著者

佐藤 哲彦

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.3, pp.57-75,157, 1996-02-29 (Released:2016-12-22)

---

The purpose of this study is to describe the process whereby the continual use of philopon was defined as both a crime and a disease after World War II in Japan. (Philopon is a drug containing Phenylisoproplymethylamin which is called 'speed' in the United States) I use a model advanced by Conrad and Schneider in Deviance and Medicalization (1980/1992) to delineate this process. And this process proceeded as follows: 1 definition: Philopon was abused by those whom the medical profession thought to be immoral, for example, novelists, dancers, standup-comedians, etc. 2 prospecting: Some members of the medical profession discovered the intoxication factors in philopon after the death of a famous standup-comedienne. After her death, many studies about philopon intoxication emerged suddenly. 3 claim-making: The Japan Medical Association claimed that philopon should be controlled by the medical profession, implying that all medicine should be under its control. The Osaka Medical Association claimed that, for reasons of the public health, philopon should be prohibited, implying that the medical profession should be one of the first agencies concerned with public health. Some psychiatrists claimed that the continual use of philopon is a social problem, implying that psychiatrists should have the authority to make judgments about public health. Police claimed that philopon is a cause of many other crimes, implying that they could better maintain the social order if philopon were prohibited. 4 legitimacy: The goverment regarded the problems of continual philopon use as medical problems, so it regulated the traffic of philopon. And the medical profession, especially psychiatrists, were supported by a movement for public health, especially mental health. 5 institutionalization: The law prohibiting philopon was based mostly upon medical intoxication designation after an assault case in Saitama Pref. 6 re-claim-making and re-institutionalization: After a case of assault against a child, the law was reformed to prohibit philopon use more strictly, and the mental health law was also reformed to keep users off the streets. I suggest through the analysis of this process that in Japan (1) the medical profession tends to speak about the area of morality, (2) the medical designation of deviance can set the stage for criminal designation, and (3) legitimacy is achieved in the governmental bureaucracy rather than in the courtrooms or legislatures.

著者

鶴田 幸恵

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.21-36,157, 2004

---

The past studies on passing practice have accounted for the interaction about ones appearance and recognition of it. But these studies started their argument from the point that one already has a "normal appearance," and did not account for how it is accomplished that one has a "normal appearance" in the viewers recognition. The aim of this article is to argue that such a way of accounting of past studies can not adequately account for passing practices of transgenders who intend to accomplish being a "normal natural female," using the transcript data from interviews of Male-to-Female transgenders, because accomplishing that appearance is the most important problem for them. For this, I focus on "viewing" as an action. First, I discuss the logic used in Goffmans Stigma and Garfinkels famous paper on "Agnes," who is transgender. Through this work, it is found that the person who is passing is categorized in two ways. One is "categorization at a glance" which is an immediate and spontaneous practice. The other is "categorization from inductive judgment," which is conscious judgment by clues in ones appearance. Second, it is found from data that the person who is passing refer to "categorization from inductive judgment" to accomplish being categorized as "normal" with "categorization at a glance." Third, it is only when the question for instance, "Is that person is male or female?" is relevant that "categorization from inductive judgment" usually arises. So, for transgenders, to be categorized with the way of "categorization from inductive judgment" is to fail passing. This means that accounting for achievement or failure in passing must distinguish two ways of categorization. Through that consideration, I conclude that being categorized as a "normal natural female" with the way of "categorization at a glance" is necessary for transgenders to pass as normal. That is, on the one hand, the first step to passing, and on the other hand, the endless practice for transgender people.

