著者

岡島 建

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.6, pp.489-511, 1989-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

被引用文献数

2 1

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It has been thought in previous studies that inland navigation had declined in modern times. The author differs with this idea. That is to say, we can say that the navigation has progressed at least in the field of ko-unso (reception and distribution) in modern cities.The purpose of this article is to clarify the function navigation played in urban transportation, in parallel with the progress of other forms of transport and modern industries. The research field for this article is Tokyo, which was one of the most developed cities in modern Japan.Intra-urban navigation in the Tokyo area evolved chiefly as traffic by barges along the Sumida River, Tokyo Port and canals which were built early in the Edo Period, e. g. Onagi River, Kanda River, Nihonbashi River, etc.Intra-urban navigation has several characteristics: namely, transshipment, reception and distribution. Taking this into consideration, the author classifies intra-urban navigation into four types for investigation. They are:1. Transportation connected with marine transportation: Most of the ocean-going ships could not come into direct contact with the shore before World War II. Therefore, when freight from ocean-going ships came into and out of the city, barge transportation was indispensable. This type was the main stream of intra-urban navigation ever since Edo Period.2. Transportation connected with railway transportation: This type of navigation arose in modern times. Stations dealing with freight opened near the riverfront, where freight carried from the railwey was transferred to barges.The quantity of freight carried by this type of navigation was about 45% of the total amount which was dealt with at eight stations in Tokyo City.3. Transportation linked straight to the hinterland transshipment: The ships of this type came into direct contact with the shore. There were two categories: inland navigation originating from Tokyo through the Naka River, Ara River, Tone River, etc., and transportation by steam and sail boats around Tokyo Bay. In the Edo Period, transport items were crops, sea products, soy, etc., but these changed gradually to industrial items in modern times.4. Reciprocal tranport within the city, among each area: This type increased with the expansion of the urban area. It was intra-urban transport between factories or storehouses built in the areas which had many canals, e. g. Fukagawa-ku, Honjo-ku. It seems that the freight volume was twice as much as the total coming into and out of the city.Judging from the above, intra-urban navigation played a great part in transport of freight in the city.The transported items of intra-urban navigation in modern times were rice, wood, coal, gravel, chemical manure, steel, etc., Above all, a large amount of coal as fuel for industry was transported during modern times, particularly from the Taisho Era to early Showa. Intra-urban navigational tranport played an important role in the location of factories as well as in the establishment of land-use zoning in city planning.

著者

柴田 陽一

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.1-19, 2006

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the ideological establishment of the geopolitics of Saneshige Komaki (1898-1990), who was a Professor of Geography at Kyoto Imperial University, and a well-known advocate of "Japanese Geopolitics" during World War 2, and accordingly a remarkable figure in the history of Japanese geography. Approaching this subject biobibliographically, I focus on the personal background of Komaki. Using his own bibliography, and through an analysis of his written works, I trace the development of his thought. To begin with, I demonstrate the ideological background of Komaki's geopolitics. Komaki had a great antipathy toward Western imperialism. In addition, immigration issues closely related to racial discrimination were his great concern. He held the view that geography in those days had lost its social relevance, and that the nature and culture of each land should be maintained under an indigenous order. Next, I examine the ideological composition of Komaki's geopolitics. His geopolitics began before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in July 1937. He asserted that "Japanese Geopolitics" was indigenous and one which attaches importance to the autonomy of Japan, after he had criticized the history of Western exploration, conventional geography, and Geopolitik. His geopolitics tried to clarify what was destroyed by Western colonization and had an historico-geographical and irrational character. Lastly, I point out some of the positive and negative aspects of his geopolitics. The social relevance of geography, his criticism of Western colonialism and the issue of positionality in research can be seen the light of Japan at that time. On the other hand, the lack of an attitude to relativize Japan and the subjective/intuitive judgement in the reasoning process were negative aspects. However, the positive and negative are not clearly divided. "Japanese Geopolitics" has suggested important issues in connection with the political nature and the social relevance of geography and geographical knowledge, although it served to justify the aggressive wars of the Japanese Empire.

