著者

浮田 典良

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.405-419, 1970-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

26

著者

鈴木 允

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.5, pp.470-490, 2004-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

93

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The main purpose of this article is to analyze the process of demographic urbanization during the Meiji and Taisho periods in the Tokai area, central Japan, using "Kokoh-Chosa", the population statistics which were available before modern censuses began. The study period covers the years 1885-1920. In those times, Japan experienced a rapid population increase and an important urbanization process never seen before. The reason for these changes is attributed to modernization, and many researchers have been interested in such vicissitudes.Although population changes in modern times have been considered to be as a result of a demographic transition, some historical demographers in Japan argue that this started around 1920. They insist that the beginnings of population increase trends were derived not from decreasing mortality but from upward fertility trends, so that the demographic transition occurred much later than the start of population growth trends. Moreover, in such processes there seemed to be some differences between cities and peripheral areas, and such regional differences are associated with urbanization processes.Geographers have attempted to portray the processes of urbanization in those times in terms of social and economic indices. However, only a few studies have focused on the processes of Japanese demographic urbanization since "Kokoh-Chosa" possesses some significant problems as discussed below. In this paper, the problems of "Kokoh-Chosa" will first be made clear, and then there will be an attempt to adjust the data. "Kokoh-Chosa" gives us demographic information over 50 years before modern censuses, and it includes much valuable data, such as the numbers of births and deaths in all cities and counties. Thus, by adjusting the data and then using it, discussions on the processes of demographic urbanization become very fruitful.The most serious problem of "Kokoh-Chosa" was that the population was overestimated, especially in city areas, and that this accumulated from year to year. This problem resulted from the population registration system of those days which was defective due to its complexity. While the population of "Kokoh-Chosa" was overestimated, this problem was recognized in those days and thus the excess population was sometimes removed. That kind of process was referred to as "Kiryu-Seiri". As a result, there were sometimes some sudden gaps in the population data series. The author solves the problem of Kiryu-seiri by calculating the excess population.Using the adjusted data, the author firstly analyzes the changes in crude birth rates and death rates in cities and counties. This has much to do with the discussion about demographic transition processes. Secondly, urbanization processes are analyzed by means of several maps showing the population change every five years. In particular, the author separates total population growth into its natural and social components, and discusses the geographical differences in population dynamics.The results of the discussions are summarized as follows.Population increases, which may cause demographic urbanization, were due to high fertility, mainly in county areas. On the other hand, there are few changes in mortality trends in the study period with a few exceptions such as the mortality crisis in 1918. Birth rates were higher than death rates at almost all times in all regions, but natural increase rates in cities were lower than those in county areas. Thus, we can say that demographic urbanization was due to many migrants from counties to cities.In the late 19th century, demographic urbanization had already appeared, but the net-migrants were mainly seen in the cities and their neighbors, while there were very few net-migrants in peripheral counties. Since the 20th century

著者

杉山 和明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.396-409, 1999-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

5 2

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In recent years, there has been much debate over the social production of space and the relationship between social subject and space. The author, emphasizing the social structural context, contributes to this debate by identifying social space focused on one district. This paper seeks to reveal the significant relationship in which society and space are reconstructed in the late modern era, considering the differences between subjective space and objective space, mass behavior during weekend nights, and the factors influencing the mechanism of perception. To put it concretely, the purpose of this paper is to explain how youths, between the ages of 15 and 29, use the space and act in the night amusement quarter applying the concept of social space, and to examine the experiences of this generation using the ethnographical method.A case study was carried out in the EKIMAE district, the redeveloped area in front of Toyama station, Toyama City. EKIMAE is a commonly used name for the space. Social space refers to subjective social space expressed as a mental map depicted in the youths' own way. On the other hand, objective social space is the space bounded by the regulator of public space, the Toyama Police Department, which is a police patrolling area defined by their own territorial perception in order to monitor and control the populace. Neither space, objective and subjective, is an official administrative district.The remarkable result of various examinations of these spaces is that NANPA spot, a place where girl or boy hunting are conducted, is equivalent to subjective social space and plays an important role for the youth to maintain their identity. Examining the way in which commodities were selected by the youth in the questionnaire, it was demonstrated that various commodities are obstacles to their entry. Furthermore, when they participate in the space as an actor or observer, space functions as theater in a high consumption society. As such, the space where youths encounter one another is constructed as subjective social space and they therefore tend to feel their perceived territory as home.This analysis assists us in understanding the quality of late modern places and how subject and place become inextricably intertwined in the context of social structure.

