著者
都丸 潤子
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2000, no.124, pp.209-226,L20, 2000

This paper examines how and why the rapprochement of Malaya and Japan after WWII occurred relatively swiftly, despite the legacies of Japan's wartime occupation. The rapprochement began in trade, and developed through Japanese participation in Malayan iron mining and Japan's accession to international organizations such as ECAFE, Colombo Plan and the GATT. It eventually reached the establishment of bilateral diplomatic relations following Malayan decolonization. Most of the existing literature on postwar Japan's relations with South-East Asia focuses on the American cold war strategy to keep Japan anti-communist. By looking at Malaya that had been under the British imperial control until the end of the 1950s, this paper attempts to shed a new light on the role of Britain and her Asian policy in facilitating the Japanese return to South-East Asia.<br>Though having helped the early resumption of Malayo-Japanese trade, the British, especially the Board of Trade officials and Lancashire industrialists, came to oppose the rapprochement in almost every form, out of fear of Japanese competition in their South-East Asian stronghold. However, by the autumn of 1954, their opposition was gradually overcome by recognition that Britain was unable to assist Malayan development entirely on its own, with her tight manpower and finances stretched worldwide. The British authorities also recognised the urgency of Malayan development as a part of their programme of smooth decolonization which would preserve as much British influence as possible. Here, the British officials in Malaya and Japan played an important role in persuading their metropolitan colleagues to admit Japan's participation in Malayan development to shoulder British imperial obligations.<br>Meanwhile, Japanese premiers such as Yoshida Shigeru and Kishi Nobusuke saw closer relations with Malaya as one means of breaking free from the deference to the United States in economic reconstruction and regional foreign policies which dated from the Allied Occupation. They also wanted Japan to be welcomed back to international society by the Asians without being seen as an American pawn. They thus embarked on a new South-East Asian policy in closer cooperation with Britain.<br>The Malayan leaders, gaining authority as decolonization proceeded, saw Japan as a new Asian partner and model in their efforts to secure complete independence from Britain. Especially, the Federation of Malaya's first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, and Kishi played important roles in completing bilateral diplomatic rapprochement by 1961. However, not all outstanding issues between Malaya and Japan were settled in the rapprochement process as the so-called &lsquo;blood debt&rsquo; issue arising from Japan's wartime occupation reveals thereafter. The continuity in prewar and, postwar Japanese involvement in Malaya in terms of personnel and their interests also seemed to leave Malayans suspicious about Japanese intentions.
著者
都丸 潤子
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2006, no.146, pp.120-139,L13, 2006

This paper analyses how British cultural policies in South-East Asia changed its scope and nature from 1942 to 1960 as her rivals shifted in the turbulent postwar international environment. The paper looks at both short-term information campaigns and long-term policies aiming at acculturation or changes in perception conducted by various government offices including Foreign Office and Colonial Office, and by more independent organisations such as the British Council and the BBC.<br>Throughout the period, as with the cases of British political and military policies, the primary objective of British cultural policies in South-East Asia was to retain her informal empire in the region despite the tide of decolonisation and Britain's reliance on American economic and military power.<br>From 1942 to 1947, when the main cultural rivals for Britain in the region were the effect of Japan's Pan-Asianism and American influence, Britain made efforts in &lsquo;projecting&rsquo; her traditional political and artistic culture to Japan and areas which had come under the Japanese military administration. As the Malayan Emergency unfolded and through the establishment of the Communist China, Britain placed weight on defending her empire in and around Malaya by short-term propaganda against communist infiltration from China. She also competed with the expansion of American influence and anti-colonial campaign in the region. The biggest challenge to British influence in the region came between 1954 and 1956 as Afro-Asian anti-colonialism, through the Bandung Conference and the Suez War. This challenge made Britain embark on &lsquo;A New Look for Asia&rsquo; and expand its scope of cultural policies with the idea of cooperation with America, Australia and New Zealand. Britain also stepped forward to &lsquo;project&rsquo; modern Britain rather than &lsquo;a country of cathedrals&rsquo;. She went further beyond &lsquo;projection&rsquo; by helping cultural transfer of British cultural elements such as technology and English as universal language and by focusing policy targets to prospective opinion-leaders.<br>In addition, through the interdepartmental discussion of possible withdrawal from the UNESCO soon after the Suez War, British cultural policy-makers recognized the shortcomings of unilateral propaganda and bilateral cultural cooperation, and realized the necessity to pursue multilateral cultural cooperation through international organization such as the UNESCO in order to retain cultural influence in Asia and Africa.<br>The choice of local elites as the main target, encompassing of Japan within the scope of South-East Asia, and social-engineering efforts for multicultural integration within her colonies are also the outstanding and continuous features of British cultural policies towards South-East Asia during the postwar period until the 1950s.
著者
都丸 潤子
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2013, no.173, pp.173_1-173_14, 2013-06-30 (Released:2015-06-09)
参考文献数
44

