著者
芝井 清久
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2015, no.180, pp.180_98-180_110, 2015-03-30 (Released:2016-05-12)
参考文献数
42

This article explores the mutual interaction of nuclear nonproliferation negotiations in Europe and nuclear nonproliferation negotiations in East Asia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Previous studies separately surveyed European nuclear proliferation and East Asian nuclear proliferation. These studies,however, focusing on one specific area respectively cannot completely answer the question as to why the Soviet Union and the United States changed their nuclear policies as well as to why the results of the nuclear nonproliferation negotiations in Europe and East Asia became symmetric. This is because there is a clear fact that the Soviet Union supported Chinese nuclear development and the United States planned NATO nuclear sharing and the MLF, which partly allowed West Germany to “possess” nuclear weapons at first. In order to answer these questions adequately, I treat both areas’ nonproliferation negotiations as a series of negotiation and show a new hypothesis that the Chinese nuclear issue was dealt promptly to settle the West German nuclear issues. The Soviet Union, which greatly feared that West Germany would acquire nuclear weapons, indicated that it would discourage Chinese nuclear development in return for the United States to do the same regarding West Germany’s nuclear policy. The Soviet Union promoted building trust with the United States and succeeded with the result of West Germany ratifying the PTBT and the NPT. In contrast to Europe, East Asia failed in achieving nuclear nonproliferation. What are the causes of such a symmetric outcome? West Germany and China both needed nuclear deterrence for their national security, especially against threat from the Soviet Union and/or United States. The United States offered West Germany security assurance and kept mutual confidence, but the Soviet Union unilaterally demanded that China abandoned its nuclear development in order to promote nuclear nonproliferation negotitations with the United States without any compensation. This act resulted in losing China’s trust because the Soviet Union’s top priority was to stop West Germany, and thus treated China’s nuclear issues as one of the means to achieve this goal. Does settling West Germany’s nuclear issue in the form of mutual cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union indicate that their negotiations were excellent? If we turn our eyes towards the correlation between European negotiations and East Asian negotiations, we can understand that they are not necessarily superior negotiations like non-cooperative games which all countries gain profit, but rather,unequal negotiations that the cost for the agreement in Europe was passed to negotiations in East Asia, and the European negotiation became one of the causes of the failure of nonproliferation in East Asia.
著者
臼井 陽一郞
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2015, no.182, pp.182_16-182_29, 2015-11-05 (Released:2016-08-04)
参考文献数
37

The paper revisits multi-level governance (hereinafter: MLG) in the EU in both theoretical and empirical terms. For theoretical reconsiderations, it examines some reasons why MLG has been so attractive to many scholars working on EU politics during almost the past quarter century. Two points are noted:first, MLG studies posit that the transformation of a national sovereignty has emerged in the EU; second, we have found the so-called “a governance turn” in EU studies around the year 2000, which leads our concerns to investigate the EU day-to-day institutional practices. These MLG studies have drawn our attention to the following relative transformations of power: from a state to a societal organization; from a central government to a local/regional government; and from a national government to an international organization. The paper argues that this type of a polity image, in which a national sovereignty has been transformed, is hard to be found in EU’s political practices of MLG.For its empirical survey, the paper analyses the conceptualization of MLG in the EU, drawing on the 2014 Multi-level Governance Charter of the Committee of the Regions and the 2014 Conclusions of the Council of Ministers on Macro-Region Strategies, and then investigates two typical multi-level governance practices of cross-border cooperations: the Macro-Region Strategies (MRS) and the European Neighbourhood Policy Cross-Border Cooperation (ENP CBC). From these examinations of policy documents, the paper suggests an over-interpretation of multi-level governance studies that regards the EU as a multi-level polity. What has been found in the EU is not a legally established multi-level institutional complex, but just only a political slogan that tries to instigates voluntally cooperative practices among various levels of governments.On the basis of these theoretical and empirical considerations, the paper finally pays attention to two critical viewpoints of preceding studies against MLG. The first points out that MLG damages European democracy in terms of both representativeness and accountability; and the second suggests that MLG studies posit a political harmony in horizontal and vertical governmental interrelations and thus underestimates power politics in which an ideology, such as neo-liberalism, becomes prevalent.In concluding remarks, the paper suggests one notable point in MLG, which is an opening of a political field for mutual learning of practitioners going beyond national borders. This multi-level practices are exactly what Ian Manners suggests as a source of normative power Europe in his paper of 2002. What we need to see in MLG is not institutional complexes for vertical and horizontal intergovernmental relations, but a sustainable training system for learning a partnership among practioners trying to make European policies.
著者
清水 真弓 岡村 和俊 吉浦 一紀 神田 重信
出版者
特定非営利活動法人 日本歯科放射線学会
雑誌
歯科放射線 (ISSN:03899705)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.49-52, 2004-03-30 (Released:2011-09-05)
参考文献数
19

