著者
工藤 伸一 石田 淳一 吉本 恵子 水野 正一 大島 澄男 古田 裕繁 笠置 文善
出版者
日本保健物理学会
雑誌
保健物理 (ISSN:03676110)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.1, pp.12-18, 2016 (Released:2016-07-06)
参考文献数
16
被引用文献数
7

Radiation Effects Association has carried out radiation epidemiological study for nuclear industry workers during 1990-2010. We assembled a cohort of 204,103 workers. The average cumulative dose was 13.8 mSv (median 1.0 mSv, interquartile range (IQR) 0.0-10.7 mSv) and the average follow-up period was 14.2 year. The present report has not concluded that low-dose radiation increases cancer mortality based on the follow-up data through 2010. One reason is that analyses among 75,442 respondents― the average cumulative dose was 25.8 mSv (median 6.3 mSv, IQR 0.2-28.0 mSv) and the average follow-up period was 8.3 year―to the lifestyle surveys revealed the decrease of the ERR after adjusting for smoking habits or educational year, suggesting that confounder has a large effect on the association between radiation exposure and mortalities in the cohort. Another reason is that in analyses on all cohort members, no significant ERR was observed in all death, and leukemia excluding chronic lymphoid leukemia. Significant ERR was seen in all cancers excluding leukemia, but this significance of the ERR might be affected by confounder such as smoking, because the significance of the ERR in all cancers excluding leukemia originates in the significance of the ERR in lung cancer.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
日本社会学会
雑誌
社会学評論 (ISSN:00215414)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.182-200, 2016 (Released:2017-09-30)
参考文献数
37
被引用文献数
3

本論は, 「ブール代数分析による社会的カテゴリー分析」の枠組みを用いて, 2013年に実施されたインターネット調査により, 人びとのナショナル・アイデンティティを「日本人の条件」として把握し, その様態と社会的属性との関連を分析することを目的とする. 具体的には, 国籍・在住・血統・言語の4条件の組み合わせによる16パターンのプロフィールを回答者に提示し, 「日本人」だと思うか否かの2値評価を求め, 関連する意識や属性・社会経済的地位などの要因との関連を探った.分析の結果, 以下のことが明らかになった. まず, 回答者のイメージを統合した統合イメージについて分析した結果, 基本的に血統を必要条件とする条件組み合わせで構成されていた. 次に, 背後にある意識が日本人判断にどのように関連しているかを分析した結果, 国に対する誇りの高さは「血による包含」と, 排外主義は「血による排除」と, 同化主義は「文化による排除」と強く結びついていることが分かった. 最後に, 血統もしくは国籍に寛容的な日本人条件イメージが, 回答者の属性や社会経済的地位, 社会的経験とどのように関連しているのかを探った. その結果, 地域社会における外国人との接触経験や, 年齢の若さや学歴の高さといった外国人への寛容性と関連する属性・地位要因が, 異質性に寛容的な国籍拡張型のイメージの可能性を高め, 同質性に寛容的な血統主義的なイメージ拡張の可能性を低めることが確認された.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_152-165, 2012-03-25 (Released:2012-06-15)
参考文献数
50

As Stanley Hoffmann has convinced us in his 1977 article, it was in the United States in the wake of the Second World War that the study of international relations, IR as is now called, was established as an independent academic discipline. This article explains in what sense it has been an American social science and explores whether it still offers a useful analytical tool with which to better understand the multifaceted political reality of today's international relations.This article first goes back to the origins of IR and reviews its main features in the foundational work of Hans Morgenthau. His work stressed that perception matters in power politics among nations in that the outcome of diplomacy depends upon the perceived persuasiveness of threats and promises. In addition, it devoted attention to the relations between politics and law to explain how the status quo in international order had been maintained and challenged.And then this article examines the way in which IR has been Americanized since his time. In a nutshell, first, the influence of Thomas Schelling's work in the 1960s was profound and far-reaching in the entire field of IR. The intellectual hegemony of rationalism (or the analytical methods of rational choice) in the 1980s meant that the mainstream IR came to pay less and less attention to actors' perception and law. And second, it was totally ironical that the discipline of IR has recently retrieved the sociological discussion on perception, law, and norm, which it intentionally deleted in the process of importing rationalism from economics.This article concludes by emphasizing that the discipline of Americanized IR should expand its horizons: the study of diplomacy should be broadened to cover not only coercion for the purpose of either deterring a challenger from altering the status quo or compelling it to restore the status quo, but also reassurance for the purpose of achieving peaceful change; and the study of international order should highlight the way in which international and domestic orders have co-evolved in history.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
日本社会学会
雑誌
社会学評論 (ISSN:00215414)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.90-99, 2010-06-30 (Released:2012-03-01)
参考文献数
49
被引用文献数
3
著者
石田 淳
出版者
新潟国際情報大学国際学部
雑誌
新潟国際情報大学 国際学部 紀要 = NUIS Journal of International Studies (ISSN:21895864)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.101-107, 2020-04-01