著者

清水 孝治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.166-180, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

51

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The purpose of this paper is to address the socio-economic characteristics of the main promoters and stockholders of the Tono Railway, which was initiated and constructed by local residents and opened in 1918-1920 in Kani County. In order to approach this aim, the author takes particular note of the relationship between the construction of the private railway and the development of local industries, which were essential to its economic base and that of the main promoters and stockholders involved. Previous research has focused attention only on the characteristics of the main stockholders themselves in a private railway, but not on any investigation of the local economy that initiated the construction of the railway.The period of the opening of the Tono Railway was during ‘the light railway construction boom (1910-1926)’. Many private railways constructed during the same period had one thing in common: they did not necessarily depend on a particular industry for fund-raising. However, the financial condition of the Tono Railway was better and possessed an important difference compared with similar private railways.The basic stance of fund-raising activities was to collect local investment, because promoters for the construction of the Tono Railway did not want external investors to become involved in the plan and business of the Railway. Following this strategy, necessary funds were raised relatively easily. Above all, residents in the northern five municipalities where a railway track was laid and had an economic impact, invested actively. Residents of municipalities where a rail track was not laid, however, refused to invest. As a result, local investment dipped somewhat below that which was initially planned.What promoted the construction of the Tono Railway and contributed to fund-raising were mainly local representative wealth holders, landowners (Jinushi), wealthy farmers (Gono) and merchants (Gosho). It was vital for them to make a success of the construction of the Tono Railway at all costs in order to maintain their economic position. This was achieved by locating at key junctions of the traditional road and river transportation in the area, and also by developing new local industries.The period of the construction of the Tono Railway coincided with industrialization in Kani County. In this area, the silk-spinning industry had developed as a biggest manufacturing sector since the mid-Meiji Era. The development encouraged the rise of related local banking and trade. The main promoters and stockholders of the Tono Railway also had an important role in the development of these local industries. They tried to expand into various new industrial sectors and businesses, which were entirely different from their family businesses, and became new leading entrepreneurs.Therefore, the important factors of the construction of the Tono Railway are that it was worked out at the boom in the development of new local industries in the area. The main promoters and stockholders of the Tono Railway, many local wealth holders, actively took part in the new industries, and became the new industrialists with the development of the Railway.

著者

中澤 高志 佐藤 英人 川口 太郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.144-162, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

8 6

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This paper examines the process of generational transition in two suburban neighborhoods in the Tokyo metropolitan area, focusing on the inter-generational reproduction of social status in their residents. One neighborhood is the Kamariya District located in the southwestern sector of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The other is the Yotsukaido District in the eastern sector. Both neighborhoods were developed in the 1970s as residential districts for commuters to the downtown, and are situated 40 kilometers away from Tokyo Station, the center of the Tokyo metropolitan area. The two neighborhoods are similar in the ages, educational attainments, and occupational class of the first generation residents: Husbands who are now in their 60s or 70s were typically white collar workers employed by major companies or the public sector and once commuted to the central business district by train and bus in relay, while wives stayed at home devoting most of their time to housekeeping and childrearing. The first generation residents of both neighborhoods think it ideal to keep independent of, but in close relationships with, their adult children.The broad similarity between the two neighborhoods seems to verify a prevailing recognition that the suburbs are a homogeneous space not only physically but also socially; however, comparison of the social status of the second generation demands re-investigation. The male second generation of the Kamariya District have well succeeded to the high social status of the first generation. On the contrary, the process of inter-generational reproduction of social status does not seem to function well in the case of the Yotsukaido District. More of the Yotsukaido second generation are in non-permanent positions or unemployed in the labor market and live with their parents than the Kamariya second generation.It is also interesting that the two groups of the second generation who are already married are distributed differently within the Tokyo metropolitan area. The residences of the Kamariya second generation are concentrated around the Kamariya District. The married second generation of the Yotsukaido District live also mainly within the eastern sector where the Yotsukaido District is located, however, the pattern of the distribution shows more expansion to the opposite side of the metropolitan area than that of the Kamariya second generation. Both Kamariya and Yotsukaido districts were once thought of as appropriate residential neighborhoods for downtown white collar workers. The difference in the distribution of the married second generation implies that the Kamariya District is still recognized as a commuter’s neighborhood by the second generation, but Yotsukaido no longer is.Along with the generational transition, some suburban neighborhoods will remain residential areas of commuters to the downtown who have high social status, whereas some neighborhoods are changing into self-contained territories which include both home and workplace, experiencing fluctuations in the attributes of residents.