著者

奥村 芳和 藤田 道代

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, pp.109-123, 1975-12-31 (Released:2017-06-14)

著者

松谷 実のり

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.95-113, 2015-10

著者

マリオッティ マルチェッラ

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.19-35,147, 1999-10-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

---

Rather than focusing on adult, teenage or child anime, this paper analyses Soreike! Anpanman, a popular anime for toddlers (1-4 year olds) in Japan. Anpanman, with its prodigious gadgets market, has become a fixture in daily life. Childcare institutions and parents appreciate its "educational features". In this essay, I first analyze Anpanman as a text, defining its value system which earned it such positive acceptance. Second, I indicate what kind of discursive and non-discursive possibilities /limits are implied in its specific hierarchy of values, and how they can be related to the socializing process of infancy. The cartoon series depicts the eternal struggle between the hero Anpanman (Bean Bread-Kid) and the anti-hero Baikinman (Bacteria-Kid). Anpanman is the flying patrolman of the community's order (groupism, food-organic life, work) , while Baikinman is the aggressive threat to it (egoism, germ-mechanical life, leisure). The community, labelled as minna (everybody) and nakayoshi (amicable, chummy) , is the resource of legitimation/delegitimation and inclusion/exclusion of the characters' actions. In actuality, the specific personification of minna's ultimate authority is the only male human character, the always smiling old chef-baker Jamojisan (Uncle Jam). He is the father-creator of Anpanman, the patriarch who retains both the legislative authority and the executive power. I interpret the kid-characters Anpanman and Baikinman as "still unrealised human possibilities" - the positive one necessarily determined by the exclusion of the negative one - and the adult human character Jamojisan as the legitimated, but unilateral realization of these opposing possibilities. Such a value system can be read as a symbolical socializing process proposed to the infant viewer, and has a great similarity to the socializing process children undergo in childcare institutions. Furthermore, in regard to the more general and practical dimension of socialization, due to the limited autonomy of the infant viewer in the access, choice, and use of Anpanman-products, I also point out the necessary interrelation of infants, childcare institutions and parents: this will be the core of my future research.

著者

天野 武

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.2, pp.87-192, 2005-10-31 (Released:2016-03-23)

参考文献数

29

---

This article aims at examining the meaning of wrist-cutting as a ritualistic practice in contemporary society in which norms for the respect of the dignity of the person (un culte pour la dignite de la personne) are becoming more strict. Wrist-cutting, an example of self-injurious behavior, is the deliberate cutting of one's wrist without the intent to commit suicide. It is important that wrist-cutting is not a means to commit suicide but a means to live, in other words a means not to be through with others but to maintain a relationship with others. In spite of the sociality of wrist-cutting, it has not been sufficiently addressed in Sociology. When Sociologists have considered wrist-cutting, they have been concerned with it as a mechanism of "self-identification" and/or "self-presentation," which are problems of self-identity. In contrast, this article offers two alternative mechanisms, based upon the "personalization of the wrist." In these mechanisms, wrist-cutters regard their wrist as themselves or others and cut their own wrist with the aim of punishing themselves or others. In such punishment-oriented wrist-cutting, the relationship of "hurt/being hurt" between the self and the other is of the greatest importance. In this article, making use of data collected in interviews, "the mechanisms of the personalization of the wrist" are classified into the "self-punishment type" (when the wrist is regarded as the self) and the "other-punishment type" (when the wrist is regarded as the other), and these two types are examined from the perspective of interaction ritual. From this perspective, the meaning of "self-punishment" is interpreted as a means of punishing the cutter who has hurt others and is answering for his/her failure, while the meaning of "other-punishment" is interpreted as a means of sublimating anger for others who have hurt the cutters and as a means of controlling one's emotions.

著者

福間 良明

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.3, pp.121-130, 2015

著者

大野 哲也

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.73-90,198, 2008-10-31 (Released:2015-06-06)