国際政治学分野に教科書は数多あれどもリーディングスは滅多に見かけない。なぜなら、そもそも論争らしき論争がないからである。そしてこの論争の不在は、専門領域ごとの研究者の棲み分けに由来する。この状況は研究の持続的発展を触発するものではない。とは言え、論争がなかった訳ではない。ただし、その意味が正確に理解されなければ、学知の蓄積はない。その論争とは、冷戦期日本の防衛姿勢の「意図せざる結果」をめぐる議論である。高坂正堯の「現実主義者の平和論」は、坂本義和の「中立日本の防衛構想」を、西太平洋におけるアメリカを基軸としたハブ・アンド・スポークスの同盟構造に起因する《同盟のディレンマ》を直視するものではないため、所期の安全保障効果をもたないと評価した。しかし坂本は、同時代のシェリングのコミットメント論を意識しつつ、《安全保障のディレンマ》を直視しない防衛構想は、所期の安全保障効果をもたないと論じていたのである。
著者
石田 淳一 子安 増生
出版者
一般社団法人 日本科学教育学会
雑誌
科学教育研究 (ISSN:03864553)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.12, no.1, pp.14-21, 1988-03-10 (Released:2017-06-30)

642 children of grade 1 and 2 were given eight types of word arithmetic problems to test their understanding of semantic structure of addition and subtraction from two points of view: (1) choosing operations required to solve word arithmetic problems, and (2) making up word arithmetic problems to fit given calculations. The types of addition problems were join, combine, compare (compared quality unknown), and those of subtraction problems were separate, combine, compare (difference unknown), compare (compared quality unknown), join missing addend. The main findings are as follows. (a) Semantic structure has a profound effect upon the relative difficulty of word arithmetic problems. (b) Considering the childrens' performance from the two points mentioned above, especially, compare (compared quality unknown) [addition], combine [subtraction], and join missing addend problems are more difficult than others. (c) It is more difficult for children to make up word arithmetic problems to fit given calculations than to solve ordinary word arithmetic problems.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.3-19,100, 2007

In this article, I would like to propose a new perspective in studies of the cognitive process of social categories, and then analyze the cognition of one particular social category, "Japanese," by applying that perspective. Social categories are socially constructed cognitive frameworks for identifying others (including observers themselves) and classifying them into social groups. Social categories are, as it were, "ethno methods" in the sense that we implicitly share them and use them to identify others in everyday life. However, there has been little use of rigorous analytical methods for understanding social categories. The cognitive process of social categories can be regarded as the process of reduction of information as to others. In this article, I will suggest that the cognitive process of social categories can be well described by Boolean analysis as the process of reduction of information. I will analyze the difference and distribution among people of the cognition of a social category, "Japanese." Of course, there is a legal definition of Japanese, that is, Japanese are people having Japanese nationality. However, there seems to be a gray zone in distinguishing between Japanese and non-Japanese at the cognitive level in everyday life. For example, are naturalized immigrants regarded as Japanese? How about non Japanese speakers? The question then becomes: what kind of person has what kind of definition of "Japanese," that is, cognition of "Japanese"? To answer this question, I will use Boolean analysis to analyze a data set taken from an exploratory survey of images of "Japanese."
著者
石田 淳
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_152-165, 2012

As Stanley Hoffmann has convinced us in his 1977 article, it was in the United States in the wake of the Second World War that the study of international relations, IR as is now called, was established as an independent academic discipline. This article explains in what sense it has been an <i>American</i> social science and explores whether it still offers a useful analytical tool with which to better understand the multifaceted political reality of today's international relations.<br>This article first goes back to the origins of IR and reviews its main features in the foundational work of Hans Morgenthau. His work stressed that perception matters in power politics among nations in that the outcome of diplomacy depends upon the perceived persuasiveness of threats and promises. In addition, it devoted attention to the relations between politics and law to explain how the status quo in international order had been maintained and challenged.<br>And then this article examines the way in which IR has been Americanized since his time. In a nutshell, first, the influence of Thomas Schelling's work in the 1960s was profound and far-reaching in the entire field of IR. The intellectual hegemony of rationalism (or the analytical methods of rational choice) in the 1980s meant that the mainstream IR came to pay less and less attention to actors' perception and law. And second, it was totally ironical that the discipline of IR has recently retrieved the sociological discussion on perception, law, and norm, which it intentionally deleted in the process of importing rationalism from economics.<br>This article concludes by emphasizing that the discipline of Americanized IR should expand its horizons: the study of diplomacy should be broadened to cover not only <i>coercion</i> for the purpose of either deterring a challenger from altering the status quo or compelling it to restore the status quo, but also <i>reassurance</i> for the purpose of achieving peaceful change; and the study of international order should highlight the way in which international and domestic orders have co-evolved in history.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
日本社会学会
雑誌
社会学評論
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.182-200, 2016
被引用文献数
3