This special issue is an attempt to analise transformation and features of postwar British foreign policy in various decades and to review the role it played in postwar international relations, taking perspectives of global history into account. The 11 articles deal with a broad range of topics covering British policies towards Africa, Middle East, Europe, Asia including Japan, the US, the Eastern side of the Cold War, and the UN. They also focus on various fields of policies including decolonisation and cold war; trade, currency and aid policies; conflict resolution; propaganda and cultural relations; opium control; nationality and immigration control; and role of the queen. All these contributions are solid empirical studies based on multi-archival research. The main objective of the postwar British foreign policy can be summarised as maintenance of her influence and prestige as a world power, despite her declining military and economic power of which the government was well aware. For this goal, the British government is observed to have pursued multi-layered pluralisation of its foreign policy as follows. In terms of regional focus, Britain not only tried to balance her relations with ‘the three circles’ which Churchill had called, namely, Empire/Commonwealth, the English-speaking world (especially the US),and united Europe, but also grew to attach importance to further two circles, namely, wider Asia including non-Commonwealth countries, and the United Nations, with all of the five ‘circles’ having overlaps. The field of policy expanded to include keener development assistance, publicity and cultural relations, what can be named as ‘normative diplomacy’, and royal family’s foreign relations, with some utilisation of the experiences before and during WWII. The policy styles also diversified with more emphasis on multilateral relations, coordinating/guiding role as a third power with restraining influence on the US, informality and ‘personal approach’ to promote understanding, and ‘power-by-proxy’ policy not only with the US but also with other third actors such as the UN and Japan. These new approaches seem to have enabled the British government to take a calmer and wider-angled position towards issues in the postwar global society. In addition, due to the history of accepting migrants from former colonies and having interests spread abroad, the British foreign policy has been ‘reflexive’ with domestic repercussions or pressures. In addition, the lasting ‘imperial mentality’ with closed perception of Britishness might prevent Britain from maintaining her global role. As an editor, I hope this special issue sheds a new light on the role of Britain in the global society and will help to attract even more scholarly attention to limitations and possibilities of the British foreign policy.
著者
渡辺 昭一 木畑 洋一 秋田 茂 横井 勝彦 菅 英輝 吉田 修 木畑 洋一 秋田 茂 横井 勝彦 菅 英輝 吉田 修 都丸 潤子 波多野 澄雄 河西 晃祐 山口 育人
巻号頁・発行日
2007 (Released:2007-04-01)

冷戦体制の確立期におけるアジア国際秩序の再編問題について、国際援助計画コロンボ・フランの実施過程との関連から検討した。第一に、コロンボ・プランは、イギリスにとってコモンウェルス体制として影響力を残存させるために、インドおよびオーストラリア、ニュージーランドにとってアジア安全保障体制の強化のために、策定されたこと、第二に、その計画のド要な財源となったスターリング・バランスの枯渇により、イギリスの支援が資本援助から技術援助へとシフトしたこと、それによって被援助のアジアは、積極的な資本援助を求めて支援の多様化を図っていったこと、第こに、イギリスのコモンウェルスの存続、アメリカのヘゲモニー支配が強化される中で、その多様化が自立したアジア地域連合という新体制の成、忙につながったことを明らかにした。
著者
松浦 正孝 山室 信一 浜 由樹子 土屋 光芳 中島 岳志 高橋 正樹 宮城 大蔵 WOLFF David 大庭 三枝 吉澤 誠一郎 姜 東局 大賀 哲 酒井 哲哉 後藤 乾一 都丸 潤子 関根 政美 矢口 祐人 高原 明生 遠藤 乾 松本 佐保
出版者
立教大学
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2008 (Released:2008-04-01)

本研究は、アジア各地における多様なアジア主義のビジョンと構造を解明し相互比較すると共に、アジア主義ネットワークの生成過程を解明した。方法としては、国内外から選ばれた各地域の専門研究者と各事例を議論することで、アジア主義に共通の構造と地域それぞれに固有の特徴とを明らかにした。そうすることで、各地域におけるアジア主義を相対化して民族中心的なバイアスから解放し、アジアにおける共同体の可能性と条件、各民族・国家の共生の可能性を探ろうとした。