著者

新宅 勇

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.1, pp.34-46,79, 1956-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

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Suo-Oshima, the main island in the west part of the Seto Inland Sea, lies between Japan proper and Sikoku. It is 158 square kilometres in area and of 406 inhabitants in every square kilometre. Because of the lack of the arable land, with its over-population, their daily life has been based on the utilization of the coast and its emigrants.The characters of the villages are as follows: Agenosho-Ura (Ura means ‘bay’) and Kuga-Ura are simply fishing villages, which were under the protection of the fishing right as Otate-Ura during the age of former clan. Otate-Ura gained its name because the villagers gave silver towards the government fund. Other Mura-Ura, called Ha-Ura in another name, are half-farming and half-fishing villages which have developed since the Meiji era.The chief products are sweet potatoes, mandarin oranges and dried sea-slugs. The villages are distributed in masses at the lower parts of the coast.The seine by sardine boats comes first in fishing. The individual administration of the first stage of Capitalism is carried on in Agenosho-Ura and in Kuga-Ura.The cooperative administration of stock system is in the other Mura-Ura. The fishing with a rod is for catching sea-breams, horse-mackerels, cuttlefish etc. Okikamurojima is famous for it. In Nasakejima of Yuda-Mura this way of fishing is practised by a Kajiko, child sea-man, employed for that purpose. The center of the net-fishing of sea-breams is Agenosho-Ura holding the 50 per cent of the whole island in the operation with roller. An octopus-trap is popular through-out the island, the west part of which is more famous.After all, in the fishing villages of Suo-Oshima they support a small way of living, relying upon their efficiency of labour, such as a side-job, emigration and a subsidiary work. As far as the number of fishing boats is concerned, in fishing villages it remains comparatively unchanged and the mechanization of the boats is advanced; while in half-farming and half-fishing villages the number has been rapidly increased since the Meiji era and their mechanization is unfavourable.

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.352-374, 1999

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the actual situation of land reclamation caused by the local landlord in Medieval Japan, focusing on the relationship between his residence and the evolution of irrigation systems. This paper lends weight to studies of village landscapes in Medieval Japan, consisting of settlement, landlord's residence, irrigation canals and paddy fields. It seems reasonable to suppose that the social structure of the seigneurial regime is reflected in the spatial structure of Medieval landscapes.Considering irrigation systems from a spatial point of view, the author demonstrates that the location of the landlord's residence is closely related to the structure of paddy field irrigation in the Medieval Period. It followed that the local landlord constructed irrigation systems, and reclaimed waste land such as terrace surfaces and alluvial fans. Particularly in the early Medieval Period, the local landlord was concerned with the formation of the manorial system, being in complete control of Kannou-with rights being mainly based on water supply.The case study of the Ane River basin made it clear that the local landlord-Kokujin-Ryoushu-strengthened his control over irrigation in the 14th century. It has been generally considered that the developing village community, So-son, was responsible for the construction of irrigation systems and the reorganization of villages in the latter Middle Ages. However, the author demonstrates that the role of the local landlord in such situations was much more important than had been expected since it is obvious that some nucleated settlements were formed under his leadership. The spatial structure of such nucleated settlements reflects the process of Kokujin-Ryoushu expanding his territory by making his branch families invade the villages.The author considers that the purpose of studying landscape is not only to restore the different components of landscape to their original state, but also to clarify the driving forces behind its formation. Therefore, in future, it will be more important to emphasize the formation process of landscape in any historical geographical inquiry.

著者

岡村 光展

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.3, pp.259-289, 1973

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The dispersed settlements in Japan are developed on the Sho-Gawa, the Hii-Gawa and Oi-Gawa fans etc., and they have been investigated by some historical or rural geographers who have presented many arguments. But their origins and development have not been fully clarified. This paper deals with the dispersed settlements on the Oi-Gawa fan, and the purpose of this study is to research the land exploitation on this fan in the Edo era.The results of this research are summarized as follows.1) The dispersed settlements are developed on the fan, but not totally scattered. They take the form of the hamlet or Weiler rather than the isolated farmstead. Most of them occupy the higher places on the fan.2) In the Edo era there were more than 90 floods. The Keicho flood (1604) was the greatest of all. After this disaster, many settlements were newly established or reconstructed. But it was in late medieval times that the cultivation on this fan was set about. At that time there was a manor (Hatsukura-no-sho) between the Oi- and Tochiyama Rivers. According to the cadastre of the Hatsukura-no-sho manor, the arable lands were far smaller and scattered within the extensive unutilized lands. These scattered arable lands are related to the isolated farmsteads. Comparing this cadastre with other materials in the early Edo era, it is found that the exploitation reached its limit at least in the early Edo era and settlement patterns of the early isolated farmstead were transformed into hamlet or Weiler.3) In the other areas, particularly in the districts along the Tochiyama River, the exploitation was delayed a little more than in the districts of Hatsukurano-sho, and it was about the middle of the Edo era that the cultivation reached its limit. The increase of the farmsteads shows this. After this the holdings became more and more fragmented and the landowner system was established. The rural community was organized for flood control.4) The last exploitation on this fan was that of the Kyuichi-shinden (the reclaimed land in the Edo era). It had the character of the chonin-ukeoi-shinden, the capital of which was invested by the merchants in the towns. But the Kyuichi-shinden consisted of independent peasants and was very small.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.1, pp.1-16, 1978-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

