try and get, a fuller understanding of how these workers perceived their experience at the factory. This study revealed that a positive representation of these women workers is indeed possible. If the informants often described their work as "hard", they did not go as far as presenting themselves as exploited victims of the factory system. On the contrary, many of them insisted on the numerous sources of joy and content, not to mention a certain "window on modernity" factory life offered their workers. In this perspective, one can think that, for most of these women, "the factory experience" may at least have been a lesser evil than the life they led at their parents' home.
著者
樋口 耕一
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.3, pp.39-55,196, 2013-02-28 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
26

This paper investigates the effect of the wealth factor in Japan on the adoption of ICT innovations such as the World Wide Web. Diffusion studies suggest that wealth and attitudes are both important determinants of interactive communication technology adoption. However, little is known about which has a stronger effect, and at what point wealth shows a relatively strong effect in the diffusion process. To answer these questions, the author conducted an exploratory analysis of data from nationwide surveys (JIS2001 and JIS2004). The results indicate the following: (i) Education rather than wealth has a remarkably strong effect on adoption likelihood in the early stage of diffusion. Highly educated people have an understanding of information manipulation on the WWW, and tend to evaluate such information-related behavior positively. It is clear that education encourages individuals to adopt the WWW by engendering a positive attitude toward sit. (ii) As diffusion proceeds, the effect of wealth becomes relatively stronger, although it is never as strong as the education effect in the early stage. (iii) The more people that adopt the WWW, the wider the difference in usage between light and heavy users. Females tend to be light users, and have both positive evaluations of the convenience of the WWW and negative thoughts such as fear of crimes or other trouble. On the other hand, males, who typically have an enthusiastic attitude towards technologies, tend to be heavy users. The author concludes that wealth has a very limited effect on adoption throughout the diffusion process of ICT. Differences in attitude have a stronger effect on both the initial adoption and the amount of usage.
著者
竹内 洋
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.3, pp.45-66, 1971-05-31 (Released:2017-12-28)
被引用文献数
5
著者
多田 哲久
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.1, pp.55-71, 2000-05-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

This paper examines branches (non-kin) of the Mitsui, a big Merchant Dozoku in urban areas in the early modem era. Dozoku is a wider institution composed of a main ie and its branches. In Sociology,this is placed as a fundamental project in dealing with the generation process of the family enterprise. The argument of ie in sociology has been developed on the basis of certain rural areas. Consequently, ie in urban areas have been neglected in such arguments. Some studies point out that ie in urban areas is different from that of rural areas, but characteristics of urban ie itself have not yet been investigated. It will be examined which of the following three main concepts of ie is the most appropriate framework to investigate the branches (non-kin) of Mitsui. They are concepts of “Ie=family” by KITANO Seiichi, “ie=management” by ARUGA Kizaemon, and “Ie=Kabu” by HASEGAWA Yoshikazu. The characteristics of a big Merchant Dozoku in urban areas are also looked into. In conclusion, it is found that only adjusted “Ie=Kabu” concept, which is a social unit with certain rights and duties based on the external system,is capable of explaining a big Merchant Dozoku in urban areas as a whole. Merchant Dozoku is characterized by its mobility--the formation and the cancellation of the genealogy between the main ie and its branches (non-kin). The “Ie=Kabu” concept can capture these characteristics in its entirety.
著者
久保田 裕之
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.1, pp.3-19,136, 2010-05-31 (Released:2015-05-13)
参考文献数
38
被引用文献数
3

Within recent family sociology in Japan, it has been taken for granted that the family cannot and should not be defined by researchers, partly because of the negative effect of including various lifestyles. However, avoiding family definition can be harmful or even destructive, unless there is a clear-cut explanation of what exactly is meant by saying “family cannot and should not be defined”. This paper, then, will argue that it is inevitable and even essential for every single piece of scientific research on families to define a concept of the family in some way, and, conversely, to define a concept of “non-family”, according to the best interest of each research project. In this paper, we examine three famous studies in the history of family sociology in Japan which focused on the concept of “non-family”: one by Teizō TODA ([1973] 1970), another by Kiyomi MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), and a third by Yoshitaka IKEOKA et al. (1999). By examining this tradition of “non-family” studies, the inevitability and necessity of definition can best be illustrated, as the borderline which is drawn between the concepts of family and of non-family. Firstly, we scrutinize Masahiro YAMADA (1986; 1992) and IKEOKA et al. (1999), dealing with the subjective family definitions of the parties involved, because these approaches sometimes seem to put overmuch emphasis not on the researchers’ definition but on the parties’ subjective image and discourse on family. Secondly, contentions over the constructionist approach follow, which have arisen within the Sociology of Social Problems under the name of Ontological Gerrymandering. Finally, we examine TODA ([1973] 1970) and MORIOKA ([1981] 1987), which explicitly define the concepts of family and non-family. In conclusion, it can be argued that it is inevitable and even essential to define concepts of the family and “non-family”, according to the best interests of each research project. “Family” should be re-defined and up-dated in order to embrace the diverse lifestyles within and without those of traditional families.
著者
筒井 清忠
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.20, no.1, pp.1-33, 1975-07-31 (Released:2017-06-14)
著者
井上 眞理子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.2, pp.1-19,123, 1982

