著者
仁田 太一
出版者
関西大学
雑誌
法学ジャーナル (ISSN:02868350)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, pp.465-494, 2016-03-20
著者
大嶋 えり子
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2016, no.184, pp.184_103-184_116, 2016

<p>Recognising memories of past perpetrations or not is often an issue connected with responsibility and reconciliation between victims and perpetrators. This has been for a long time an issue vexing French authorities.</p><p>In the 1990's, French government and parliament began to recognise memories related to the colonisation and the independence war of Algeria. Although French authorities had kept silent on those dark events to which many fell victim on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea, they started to recognise memories related to Algeria by erecting memorials, opening museums and making laws.</p><p>This article aims at elucidating why the French parliament made laws recognising memories related to Algeria. Making memory-related laws, called "memory laws (lois mémorielles)", is a particular way to France to recognise certain perceptions of the past, and is different from other memory recognitions as it has a binding force.</p><p>I thus considered two laws, made in respectively 1999 and 2005. The law passed in 1999, that I will call the "Algerian war law", replaces the term "the operations in North Africa" with "the Algerian war or the battles in Tunisia and Morocco" in the French legislative lexicon. It officially recognises that the conflict in Algeria from 1954 to 1962 was a war, whereas it has been long reckoned to be a domestic operation aiming at maintaining order. The law enacted in 2005, that I will call the "repatriate law", pays homage to former French settlers in Algeria for their achievements and emphasises the "positive role of the French presence abroad".</p><p>This study shows that those two laws were made in order to reinforce national cohesion among French people, instead of fostering dialogue between Algerians and French. By examining the wording and the law making processes of the two acts in question, especially the debates conducted at the National Assembly, it sheds light on how French elected representatives tried not to acknowledge France's responsibility for the damages caused during the colonisation and the independence war and how they attached little importance to reconciliation with Algeria. Both laws indeed do not contain memories of Algerian people harmed under French rule, except some parts of the memory of Harkis, who fought with the French army during the war.</p><p>The recognition of memories by official authorities of former perpetrators has significant repercussions and can encourage reconciliation between antagonists. It however tends to avert eyes from victims'memories in France when the past related to Algeria is in question. Issues connected with memory do not only concern relations between France and Algeria, but also involve the larger question of how to remember perpetrations caused by discriminatory policies and how to overcome them to accede to reconciliation between victims and perpetrators.</p>
著者
土倉 莞爾
出版者
關西大學法學會
雑誌
関西大学法学論集 (ISSN:0437648X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.4, pp.787-830, 2016-11

【論説】Articles
著者
佐藤 清隆
出版者
明治大学人文科学研究所
雑誌
明治大学人文科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:05433894)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.79, pp.53-88, 2016-03-31

本稿は,「イギリスの多民族・多宗教統合と《共生》の問題」を歴史的に考察しようとする研究プロジェクトの一環として,筆者がこれまで進めてきた多民族・多宗教都市レスターの南アジア系,ブラック系移民研究に続き,ホワイト系移民,なかでもとりわけアイルランド系移民の「ライフ・ストーリー」の紹介を通して,彼らの歴史や文化を明らかにし,そこから戦後レスターにおける「好評判」の歴史を再考する足掛かりを得ようとするものである。筆者は,2001年以来,イギリスにおける代表的な多民族・多宗教都市の一つであるレスターに足を運びながら,フィールドワークを続けてきている。2001年時点で全人口約28万を数えるレスターには,数多くの南アジア系,ブラック系,ホワイト系移民が居住し,その年の国勢調査ではホワイトを除くエスニック・マイノリティが101,182人で,全体の36.1%も占めるに至っている。