<p>本論は, 「ブール代数分析による社会的カテゴリー分析」の枠組みを用いて, 2013年に実施されたインターネット調査により, 人びとのナショナル・アイデンティティを「日本人の条件」として把握し, その様態と社会的属性との関連を分析することを目的とする. 具体的には, 国籍・在住・血統・言語の4条件の組み合わせによる16パターンのプロフィールを回答者に提示し, 「日本人」だと思うか否かの2値評価を求め, 関連する意識や属性・社会経済的地位などの要因との関連を探った.</p><p>分析の結果, 以下のことが明らかになった. まず, 回答者のイメージを統合した統合イメージについて分析した結果, 基本的に血統を必要条件とする条件組み合わせで構成されていた. 次に, 背後にある意識が日本人判断にどのように関連しているかを分析した結果, 国に対する誇りの高さは「血による包含」と, 排外主義は「血による排除」と, 同化主義は「文化による排除」と強く結びついていることが分かった. 最後に, 血統もしくは国籍に寛容的な日本人条件イメージが, 回答者の属性や社会経済的地位, 社会的経験とどのように関連しているのかを探った. その結果, 地域社会における外国人との接触経験や, 年齢の若さや学歴の高さといった外国人への寛容性と関連する属性・地位要因が, 異質性に寛容的な国籍拡張型のイメージの可能性を高め, 同質性に寛容的な血統主義的なイメージ拡張の可能性を低めることが確認された.</p>
著者
仲 修平 / 前田 豊 / 石田 淳
雑誌
大阪経大論集 (ISSN:04747909)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.3, pp.139-157, 2013-09-15

本稿の目的は、人びとの「勝ち組・負け組」意識が従業上の地位、世帯所得や婚姻形態とどのように関連しているのかをインターネット調査データの分析を通して明らかにすることである。分析の結果、「勝ち組・負け組」意識は、未婚・離死別であるか既婚であるかという婚姻形態と強く結びついていつことが示された。また、「勝ち組」意識を持つうえで重要だと考えられてきた正規雇用の地位には、強い影響力はみられなかった。しかし、婚姻形態と従業上の地位との交互作用の分析では、未婚・離死別の場合は正規雇用に比べて無職、あるいは非正規雇用であることによって「負け組」意識を持ちやすい一方で、既婚の場合は逆に「勝ち組」意識を持ちやすい傾向であることがわかった。さらに、世帯所得との交互作用においても既婚の場合、世帯所得の増加によって「勝ち組」意識を持ちやすい顕著な傾向が示された。従業上の地位や世帯所得という「地位達成」変数の「勝ち組・負け組」意識に対する効果は、婚姻形態という「ライフスタイル」の地位によって異なることがあきらかになった。
著者
石田 淳
出版者
数理社会学会
雑誌
理論と方法 (ISSN:09131442)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.1, pp.81-97, 2014 (Released:2016-07-10)
参考文献数
17

本研究では,Yitzhakiの相対的剥奪指数をもとに,分配的正義論における「機会平等の原則」に基づき,人々の剥奪を「剥奪を生じさせる要因が機会の不平等によるものかどうか」によって分けることで,相対的剥奪指数,そしてジニ係数を分解するという分析手法を提案する.具体的には,機会平等の原則に基づき,機会の平等を実現する政策について数理的なモデルを提案したRoemerのモデル,そしてRoemerのモデルに基づき,経験的データに基づき性別や親の地位などの「本人のコントロールが及ばない要因」によって生じた所得などの優位の差を仮想的に調整した社会の不平等度を測る「仮想的機会調整分析」,これらの先行研究をもとに,機会不平等に起因する相対的剥奪の分解法とその指数を定式化する.同時に,アメリカ・コミュニティ調査データと2005年SSM調査データを用いた分析例を示し,最後に分解法の特性と今後の課題をまとめる.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1998, no.117, pp.49-65,L8, 1998-03-25 (Released:2010-09-01)
参考文献数
40