13

被引用文献数

4 2

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The surface of the earth (E), a region (Rm), and its components (e) should be defined in the set theory as follows, E⊃Rm, Rm∋e, β=φe, φe=μφnon condition that e=sociotop, β=social function, φ=function of e, μ=function of n, andn=natural materials of e, (physiotop and ecotop).These expressions come out only through the behavior of a social group in Rm. There needs Rm→Rmn in order to consider Rm a complex of various behavior spaces composed of e-group.fa: Rmn→Va|V=2-dimentional cross section of a complex of behavior spacesf-1: {Va, Vb, ……, Vo}→Rmnwhile it is only the valuable e-group in the actual field of activities that appear in the presence, some other e1, e2, ……disappear in the back. In process of action, en in focus takes turns and same one changes its scale and outline. From the facts that e1, e2……happen to turn inside out on one's return, we must consider still more that a behavior space is often transformed into a projective planeha: Va→V'a|h=projective mapping∴ hafa: Rmn→V'a (1)h-1f-1: {V'a, V'b, ……, V'o}→RmnWhen a means of transportation is on solid crossing, Rm becomes homeomorphic with a torus.Plane surface ACEFDB would be homeomorphic with a disk, if there were a means of transportation to connect A with C and E, B with D and E. But if a new multistory highway is constructed, the curved surface would be homeomorphic with a torus. More, suppose that a connection of A, D, F and of B, C, E is strengthened, a Möbius band's projective plane comes into existence. μ index, μ=e-v+p in graph theory, as well as value of Auler index, X(F)=v-e+f in topology, must change under high dimentional conditions of each curved surface.In the basic model according to the marketing principle postulated by W. Christaller, a service area of each central place corresponds to 2-dimentional plane formed by a dual graph of a planer graph which vertexes coincide with central places of the same order. But a network presented on the basic model ought to be considered to over 2-dimention, because it consists of a set of planer graph and daul graph. The new model of a service area is hier explained to take up the mechanism of s-dimentional manifold.If Rmn were to be supposed to keep a certain balance, it is impossible to pick up a cross section (V) as a net of hexagonal-shaped pattern (G), which is cut by Rmn. At least there needs a projective transformation, ε: V→G (2)The relation between (1) and (2) might be explicated after the fact that this transformation proves to be correct in projective spaces of some regions. A part of Rmn's deeper structure is exposed by way of example of the uneven boundaries of regions based on the catastrophe theory of topology.

著者

杉山 和明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.1, pp.26-42, 2003-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

153

被引用文献数

3 1

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Since the late 1980s, the epistemology of cultural politics that derives from British cultural studies and contemporary critical social theories-referred to as the 'the cultural turn in social sciences and humanities'-has been taken seriously in Anglophone human geography. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the recent progression in youth studies, especially after the deep impact of the cultural turn in Anglophone human geography, and how to apply it in the Japanese context.The author will present four themes concerning geographies of youth: (1) Youth, cultural politics and positionality, (2) home, school and regional community around youth, (3) the progression from production to consumption society and youth in urban spaces and (4) problematizing youth and privatization of public spaces, all of which focus on cultural politics intertwined among various times and spaces.Presenting various research points, the author will identify three significant theoretical aspects in which the geographies of youth mainly rely: the question of the social construction of subjects, the cultural politics of place and identity, and the ethics behind subject positions. The author insists that Japanese human geographers should consider these issues, despite the difficulties involved in their direct introduction into Japanese empirical studies and, that, furthermore, this is necessary in order to explore research practices regarding the studies of youth in the future.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.3, pp.332-337, 1977-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