The concept of identity nowadays seems "unfashionable" in academic circles. But, for sociologists as well as psychologists, its meaning is yet ambiguous. The process in which the concept of identity has been formed by E.H. Erikson is explored in this paper in order to clarify what he means by "identity". Erikson's first concern was "How is the mutuality between ego and alter possible?" This question may be differently phrased as, "How can the self-expressions of ego and alter be compatible?"; or, "How is the adjustment between self-expression and self-control in an individual in society possible?"<br> This question has been the main subject of modern western social philosophers, for example, Hobbes, Locke, Roussau, Adam Smith and, though it may sound strange to call him a philosopher, Freud.<br> Erikson's concept of "mutuality" means functional mutuality, resembling the sociological concept of "complementarity of role-expectations".<br> But the next problem for Erikson was that an individual is divided among various roles. In other words, "inter-role conflict " which is experienced by that individual as "intra-role conflict" occurs. A clue to a solution was given by William James' concept of "personal identity in The Principles of Psychology (1890).<br> William James insisted that the personal identity is verified in "the stream of consciousness" But Erickson's "psycho-social identity" must in addition be verified in individual's actions. Thus the way in which an individual can achieve "role integration" becomes the main concern for Erikson at this stage. In this paper, we have decided to explore this concept of "role integration!' paying special consideration to the "adaptation" theory of H.Hartmann and its influence on Erickson's thought.

3 0 0 0 OA III ジェンダー

著者
柳原 佳子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.1, pp.28-36,196, 1995-05-31 (Released:2017-02-15)

Gender, this concept itself is a kind of institutional self-fulfilling prophecy. That is, the content of gender is a system, produced to divide human behaviors into some social flamework of "man" and "woman", on the basis of, or with reference to biologicalreproductive division of "male" and "female". But, the relation of "man" and "woman" is always constructed, deconstructed, and reconstructed as time goes by. Then, this paper examines the self-fulfilling process of gender, by defining gender relation as a realm constructing a ptoductive relation in a broad sense, and this realm is subdivided into <division of lavor> <power> <cathexis>. On its procedure, I would like to take notice of two vectors of "equalizationl" and "defferenciation" simultaneously.
著者
永吉 希久子
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.113-117, 2016-06
著者
田中 義久
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.1, pp.128-131, 1969-07
著者
石田 淳
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.3-19,100, 2007

In this article, I would like to propose a new perspective in studies of the cognitive process of social categories, and then analyze the cognition of one particular social category, "Japanese," by applying that perspective. Social categories are socially constructed cognitive frameworks for identifying others (including observers themselves) and classifying them into social groups. Social categories are, as it were, "ethno methods" in the sense that we implicitly share them and use them to identify others in everyday life. However, there has been little use of rigorous analytical methods for understanding social categories. The cognitive process of social categories can be regarded as the process of reduction of information as to others. In this article, I will suggest that the cognitive process of social categories can be well described by Boolean analysis as the process of reduction of information. I will analyze the difference and distribution among people of the cognition of a social category, "Japanese." Of course, there is a legal definition of Japanese, that is, Japanese are people having Japanese nationality. However, there seems to be a gray zone in distinguishing between Japanese and non-Japanese at the cognitive level in everyday life. For example, are naturalized immigrants regarded as Japanese? How about non Japanese speakers? The question then becomes: what kind of person has what kind of definition of "Japanese," that is, cognition of "Japanese"? To answer this question, I will use Boolean analysis to analyze a data set taken from an exploratory survey of images of "Japanese."