著者

中村 豊

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.4, pp.307-320, 1979-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

17

被引用文献数

4 2 6

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In his first research in America, Gould identified that there are mental maps shared in common among many individuals with respect to a specific perception point. This he termed as a specific mental map (S). In his later research in Britain, he found a general mental map (G) which was shared in common among all British school leavers. He explained the relationship between these two mental maps as follows: S=G+L (where L is local effects or local dome). This means that there are differences in every specific mental map. But he didn't consider differences of mental maps which derived from different residential preference systems. In mental maps, the residential preference systems or value systems are very important, because mental maps mainly depend on them. But there are many residential preference systems in a human group, so that the mental maps shared in common are not single but plural.In this papar, therefore, the existence of plural general mental maps is conceptualized and then the maps are extrected, their spatial patterns and their preference systems are analyzed, and their relationships are discussed.(Concepts)Prior to analysis, some concepts would be defined as follows.(a) Generality of mental maps and local effects of mental maps are features of spatial patterns. The former is a spatial pattern shared in common in a country (or study area) among the respondents. The latter is features of spatial patterns viewed from every specific perception point, which operate to deform the general mental map.(b) Dimensionality of mental maps is the variety of residential preference systems. Operationally, the dominant residential preference systems correspond to the dimensions of principle component analysis. The residential preference systems are interpreted by component scores on this scaling.(c) Homogeneity of mental maps is equivalent to the extent to which a particular residential preference system exists within a group. Operationally, it is measured by coefficient of determination.(Data and method)From six high schools in Aomori, Chiba, Fukui, Iwakura, Yao and Niihama, the residential preference ranking data are obtained. To these data, principal component analysis is used twice. In the first step, spatial patterns at every perception point are represented through principal component scores and their features are described. At the second step, principal component analysis is reapplied to the six component scores obtained (the first dimension and the second dimension, seperately).(Results)Fig. 2-(1-6) shows the spatial patterns of the first dimension at the six perception points respectively. Fig. 3-(1-6) shows that of the second dimension. Fig. 4 shows the spatial pattern of the general mental maps of Japan drawn by using the first dimension components. Fig. 5 shows the map drawn by using the second dimension components. The features of every specific mental map are summarized in the general mental maps.The features of spatial pattern in the first dimension are as follows; (1) prefectures known for sightseeing (Kyoto, Nara, Hokkaido, Shizuoka, Nagano, etc.) are preferect, (2) in general, the warm and urbanized prefectures have high score, and (3) Tokyo, capital of Japan, is not prefered. In specific mental maps, however, there are local effects, for example, the prefectures near the perception points have high scores as compared with other prefectures. The features of spatial pattern in the second dimension are as follows; (1) it is simpler than the first dimension with respect to spatial pattern, (2) rural prefectures have high scores, while urbanized prefectures have low scores. As seen from table 4, it can be said that a rather high correlation exists between the various perception points in both the first and the second dimension correlation matrix of component scores.

著者

熊野 貴文

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.352-368, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

43

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the current situation and problems of generational changes in the detached housing areas around Gakuenmae Station in Nara Prefecture, which are located in the inner suburbs of the Osaka Metropolitan Area and have gained a good reputation from the viewpoint of their residents and housing resources. The main methods employed are analyses of housing maps and public statistics, such as the Housing and Land Survey and Population Census, and interviews with real estate agents and residents’ associations. The main findings obtained can be summarized as follows:First, the populations in detached housing areas near train stations have experienced more rapid aging corresponding to when these areas were developed; furthermore, population decline has already occurred in these areas, mainly due to out-migration of the elderly home-owning residents or their deaths, rather than from the out-migration of people in their children’s generation. Second, many empty houses are expected to soon appear in these areas through a similar mechanism, since their population composition is currently biased toward elderly inhabitants who face generational changes. Third, in older detached housing areas, new in-migration has been hindered by large house lots, physical features (including steep slopes and the height difference between house and road), the inconvenience of external garages, and large costs. Fourth, in this time of shrinking demand for detached houses, the real estate market has shown a polarization between popular, well-conditioned properties with good accessibility to train stations and less popular properties located at a distance from stations.These findings suggest that signs of decline have already appeared even in the inner suburbs of the Osaka Metropolitan Area which had been regarded as exclusive and desirable residential areas.