Realists regard the anarchic structure of international relations as exogenous constraints on the foreign policy decisions of sovereign states. They do not explain but assume anarchy. They explain, instead, that the absence of centralized authority, which enforces international agreements, hinders the efficient solution of political conflicts among states, as in a Prisoner's Dilemma game. But why is this anarchy as an inefficient institution sustained by rational actors? Why don't the rational states attempt to establish international institutions that would facilitate the centralized making and enforcement of international agreements?They do not do so because the centralized making of agreements would fail to serve their common interest for the following four reasons even if the centralized enforcement would serve their common interest. First, the decentralized control of information by sovereign states can be a bargaining advantage. Second, even if states comply with agreements without centralized enforcement, as in the case of policy coordination, they often have divergent preferences over which policy to choose as a common policy. Third, it is extremely difficult to establish a centralized authority which clearly defines property rights beyond national borders even if the clear definition of property rights could improve the efficiency of decentralized bargaining over the regulation of economic activities with international externalities, as Ronald Coase argues. It is because the international definition of property rights is expected to generate serious distributional consequences. Fourth, developed and developing countries have divergent interests in agreements that would have redistributional effects among them.
著者
工藤 伸一 石田 淳一 吉本 恵子 古田 裕繁 笠置 文善
出版者
日本保健物理学会
雑誌
保健物理 (ISSN:03676110)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.4, pp.265-274, 2017 (Released:2018-02-24)
参考文献数
33
被引用文献数
1

Although many radiation epidemiological studies have been carried out, there is still uncertainty about the health effects of low dose and low dose-rate radiation in humans. One reason for this uncertainty is that the risk of radiation itself may be too small to detect. Another possible reason is that the main components of cohorts or statistical method vary in each study. Comparing the Excess Relative Risks (ERRs) with other studies is often one approach; however, few studies have denoted the validity of comparing ERRs. To verify the differences in study methods, we summarized them and the results of radiation epidemiological studies to date. Some of these studies targeted high background residents or patients who received CT scans. In the present work, we focused on cohort studies among nuclear industry workers because they assured more accurate dose measurements and had no possibility of reverse causation (i.e., patients who received CT scans had worse health conditions, which prompted the need for the scans). In addition, we limited the studies to those that summarize derived excess relative risks of mortality based on a linear model.
著者
石田 淳
出版者
社会学研究会
雑誌
ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.52, no.1, pp.3-19,100, 2007-05-31 (Released:2016-03-23)
参考文献数
23
被引用文献数
2

In this article, I would like to propose a new perspective in studies of the cognitive process of social categories, and then analyze the cognition of one particular social category, "Japanese," by applying that perspective. Social categories are socially constructed cognitive frameworks for identifying others (including observers themselves) and classifying them into social groups. Social categories are, as it were, "ethno methods" in the sense that we implicitly share them and use them to identify others in everyday life. However, there has been little use of rigorous analytical methods for understanding social categories. The cognitive process of social categories can be regarded as the process of reduction of information as to others. In this article, I will suggest that the cognitive process of social categories can be well described by Boolean analysis as the process of reduction of information. I will analyze the difference and distribution among people of the cognition of a social category, "Japanese." Of course, there is a legal definition of Japanese, that is, Japanese are people having Japanese nationality. However, there seems to be a gray zone in distinguishing between Japanese and non-Japanese at the cognitive level in everyday life. For example, are naturalized immigrants regarded as Japanese? How about non Japanese speakers? The question then becomes: what kind of person has what kind of definition of "Japanese," that is, cognition of "Japanese"? To answer this question, I will use Boolean analysis to analyze a data set taken from an exploratory survey of images of "Japanese."
著者
石田 淳
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.1, pp.1_113-1_132, 2011 (Released:2016-02-24)
参考文献数
47

The UN General Assembly's “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples” in 1960 rejected the imposed international standard of domestic governance. But the recent wave of responsibility to protect and transitional justice (including the establishment of International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and International Criminal Court) resurrected the practice which the international society of sovereign states abandoned half a century ago. A variety of atrocities are now considered to be crimes of international concern so that the state, in which they take place, is held responsible to protect their victims and prosecute their perpetrators while the international society is prepared to intervene if it fails to do so.   Realists would argue that this combination of protection of the weak and prosecution of the strong deprive the latter of their incentives to make political compromises at the table of international or domestic bargaining, and as a result impede “negotiated settlement” and “negotiated transition.” The primary purpose of this article is to examine and question the validity of this realist claim.