三木 理史

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.107-128, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

参考文献数

108

被引用文献数

4 3

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This paper clarifies that soybeans were produced in Manchuria (Northeast China) and were intensively transported to Dalian (大连) using different railways without changing the fare systems based on the relationship between the South Manchurian Railway, the Chinese Eastern Railway, and the regions within or along both using the results from a micro-scale regional analysis. The contents of this paper are summarized as follows:Tsarist Russia constructed the Chinese Eastern Railway Company. It opened its main line to Vladivostok as an extension of the Trans-Siberian Railway in the early part of the 1900s, and this line bifurcated from Haerpin (Harbin, 哈尔滨) to Lüshun (旅顺) through Dalian as a southern feeder line within Manchuria. After Tsarist Russia ceded the southern feeder line between Changchun (长春) and Lüshun through Dalian to Japan as reparation for the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–05, Japan continued to operate it through the South Manchurian Railway Company. However, trains on the South Manchurian Railway line between Changchun and Lüshun by way of Dalian couldn’t have gone directly to the main or southern feeder lines at Haerpin and Changchun using the Chinese Eastern Railway because Japan had previously changed its track gauge.Soybeans were one of the most high-volume agricultural products for export from the region in the 1910s. Since more soybeans could be produced in southern Manchuria than in the north during this period, the route to Vladivostok via the Chinese Eastern Railway was less advantageous than that to Dalian using the South Manchurian Railway, which was near the high-volume production areas. Although the Chinese Eastern Railway Company set discounted fare rates, most of the soybeans produced in southern Manchuria were transported to Dalian and little was sent to Vladivostok.Produce was transported by wagon and then loaded and shipped from particular specified stations, not necessarily the nearest ones from the main farms that produced soybeans, due to the relationship between their locations and the railways. Some stations shipped a high volume of soybeans, and these constructed large consolidating zones for both railways. While they might straddle local hsien boundaries, they rarely straddled those of other provinces. Most of the section west of Haerpin on the Chinese Eastern Railway lines ran across Heilongjiang (黑龙江) Province, and the eastern and southern sections across Jilin (吉林) Province. Since most of the high-volume soybean farms in Jilin Province in the east transported their produce to specific stations on the southern feeder line within this same province, they gradually decreased shipments to Vladivostok after the Russian Revolution.The author believes that the reason that few consolidation zones straddled provincial boundaries was due to the currency that was circulated within Manchuria in the 1910s. The zones of regional types of money circulation were generally confined to within a given province. Since most of the farmers must have received their payments from the soybean brokers (liangzhan, 粮栈) within their own provinces, few transported their products to brokers at export ports in other provinces.

著者

原口 剛

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.2, pp.121-143, 2003-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

106

被引用文献数

10 7

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Kamagasaki, located in Nishinari Ward, Osaka city, is a daily-hire laborer's concentration area, and is the space where poverty and discrimination converge. Kamagasaki, as a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force (Yoseba), was 'produced' between the 1960s and the early 1970s when policies for Kamagasaki (Airin) were developed in order to cope with a series of protests by the day laborers following the "first riot" in August 1961. This paper employs discourse analysis based on the concept of the construction of place and institutional practice and examines the construction of exclusionary boundaries enclosing daily-hire laborers in the process of the 'production' of Kamagasaki as Yoseba.The mass media began to represent Sanno-cho as a "violence zone" focusing on the prostitution problem after the enforcement of the Anti-Prostitution Law in 1958. In this context, the mass media represented adjoining Kamagasaki as a slum, focusing on the problem of poor families. Nishinari became a place name to signify these areas as a whole. When the "first riot" took place in this context in August 1961, these representations were repeated and the "first riot" was reported as "violence".Moreover, the process of constructing place intensified the confrontation between daily-hire laborers and their neighbors. The neighbors also felt discrimination because these place names and their representations were extensively circulated by the media reports about the "riot" and the resultant policies. Therefore, it became necessary to stop using these symbols, and a new place name, Airin, was created and given to the place that was formerly called Nishinari or Kamagasaki.After 1960, institutional practices followed such discursive transformation. In the first stage (1960-1961), the objective of policy was to improve the living conditions of poor families. In the second stage (1961-1966), it became the objective of policy to distribute families and to institutionalize and to supervise the daily-hire labor market, because it was necessary to cope with the "riot". In the third stage after 1966, when Kamagasaki was specified as the Airin District, comprehensive planning to make Kamagasaki a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force was instituted. At this stage, the state promoted the policies and assessed the existence of day laborers positively from the viewpoint of the necessity to secure a labor force. The Airin General Center and The City Rehabilitation Clinic were embodied as the objective of such policies.Meanwhile, the cheap inns, as the habitation space of the daily-hire laborers, were renewed in the 1960s, in expectation of an inflow of the labor force which was needed to build the site of the International Exposition in 1970. That increased the capacity of the inns and narrowed their size. On the other hand, day payment apartments and squatter huts decreased in number at that time and, therefore, the habitation space for families was reduced. This change of space transformed Kamagasaki into a space exclusively for single daily-hire laborers.The boundaries of the Airin District reflected the representation of Kamagasaki created by discursive formation. It became institutionalized, which reproduced severe exploitation and poverty by being defined as a supply ground of the daily-hire labor force. This spatial boundary construction reproduced itself socially between the daily-hire laborers and their neighbors.