著者

小林 基

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.397-419, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

50

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1970年代に,研究者らによって保全の必要性が主張され注目された「伝統作物」は,国内各地で農産物ブランドの形成を通じた農業振興に活用されうるものとしてあらためて注目を集め,研究が進んでいる。本稿は,兵庫県篠山市の丹波黒のブランド化を題材とし,伝統作物のブランド化過程を解明する。1970年代末以降,丹波黒は転作作物として生産が拡大され,全国的・周年的な需要が掘り起こされていった。1990年代になると西日本を中心に各地で新興産地が生じ,篠山では利益保護のためのブランド認証が必要となった。さらに,生産者と流通業者の関係をみると,他産地に先駆けて商品を出荷したい流通業者と収穫に時間と手間をかけざるをえない農家との間に葛藤が生じ,その調整がなされていた。このように,生産・供給システムの広域化による需要獲得と利益保護の両立,高品質性と早出しの両立といった諸方策により,丹波黒の全国ブランド化が展開したことが分かった。

著者

矢ケ﨑 太洋

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.4, pp.371-392, 2019 (Released:2020-02-15)

参考文献数

32

被引用文献数

2 3

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東日本大震災は三陸沿岸地域に大きな津波災害をもたらした。被災した地域社会は,防災集団移転などの住宅の高台移転によって津波リスクを低減した。その一方で,三陸沿岸地域では住民の転出によって人口減少の傾向にあり,地域社会は大きな再編を迫られつつある。本研究は東日本大震災後に人口減少と地域組織の改変を経験した気仙沼市浦島地区を対象として,地域社会の再編の過程と人口減少への対応について,レジリエンスの概念を用いて明らかにすることを目的とする。地域社会はレジリエンスが発揮されることにより再編され,その形態には災害以前の地域性が反映される。浦島地区は東日本大震災の津波によって大きな被害を受けたが,過去に大きな津波の被害を経験した集落は,既に住宅が高台に移転していたため被害が少なかった。被害の大きかった3集落はそれぞれ被災以前の地域組織を基盤とした防災集団移転を実施した。その過程において,被災以前に形成された集落を越えた広域な関係性が集落間の情報交換を容易にし,情報の共有が復興を促進した。浦島地区は被災後に住民の転出によって人口が減少しており,転出者が集落の行事に参加できる賛助会や,広域なまちづくり組織である浦島地区振興会を結成することで転出者との関係性を維持する。被災した地域社会はレジリエンスが発揮されることにより,災害に強く人口減少へ対応した形態に再編される。

著者

岡本 耕平

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.5, pp.429-448, 1982-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

89

被引用文献数

7 1

著者

三木 理史

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.217-239, 1999-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

102

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the relationship between reclamation work in Karafuto (present-day Sakhalin) and the construction of its capital city, Toyohara (present-day Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk) after the Russo-Japanese war. There are four main points of consideration. As a study of colonization, this paper examines the relationship between suzerain policy and urban design as well as the transfer of systems and techniques from domestic to overseas territories. In addition, since Karafuto resembled Hokkaido in regional character during Japanese colonial times, as a study of urban design this paper compares Karafuto with Hokkaido, especially in terms of the intentional construction and nodal function of cities. Based on these four points, the contents of this paper can be summarized as follows:1. Similar to Hokkaido in its population density and ethnic composition, Karafuto has been considered the Japanese overseas territory most similar to its domestic territory in terms of colonial government policies. It has not always been considered so similar in regard to climate and agriculture, however, leading the author to surmize a feeling of incongruity among its settlers. As the ratio of non-settling fishermen to permanent settlers was high in the early colonial times, the encouragement of permanent residence was the most important task of the reclamation work.2. The construction of the new capital city was begun shortly after the Japanese occupation of Karafuto. From among several choices, the village of Urajimirofuka was selected as the site for the new city due to its location in the Suzuya Plain, an important agricultural area, yet also near a military base and along the main road. The new capital city was named Toyohara.3. Greatly influenced by the division of farmland, the streets of the new city were laid out in a grid pattern, modeled after the one used in Sapporo. The center line of the new town was its railway, later dividing the governmental area from the civil area. If the design of Sapporo was greatly influenced by the design of cities in domestic territories, then the planning technology of Toyohara can be considered to have been introduced into Karafuto from Japanese domestic territories by way of Hokkaido.4. The construction of Toyohara was closely related to the division work of farmland. The plans for Toyohara were drafted mainly by persons associated with Sapporo Agricultural College. That is to say, Karafuto received a transfer of experience and technology from the reclamation work carried out in settling Hokkaido as a domestic colony.5. In the early days of Japanese colonization, the nodal function of cities on Karafuto was of the Reverse Y type, concentrating every function in the city of Otomari. After Toyohara was constructed, the function changed to a Sideways T type, with everything concentrated there. The change was almost complete by 1911.6. The inland settlement of Karafuto was more difficult than had been expected. As Toyohara was not enthusiastically received by settlers, the Japanese colonial government in Karafuto had to politically promote the invitation of settlers and encourage their permanent residence. Although a few cities and fishing villages developed along coastal areas, few permanent settlements developed further inland.