参考文献数

23

被引用文献数

1

---

Many regions in contemporary Japan are struggling to achieve the revitalization of local communities, where depopulation is progressing day by day. Under these circumstances, those communities having a unique culture or nature have discovered the possibility of revitalization through registration as a World Heritage Site. In order to turn their own nature or culture into tourist resources, many such communities are trying to apply for World Heritage registration. The world “heritage” has another important meaning in Japanese society. The policy of the World Heritage Convention is “development through protection”, which is quite different from the policy of “either protection or development” which has been maintained by the Japanese administration. The fact that World Heritage sites became tourist attractions opened up the possibility for development while protecting, without destroying significant culture and nature. Even though Owase City in Mie Prefecture has been registered as a World Cultural Heritage site, there are some people who are still strongly opposed to the registration. Owase has “Yaki-yama”, one of the famous tourist panoramic viewpoints in “Kumano-kodo¯”, registered in 2004 as the World Heritage site “Kii-sanchi no reijo¯ to sankeido¯: Kumano-kodo¯” (Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes of the Kii Mountain Range). Why does Owase maintain its objection despite its problem of depopulation? Taking this question as a starting point, this paper introduces the logic of their protest, while exploring another possibility of local community revitalization based on the arguments accumulated in the field of sociology.

著者

小原 一馬

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.2, pp.3-118, 2011-10-31 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

16

---

Despite an abundance of application opportunities, for a long time Goffman’s sociology of play/games has practically been ignored in the studies of play theory. The aim of this paper is to give his sociology of play an appropriate position in the historical development of play theories. To this end, the following points are demonstrated: 1. What were the achievements and the problems of the play theories (of Huizinga, Caillois, and Bateson) before Goffman? 2. How did Goffman inherit the previous works’ achievements and solve their problems? 3. What kind of relationship did Goffman’s sociology of play have with Csikszentmihalyi’s flow theory, which had the greatest influence on the development of play theories after Goffman? While Caillois basically inherited Huizinga’s definitions of play he criticized Huizinga’s concept of play as being too wide, and his definitions of play are not appropriate for “play” as a whole but only to a part of it. Therefore, Caillois redefined “play” to the domain of culture, and also he classified “play” into four by two categories. Responding to Caillois’ criticism of Huizinga, Goffman developed Bateson’s frame theory, and he showed that the fun of play can be explained through a single, integrated one without any classification. This new frame theory by Goffman can be summarized as the playing field introducing various valuable things from the outside world into itself through its frame while blocking any irrelevant objects; it is important to balance the way of its reflection of the outside world in order to heighten participants’ concentration on its unique reality utilizing randomness and symbolic distance. This theory of Goffman’s is in a complementary relationship with Csikszentmihalyi’s flow theory, which also emphasizes concentration, and thus its integration will lead to a more complete theory.

著者

樋口 昌彦

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.73-88,158, 2001-10-31 (Released:2016-11-02)

被引用文献数

1

---

This paper intends to point out some characteristics of Goffman's social theory in his early texts. The texts analyzed here are:(A) "Communication Conduct in an Island Community", (PhD Dissertation, Universi ty of Chicago, 1953),(B) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (University of Edinburgh Social Sciences Research Centre, Monograph No.2, 1956) , and(C) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York, Doubleday Anchor, 1959). All of these early texts deal with our performances in everyday life. An analysis of these texts shows that there are three steps to the completion of the Goffman's dramaturgy. Firstly, the subject of 'seeing' in everyday life led to an idea of dramaturgy based on the fact that people are always seen (text (A) ). Secondly, Goffman constructed a model of dramaturgy containing such elements as 'performer', 'audience', and 'mutual monitoring' (text (B) ). Thirdly, he added a large number of various, rhetorically attractive episodes to reinforce his study (text (C) ). The most remarkable feature in the above steps lies in the third step. What does the addition of so many characteristic episodes after constructing the model mean? It implies that Goffman is not just presenting his theory of performances, but that he is performing it. The excellence of his theory is not only in the content of the study, but also in the way he presented it. Goffman studied the performances and performed his study. It enables us to comprehend our performances in everyday life to a great extent, and it is one of the chief characteristics of Goffman's social theory in his early texts.