シェーグレン症候群の超音波像では「内部エコーの不均一化」が重要である。そのうち, 「multiple hypoechoic areas」ならびに「hyperechoic lines or spots」を診断基準に採用すると高い正診率が得られ, さらに, 耳下腺に顎下腺の所見を加えると感度ならびに正診率の向上が認められた。これらの結果をふまえ, より広く受け入れられる診断基準の確立がのぞまれる。

1 0 0 0 IR 光と闇の邂逅

著者
大塚 智嗣
出版者
広島市立大学芸術学部
雑誌
広島市立大学芸術学部紀要
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, 2006-03

「[溜]Ⅱ 存在する闇 内包する光 より」
著者
Yasuhiro Ito Akira Miyauchi Mitsuyoshi Hirokawa Masatoshi Yamamoto Hitomi Oda Hiroo Masuoka Hisanori Sasai Mitsuhiro Fukushima Takuya Higashiyama Minoru Kihara Akihiro Miya
出版者
The Japan Endocrine Society
雑誌
Endocrine Journal (ISSN:09188959)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.EJ17-0524, (Released:2018-04-04)
被引用文献数
9

Follicular thyroid carcinoma (FTC), a form of differentiated thyroid carcinoma, is the second most common malignancy arising from thyroid follicular cells. Recently, the tumor-node-metastasis (TNM) classification for differentiated thyroid carcinoma was revised from the 7th to the 8th edition. The diagnostic criteria for poorly differentiated carcinoma (PDC) were also updated in the latest World Health Organization (WHO) classification. In this study, we investigated whether these changes are appropriate for accurately predicting prognosis. Three hundred and twenty-nine patients diagnosed with postoperative pathologically confirmed FTC, who underwent initial surgery at our hospital between 1984 and 2004, were enrolled. For this study, patients were re-evaluated and diagnosed with FTC (N = 285) or PDC (N = 44) without typical nuclear findings of papillary thyroid carcinoma. For FTC, the 8th TNM classification was a more accurate predictor of prognosis than the 7th TNM classification. In the 8th TNM classification, cause-specific survival became significantly poorer from Stage I to IVB. The cause-specific survival of PDC based on the latest WHO classification was worse than, but did not significantly differ from, that of PDC based only on the former WHO classification. For PDC, neither of the TNM classifications could accurately predict prognosis. Taken together, we conclude that (1) the 8th TNM classification more accurately reflects the prognosis of FTC than the 7th TNM classification; (2) PDC based on the former WHO classification should be retained, at least in Japan; and (3) the TNM classification may not be suitable for predicting the prognosis of PDC.
著者
田中 昭夫
出版者
日本物理教育学会
雑誌
物理教育
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, no.4, pp.185-188, 1983

力学実験で,物体の運動の解析に用いられる打点式記録タイマーは,次のような難点をもっている.すなわち,打点にばらつきがある.テープとタイマー間の摩擦が無視できない,さらに直流式のものは,電源電圧によって打点周期が異なる.使用中に調整すると特性が変わる等である.そこで,16mmネガティブ白黒フィルムと光検出器を利用してメモリータイマーを試作した.すなわち16mmフィルムに透明線を入れて真黒に現像処理したものをテープとし,これを光検出器に通してパルスを発生させる.このパルスをメモリー付デジタルストップウォッチ又はメモリー付デジタル周波数計で計測すると,物体のいろいろな運動を解析できるメモリータイマーになる.実験の結果,メモリータイマーは,打点式記録タイマーのもっている難点を補い.しかも,測定精度が高く,取扱いも簡単であることが分かった.
出版者
時事通信社
雑誌
内外教育
巻号頁・発行日
no.6516, pp.16-19, 2016-07-19
著者
神谷 拓
出版者
学事出版
雑誌
月刊高校教育
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.10, pp.30-33, 2016-09
著者
関 朋昭
出版者
一般社団法人 日本体育学会
雑誌
日本体育学会大会予稿集
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, pp.163_3-163_3, 2017

<p> これまでわが国では、学校はスポーツを利用し、スポーツは学校を利用してきた。その結果両者の絆は、学校教育そしてスポーツ振興へ多大な貢献をもたらした。しかし、スポーツを利用してきた学校において、教員の労働時間が諸外国の中でも顕著に長くなり、特に部活動に多くの時間が割かれていることが明らかになってきた。そのため部活動はブラック部活と揶揄され、教員負担が加重となっている。つまり部活動は、教員の労働意欲を削ぐ教育活動として問題視されている。しかしながら一方で、放課後や休日の拘束時間が長くなるにも関わらず、部活動へ積極的に参画し、自己の動機を満足させている教員がいることも事実である。この大きな違いを明らかにしたい。部活動は学校内で組織される以上、程度の差こそあれ教員負担を必ず強いる。教員負担は組織が補填しなければならない。一般的に組織は、個人の動機を満足させうるときのみ、個人は組織へ貢献や努力を提供する。経営学という学問は人間から出発して初めて真の問題に出合うことができる。教員負担を考えるとき、教員という人間への眼差しから問題を追究していくことは決して些末なことではなく、むしろ重要なことである。</p>