著者

石川 菜央

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.374-395, 2005

被引用文献数

1 2

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A number of traditional events have recently been on the verge of extinction in Japan mainly because of a lack of successors. The tradition of bullfighting in the Oki Islands has fortunately continued up to now. This study investigates how bullfighting is continued and its significance in the Oki Islands by concentrating on the connection between the social relations created between the bulls and local society. I focus on the various inhabitants who run the bullfighting, particularly the following four types of people: <i>ushinushi</i> (bull's owner and trainer), <i>tsunadori</i> (bull's motivator), the <i>ushinushi's</i> neighbors, and the <i>ushinushi's</i> family. Currently, bullfighting takes place in <i>Saigo</i> town, <i>Tsuma</i> village and <i>Goka</i> village.<br>First, I consider the transition and background of bullfighting. Bullfighting in the Oki Islands underwent changes in connection with people's occupations. It is said that bullfighting began in common pastures as a local attraction in the agricultural off-season in the <i>Kamakura</i> era. When people started producing beef cattle in the <i>Meiji</i> era, bulls played the roles of draft cattle, beef cattle and fighting bulls all at the same time. However, agricultural mechanization and the depreciation of cattle reduced bullfighting activities in the 1960s. When tourism started to thrive in the Oki Islands in the 1970s, bullfighting was moved back into the limelight as a resource for tourism. <i>Ushinushis</i> began casual bullfighting for tourists and charged admission. Thus tourism has supported bullfighting. In addition to that, town and village offices began assisting bullfighting in the 1980s because they expected the traditional event to inspire the region and create a local identity. Now, there are bullfighting associations in each town and village. They cooperate with the local municipal governments and run bullfighting events in each region.<br>Next, I focus on <i>ushinushis</i> and <i>tsunadoris</i>. There are forty-three <i>ushinushis</i> in the Oki Islands. Raising bulls incurs some costs, but <i>ushinushis</i> say that the sheer pleasure of training bulls and associating with other <i>ushinushis</i> is worth it. They raise bulls through a trial and error process and have a special feeling for their own bull. They gather and train bulls every week. After training, they exchange information about bulls over drinks and food. The most important point of contact for them is the "<i>shoma</i>, " which is the buying and selling of bulls. Once they have gone through the <i>shoma</i>, they become close friends, part of the brotherhood, because through the <i>shoma</i>, they consider each other as fully-fledged <i>ushinushis</i>. Because they want strong bulls, they trade them beyond the boundaries between towns and villages. <i>Shoma</i> creates a wide-ranging network of <i>ushinushis</i>. At the fight, the ushinushi entrusts his bull to the <i>tsunadori</i>, the motivator of the bull. The <i>ushinushi</i> has every confidence in the <i>tsunadori</i>, and the <i>tsunadori</i> has a strong sense of responsibility for obtaining victory. They build up trustful relations over long periods of time and cooperate with one another to train the bull. To emphasize the unity of their place of residence, the <i>ushinushis</i> tend to ask someone from their home town or village to become their <i>tsunadori</i>. The interaction between <i>ushinushis</i> and <i>tsunadoris</i> increases the solidarity of their community.<br>Thirdly, I focus on the <i>ushinushi's</i> neighbors and family. Neighbors give gifts of sake or money two weeks before a bullfight. The <i>ushinushi</i> holds a banquet at his house in return for the gifts. The neighbor who gives sake is the most important of all the people giving gifts. They always attend the banquet and cheer on the <i>ushinushi</i> on the day of the bullfighting.