著者

永田 大輔

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.41-58, 2017

---

<p>本稿は、オタク文化を社会学的に考察するために、OVA(オリジナル・ビデオ・アニメーション)の使用実践に着目する。中でも一九八〇年代のOVAの言説的な特徴を詳らかにするために、OVAが"第三のメディア"とアニメファンの間で呼ばれていたことに着目する。 言説を検討する際に、二つの構造的な条件が重要である。一つ目は一九八〇年代中盤のビデオの急速な普及であり、二つ目はアニメーター数が、作品数が増加し質の向上が求められる中で、増加していなかった点である。そうした条件を元に、OVAというメディアをめぐる言説を検討する。 まず第三のメディアの言葉の含意を考えるために、第一のメディア(テレビアニメ)と第二のメディア(劇場版アニメ)の移行関係に着目する。その移行は一九七〇年代後半頃に起こった。テレビアニメは子供むけのものとされてきたが、一九七〇年代後半に子供だけではないファンが発見される。ファンの存在を背景とし、アニメ制作者の側も作家性を発揮することを求めるようになる。しかし、当時のテレビアニメは作家性を発揮するには制約が多かった。そこで注目されるのが劇場版アニメであった。しかし、こうした移行の段階で「作家性の発揮」と「万人に受容されること」の競合関係が存在し、両者の議論の制約としてクリエーターの人数が存在した。 本稿では、OVAが上記の論点を引き継いで語られた媒体であることに着目する。その中で制作者人口が限られた中での「商業の論理」と「作品の論理」のせめぎあいを編集者・消費者・制作者がそれぞれどのように意味づけていくのかという点からその歴史を検討し、様々なアクターの論理のせめぎあいのダイナミズムの中での歴史性を検討する。</p>

著者

徳田 剛

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.3, pp.3-18,226, 2002-02-28 (Released:2016-11-02)

---

The idea of "social distance" is often used as a concept for the empirical research of social relations in American sociology. Georg Simmel, a German sociologist, adopted the idea of "distance" to describe one aspect of social interaction, that is, the discrepancy between spatial and "social" distance. Robert E. Park noticed its analytical importance and suggested the application of the idea to "the Race Relations Survey in Pacific Coast" (1923-). Emory S. Bogardus modified it far more, and invented "social distance scale" to measure the intimacy in racial relations, especially American citizens and Oriental immigrants. For Park and Bogardus, "social distance" had an important role in their research method because it compensated for the deficiencies in their main method, "life history". But they omitted some implications suggested in Simmel's motif. On the one hand, Park and Bogardus did not acknowledge the analytical importance of "spatial distance" in social relations. They paid much attention to the spatial "nearness", but could not find the meaning of spatial "remoteness" in social interaction. On the other, they treated the attitude of maintaining "social distance" too negatively. As Simmel and Goffman mentioned, the maintenance of "social distance", like etiquettes, is often indispensable in urban life. Park and his colleagues discovered the great efficiencies of "social distance" as a research method. However, they lost a chance to consider these aspects of social interaction because of their bias to "social distance".

著者

伊藤 公雄

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.1, pp.6-16,182, 1991-06-30 (Released:2017-02-15)

---

In the field of sociology, the problem of body has been nearly disregarded for a long time. But nowadays the bodies are going to draw more and more attention sociologically. From the medical sociology to the sociology of sexality, from the sociology of sports to the dramaturugical sociology.... , the human body is about to appear as an unavoidable sociological subjects. In this paper, I don't intend to construct a new paradigms of body sociology. I only try to make a sketch of body-theory tradition - from Descarte, Vico, Marx, Merleau-Ponty to Goffman, Foucault, Bourdieu and others. Doing so, I classify a great variety of body theories from the viewpoints of their subjects and their perspectives into a following figure.