著者

坪井 塑太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.6, pp.515-531, 2003-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

1

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In this research, a case study was undertaken in Edogawa-ward in order to identify the change in water management organizations and water activity projects as a result of urbanization in the Tokyo metropolitan area. While some irrigation canals have either been filled in or converted into drainage ditches, other canals have been reevaluated as an important natural resource to be utilized for the improvement of the urban environment. In previous studies on water management, the main focus has been on the irrigation association's ability to cope with urban growth. Although it is recommended that there exists a need for the utilization of irrigation canals after the land improvement districts are dissolved and the canals have lost their primary irrigation function, there has not yet been a full investigation into the actual needs and conditions of such use. For this reason, it is important to consider a new approach to utilize the canals in association with the provision of water resource management in an urban setting.In this research, functional changes in water supply and the Edogawa-ward community's reactions to those changes are discussed as central issues. First, historical changes in water supply are examined in relation to agricultural activities. Second, the process of change in land improvement districts is examined from the viewpoint of financial characteristics, project changes and water rights. Changes in land improvement districts and the transfer conditions of water rights are also taken into account. Third, the transformation of irrigation canals, which at first were converted to urban sewage drainage after the dissolution of land improvement districts, is examined in "order to identify how the Edogawa-ward municipality re-converted the canals into a water activity facility, in relation to the city planning process.The urbanization of Edogawa-ward has influenced the irrigation association in this area in many ways. The land improvement districts were reformed after the excavation of Edo River irrigation water, and an agricultural cooperative association took control of the land improvement districts. When the canals lost their irrigation function as a result of the agricultural restructuring, the Edo-ward municipality undertook the responsibility of managing the canals. The canals were once severely polluted due to the construction delay in sewage lines. However, the municipality made an effort to improve the canals to be utilized as water activity facilities, recommended by the municipality's master plan. There have been a great many activities going on in the canals since then, and several groups have been organized to protect the canals' environment. Overall, the improvement of the canals is much appreciated by the community at present, although some issues concerning the existence of different administrative procedures to improve the canals as city parks still remain to be resolved. Moreover, the regulations for the canals' water rights have not yet been established; the water rights related "water activities" are neither defined nor articulated in the present river law. Thus, it is critical to establish laws and regulations on water rights for "water activities" in order to plan and implement the multiple usage of water resources in urban communities. In addition, it is said that water resources in an urban setting, such as canals in Edogawa-ward, are very effective in preventing or mitigating natural disasters. Much attention was paid to the utilization of water resources in the city after the Grate Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, for example. Therefore, it is very important to make the best use of the irrigation canals which have lost their original function, backed up by appropriate laws and regulations, in order to improve the community's natural and living environment as well as to incorporate prevention measures against natural disasters.