著者

鶴田 幸恵

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.21-36,157, 2004

---

The past studies on passing practice have accounted for the interaction about ones appearance and recognition of it. But these studies started their argument from the point that one already has a "normal appearance," and did not account for how it is accomplished that one has a "normal appearance" in the viewers recognition. The aim of this article is to argue that such a way of accounting of past studies can not adequately account for passing practices of transgenders who intend to accomplish being a "normal natural female," using the transcript data from interviews of Male-to-Female transgenders, because accomplishing that appearance is the most important problem for them. For this, I focus on "viewing" as an action. First, I discuss the logic used in Goffmans Stigma and Garfinkels famous paper on "Agnes," who is transgender. Through this work, it is found that the person who is passing is categorized in two ways. One is "categorization at a glance" which is an immediate and spontaneous practice. The other is "categorization from inductive judgment," which is conscious judgment by clues in ones appearance. Second, it is found from data that the person who is passing refer to "categorization from inductive judgment" to accomplish being categorized as "normal" with "categorization at a glance." Third, it is only when the question for instance, "Is that person is male or female?" is relevant that "categorization from inductive judgment" usually arises. So, for transgenders, to be categorized with the way of "categorization from inductive judgment" is to fail passing. This means that accounting for achievement or failure in passing must distinguish two ways of categorization. Through that consideration, I conclude that being categorized as a "normal natural female" with the way of "categorization at a glance" is necessary for transgenders to pass as normal. That is, on the one hand, the first step to passing, and on the other hand, the endless practice for transgender people.

著者

有薗 真代

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.55-71,187, 2004

---

This paper reconsiders gender/sexuality theory by focusing on a transgendered individuals way of life. It is also an attempt to extend the sociology of life history by focusing on changes in her narrative. My task in this dissertation is to externalize their straggles with their own issues. For the purpose of analyzing changes in narrative, I introduced the approach of Narrative therapy. Narrative therapy assumes that when people tell their own stories certain events are untold and recognized, or intentionally left out. A persons subjective narrative is told as if it were the definitive story of what has happened. This is the method of Narrative therapy. Subverting the dominant narrative of personal experience will create alternative stories that have been left out in repeated retellings, locate the multi-dimentional nature of the individuals own stories, and respond to their complexity. Furthermore, attention to power in narrative therapy will show what kind of power is at work when such stories are formed. By analyzing the individuals narrative in this fashion, I describe the creative process of techniques for overcoming the difficulty and pain that exist in a minoritys everyday life.

著者

秦 政春 内藤 朝雄

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.121-128, 2004-10-31 (Released:2016-05-25)

著者

大石 真澄

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.57-74, 2015-10

著者

野上 元 山本 昭宏

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.162-170, 2013-06-30 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

3

著者

有本 尚央

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.21-39,181, 2012-06-30 (Released:2015-05-13)

参考文献数

21

被引用文献数

2

---

This article clarifies the “Figuration” (Elias 1969) of Kishiwada Danjiri Festival, focusing on its management by tracking competition within and around the organization, and the members’ career path in this festival. Kishiwada Danjiri Festival is one of the most famous float festivals in Japan, known for the danger inherent in its performance. Running in rhythm to the music of bells, flutes and drums, hundreds of people pull the 3 to 4 ton floats (named danjiri) as fast as possible. The highlight of the festival is called Yarimawashi, when a float turns a corner without slowing down. To achieve the perfect Yarimawashi, the members are required to have strong ties of solidarity and high-quality techniques. The festival’s organization consists of two groups, one whose members pull the floats, and another which controls the whole festival. The former is called cho-nai, and it recruits members from neighboring districts to perform Yarimawashi; the latter is called nen-ban, selecting and associating members from the cho-nai organizations to run the festival. Observing these two organizations, we see that the cho-nai organization is structured vertically based on seniority, while the nen-ban organization has a horizontal structure based on the members’ careers. In this article, we analyze every aspect of competition between organizations, groups and individuals. Since the festival is run by two organizations, a unique and original career path is created, which develops “festival-elites”. These elites alternate, and gain experience in both organizations to develop a network and skills by competing with others, in order to obtain “capital” to become the future leaders of the festival. In addition, we show that the mechanism of this festival has a nested structure, in which competition and solidarity coexist. This article points out the figuration of the festival as a complex and dynamic cultural event.

著者

井上 俊

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.4, pp.77-99, 1966-06-30 (Released:2017-12-28)