著者

荒木 一視

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.44-65, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

30

被引用文献数

1 1

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戦間期の日本とその植民地の食料供給がどのようにして支えられたのかという問題意識から,朝鮮に仕向けられた大量の満洲粟に着目し,当時の東アジアの食料貿易の一端を明らかにした。具体的には朝鮮・満洲間の主要貿易港である新義州税関の資料を用い,食料貿易の地理的パターンを描き出した。その結果,魚類や果実類,米,大豆と比べて粟が特徴的なパターンを有していることが明らかになった。すなわち,前者が主要な産地から主要な消費地である大都市に向けて仕出されるのに対し,後者は朝鮮各地に少量が仕向けられ,農村の需要に対応したものと考えられる。仕出地,仕向地の地域的な検討からは,日本の影響の強い満洲南部からの仕出,従来から粟の卓越する朝鮮北部向けの仕向という性格が認められた。特に朝鮮北部の仕向の多い地域は,当該期間に米の生産を伸ばした地域でもあり,春窮農家の相対的に少ない地域でもあった。以上から,戦間期に目指された植民地を含めた帝国の領域内での食料自給体制は,決して完全なものではなかったといえる。米に限れば自給体制は整えられたが,それを支える米以外の穀物自給は決して域内で完結していなかったのである。それは米以外の多くの穀物を海外に依存する今日の日本の穀物供給体制を考える上でも,重要な示唆に富む。

著者

笠間 悟

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.5, pp.550-571, 1976-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

1

著者

近藤 忠

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.2, pp.117-132, 1967-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

44

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“Kishu” is a district situated on the Pacific coast of the central part of Japan. Taking up this district as an example, I made a study of the administrative village in the Edo Era (1603-1867). The administrative village in those days was a section which was locally composed of several natural villages, and it was jointly placed under the tax obligation. Some of the administrative villages were composed of one natural village, and others several natural villages. The former was found mostly in a plain area, and the latter in a mountainous area. An administrative village in a mountainous area included an increasing number of natural villages in the deeper area. The daily life of the villagers in the administrative village of the time was carried on under the system of self-government with a village master called Shoya as their leader, but with the exception of the tax obligation. Therefore one administrative village in a mountainous area included some communities in it, and each community was, moreover, divided into smaller communities. This kind of community was called Kona. Kona was, from the geographical point of view, a group of some natural villages or a natural village itself. Of all Konas a remotely situated Kona was called Edago, a branch village. Edago belonged to an administrative village, but the people living there carried on their daily life a little away from the other Konas.When the Meiji Era (1868-1912) began after the Edo Era, some of these administrative villages were as a group united, and a new administrative village was organized. And the new village was endowed with a modern administrative feature which was different from that of the Edo Era. The villagers, however, did not try to break the community organization right away to which they were accustomed in the Edo Era.

著者

石原 潤

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.3, pp.231-234, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

著者

喜多村 俊夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.4, pp.1-13,101, 1950-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

11

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In general, the region which fits barley or vegetable raising, in comparison with rice paddy distrcts, needs subsidiary work for its people and stimulates commercial activities. Yokaichi (which means Eight Day Market in Japanese letters) in Shiga Prefecture is its good example.At the close of Middle Age, compulsory concentralization of Rakuich and Rakuza (authorized markets which acquired several priviledges by land lord's favour) to the castle town, by Nobunaga Oda, gave fatal blow to the existence of local market, but Yokaichi was its scle exception. The reason was that it stood far from Nobunaga's castle town at Azuchi and there were no other town in the neibourhood of some several miles distaces, and also it was communication center in these districtsAt Tokugawa Era, the Shogunate Government took the divide and rule policy, and here the land was divided among three land lords, of whom Hikone landlord was chief. Even houses in the same town were divided by three lords, so houses under differeut soverenity were situated side by side here. Of course the merchant of town had to pay market-taxes to the three land-lords But only in case of Yokaichi, the merchant had common market tioket and thus they could make their trade smooth. They handled the freshfish and got them from Osaka, Ise and Wakasa. They also exchanged vegetabla here, so there appeared the tendency among near-by villages to produce their own characteristic vegetables. (for instance, water melon, pumpkin, Japanes tomats, melon, and jinger etc.)Ichj. Jin sha (Shrine of market god) of Yokaichi was the guardian deity only of those market merchants, and at appointed date, the shrine issued the special cakes and pictures to the near by villages and its distributing area was consistent with the influential sphere of Yokaichi merchants.Such phenomon that all commodities of daily use are sold at the appointed market day, at local market, is seen only in primitive economic age or at the place, where there is no opportunity of gaining cash except in a certain season. In Tohoku or Echigo Districts in Japan such phenomenon still exits, but in Kinki it disappeared long ago. And it owes upon above mentioned reasons.

著者

田中 和子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.57-70, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

参考文献数

49

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Sixty works of reproduced drawings and paintings were recently found in the Department of Geography, Faculty of Letters, Kyoto University. They were drawn and painted with pencil, pen, or watercolor. On some of the works, short alphabetical notes include Tibetan place names and comments in Swedish. A preliminary observation of these works made clear that: (1) Four young art students made the reproductions. (2) They made copies from Sven Hedin’s original works drawn and painted in Tibet during his explorations in Central Asia (1905-1908). (3) The reproductions vividly depict mountains, lakes, Tibetan temples and monks, ethnic costumes and people of Tibet, etc. They are artistically very excellent. (4) After his explorations, accepting the invitation of the Tokyo Geographical Society, Hedin visited Japan for one month at the end of 1908. Hedin stayed in Kyoto from November 28 to December 12. (5) At the time when Hedin delivered a lecture at Kyoto Imperial University on November 29, 108 sheets of his original paintings, drawings, and maps were exhibited in an adjacent room. It is conjectured that the four art students may have reproduced some of the exhibited paintings and drawings in less than two weeks before Hedin left Japan.This observation indicates that the reproduced works found at Kyoto University are evidence of international academic exchanges in modern Japan. Hedin was welcomed by people in many disciplines, and they had intellectual and cultural discussions. The reproduced works are also very important visual materials showing the Tibetan landscape and culture of about one hundred years ago, because field surveys by foreigners had been severely restricted or forbidden in Tibet for centuries. These sixty reproductions are extremely valuable as research objects for the study of the modern histories of geography, ethnography, Sinology, Tibetan studies, the arts, and their disciplinary interactions.

著者

伊藤 郷平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.5, pp.325-343,405, 1954-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

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The author pointed the next following out in this essay.(1) The agriculture in Japan is consisted of family farm, and obtained 95% for family labour, 5% rest of it for employees. This 5% farm labour work concentrately about only 20 days in a year.According to the census in 1950, there were 17, 000 regular employees, 3, 336, 000 seasonal migrants as a number of day's work, 61, 624, 000 day's work for dayman and 17, 212, 000 as a number of day's work for heler. Then farmers who own much land show to have many employees than poors. The busy farming season is filled by the seasonal migrants who remove revolutionaly.(2) The demanded area for seasonal migrants is doted in Western Kanto, Tokai, Setouchi, Northern Kyushu and Hokkaido district. Then it is in civilized or modernized district for agriculture.The supply area of migrants labour is in Tohoku, Hokuriku and Tosan district in Eastern Japan, and then Shikoku, Southern Kyushu in Western Japan is the same to that part of it, too.Both of them is belong to un-civilized district and economicaly poor.(3) Five types of supply and demanded area of farm labourers.i) A type of the most largest area.This type is contained with semi-colonial and large scale farm. (as Hokkaido), The quantity is largest and period of employment is longest, from April to November. As area of supply, it demands them to far distance (1000K.M)ii) A type of the large area.This type is contained with commercialized agriculture, as Shizuoka, Gumma, Okayama Prefecture.Both it's quantity and period (1-3 months) is of the great. It demands, as area of supply, them to far distant place. The distance of migration is 100-700K.Miii) A type of middle area.This type is contained with suburban farm as Northern Kyushu.It demands much quantity of employees, that is regular, seasonal and dayman.And yet for the shortness for local labourers it demands them to for distant place. That is about 250K.Miv) A type of small area.This type is in area of paddy field in alluvial plains which is the most ordinal type in Japan.The quantity of employees are innumerable but the period is short only within a week.They are composed of almost of girls or women that is called “Saotome”The scope of supply is very small (10-20K.M) and the way of contract have had only by old manners to be accustomed like private connection. And the custom of “Yui” still remain.v) A type of the most smallest area.This type has a character of the feudal remnant. Employees engaged in all the year round is called “Wakaze” “Kerekko” and extra employees “Yatoi” or “Sukenin”.It remains un-modernized district in Tohoku and Southern Kyushu.Supply and demanded area is very small that is limited only in the same community.

著者

中西 雄二

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.172-187, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

84

被引用文献数

2

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In this study, I elucidate the settlement process of Amami migrants in Kobe before World War II. Next, I analyze Amami settlers’ reactions to their host society by observing the activity of homeland-based associations and the dominant discourse about their own identity by the elite class of Amami settlers. The number of migrants from the Amami Islands to Kobe increased rapidly during the 1920s when Kobe industrialized and some areas were formed where Amami settlers were concentrated. This resulted from chain migration that is based on using connections as a means to find work and housing.In borderlands like the Amami Islands, the inhabitants frequently face situations where they are ‘othered’ in the process of being subsumed within a modern nation consisting largely of a majority people. This exerts great influence upon the construction of their identity. The purpose of this paper is to examine dynamic aspects of identity and networks that were constructed within the formation process of the community of Amami migrants. The case of Amami migrants illustrates a formation process different from the spontaneous one that originates with the relationship established before migration. With the creation of these various scale communities based on territorial bonds, nested commonness became structured. Moreover, many homeland-based associations for Amami settlers advocated assimilation into mainland Japan for the discipline and life-improvement of non-elite Amami migrants. This paper reveals the ambivalent and multiple aspects of the identity of Amami migrants ; they hope not only to assimilate into their host society but also to maintain their solidarity and their culture. This is one of the characteristics of the identity of Amami migrants. This characteristic emerged in a dynamic process of migration that was structured in a complex interaction among many factors.

著者

神田 孝治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.5, pp.430-451, 2001-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

149

被引用文献数

6 4

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This paper examines the development process of Nanki-Shirahama Spa Resort, located in southern Wakayama Prefecture in the modern period, in terms of its association with images of other places. In this paper, an attempt is made to examine the triple relationships of "tourism", "otherness", and the "spatiality of capitalism", current concepts stemming from the "cultural turn".To understand the images of other places in tourism space, such images are characterized into two dimensions and their mutual relationship is analyzed. In the first dimension, the image of the tourism space as an "other" place contrasts with images of ordinary and familiar places. In the second dimension, images of geographically remote "other" places are evoked in the imagination. Thus, tourism space becomes the site of "other" encounters. Since the modern period is an age of globalism and nationalism, images which imply a connection to distant "other" places tend to evoke desires and idyllic thoughts and contribute to national identity, and are thus more suitable as the core image of tourism space than one which merely contrasts with ordinary images. In addition, liminal place-myths are more easily formed by this core ima ge through combining a set of images in tourism space.This study aims to further understand the relationship between images of other places and the material creation of tourism space. H. Lefebvre's work (1991) on the outline of space recognition in "The production of space" was therefore consulted. In short, the production of tourism space is treated as a triple dialectic of spatial practice, representation of space and space of representation. Using R. W. Butler's hypothesis (1980) of a tourist area cycle of evolution, three evolutionary stages of the modern tourism space are distinguished: exploration, involvement, and development. The relationship between the images of other places and the process of producing tourism space is considered for each stage.In the Nara Period, the beginning of the exploration stage in this tourism space, Emperors visited Muro-no-onyu, which was called the Yusaki or Shirahama spa, and was counted among the three oldest Japanese hot springs after the modern term. Later, it became popular with spa and sightseeing guests from the Kishu clan in the Edo era. In the early modern period, because it could be reached by ship, explorer-type tourists came from the city. At that time, the spa, renowned for its therapeutic qualities, was called the Yusaki hot spring.The involvement stage began in 1919, when the Shirahama Land Development Company built a resort. Created by Honda Seiroku, the father of the Japanese national park system, this development project was modeled after the German-created beach resort of Qingdao. The Shirahama Land Development Company utilised modern development techniques, such as digging hot springs, creating a road, cottage and park area, and constructing recreational facilities. The core "other" image of this tourism space was the whiteness of "Shira-ra-hama", a clean, white, sandy beach in Shirahama, because it contrasted with the dark images of cities caused by smoke and labor. This whiteness image evoked liminal place-myths, such as making love, curing the body and healing the mind by connecting with other whiteness images of a modern woman's skin and modern infrastructure. Because of these modern white images, many tourists experienced European and American geographical images, which evoked ideal modern culture or free love place-myths. However, these modern and occidental images also evoked images of the modernized city, the "ordinary" place, which is destructive to nature and the whiteness of the beach. Therefore, white and occidental images gradually became poor symbols of "other",