著者

阿部 亮吾

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.4, pp.307-329, 2003-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

108

被引用文献数

2 3

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This paper argues the issue of female migrant workers who have been remarkable under the globalization, particularly paying attention to the condition of Filipino women, because the Republic of Philippines has been systematizing and promoting the exportation of manpower, and sending many Filipino female domestic workers to developed areas in Asia, the Middle East, and other western countries. However, Japan excludes domestic workers selectively through its strict immigration policy. As result, a great number of Filipino females who come to Japan are only entertainers like dancers and singers. In this context, Japan is unique compared with other countries. Most entertainers work at Philippine Pubs in different cities all over Japan. Therefore, the unique urban nightscapes of Philippine Pubs are built in local urban spaces.I explored the politics of space of Philippine Pubs, which is an important component of local urban space, and the politics of positioning Filipino female entertainers who work there, through a case study of Sakae Walk Street where many Philippine Pubs are located in Nagoya City.First, my study showed that the present location of Philippine Pubs in Sakae Walk Street used to be an entertainment area (Snack town) in the outskirt of downtown Sakae District. With the decline of this area, Philippine Pubs, where cheaper and younger entertainers are a main character, started to mushroom and eventually replaced the old entertainment town.Second, my study revealed that two agents concerning the formation of this space of Philippine Pubs in Sakae Walk Street have respectively constructed each representations of 'ethnicity' of the entertainers. Employers and talent agencies have constructed this 'ethnicity' showing imaginative geographies of exotic, sexual and southern countries, through the formation of space, particularly aspects of landscape-appearance, standing signboards, advertising boards-. Immigration/police have doubly constructed 'ethnicity' as 'victims' or 'wrongdoers' through the formation of space of control against this space of Philippine Pubs by executing the surveillance and exposure activities around Ikeda Park. Local inhabitants in Sakae Walk Street also support these activities.In conclusion, I hope to suggest that the politics of the formation of local space of Philippine Pubs, being mutually compositional with the politics of the social construction of representations about 'ethnicity', is one of the processes of othering entertainer. And also, the spaces, which two above-mentioned agents have formed, are mutually negotiative rather than parallel. This makes the politics of the formation of this space of Philippine Pubs and also the process of othering entertainers multidimensional.

著者

松井 美枝

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.5, pp.483-497, 2000-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

94

被引用文献数

2 2

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The term "jo-kou", which means female laborers working at spinning factories, has been used with discriminatory implications. The reality raised by this term leads us to imagine the group life of girls, the extremely hard work and the poverty, associated with a disdainful perception towards them. As a result, female laborers at spinning factories have also experienced severe social discrimination in neighborhood communities.The author proposes that these discriminatory conditions have been observed more strongly in the encounter with the neighboring residents outside of the factory rather than in labormanagement relations inside the factory. The author also asserts that a perspective which focuses only on matters inside factories tends to mask workers' independence and potential, which are necessary to clarify in this study. Therefore, this paper stresses an important perspective: that is, to direct our attention to the encounters of spinning female laborers with the neighborhood community outside factories.In the study area of Oda district at Muko county (since 1936, Amagasaki city) in Hyogo prefecture where the Kanzaki factory of Toyo Spinning Company was located, many reminiscences of spinning laborers are available, and the author adds personal interviews with neighboring residents. These narratives are helpful in clarifying the ways in which the residents viewed female laborers and how laborers shared their life world with the surrounding community. The impact of the neighborhood's discrimination of laborers and their reactions to it are also examined.The results obtained here are as follows: (1) The company's management was largely conditioned by the laborers' emotions that arose as a result of encounters with the neighborhood community. (2) The laborers' independence, which tends to be unclear if we focus on labor-management relations inside the factory, can be recognized through an analysis of relations between female laborers and the neighborhood community.

著者

疋田 武

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.6, pp.654-657, 1964-12-20 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

5

著者

神田 孝治

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.5, pp.430-451, 2001

被引用文献数

3 4

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This paper examines the development process of Nanki-Shirahama Spa Resort, located in southern Wakayama Prefecture in the modern period, in terms of its association with images of other places. In this paper, an attempt is made to examine the triple relationships of "tourism", "otherness", and the "spatiality of capitalism", current concepts stemming from the "cultural turn".<br>To understand the images of other places in tourism space, such images are characterized into two dimensions and their mutual relationship is analyzed. In the first dimension, the image of the tourism space as an "other" place contrasts with images of ordinary and familiar places. In the second dimension, images of geographically remote "other" places are evoked in the imagination. Thus, tourism space becomes the site of "other" encounters. Since the modern period is an age of globalism and nationalism, images which imply a connection to distant "other" places tend to evoke desires and idyllic thoughts and contribute to national identity, and are thus more suitable as the core image of tourism space than one which merely contrasts with ordinary images. In addition, liminal place-myths are more easily formed by this core ima ge through combining a set of images in tourism space.<br>This study aims to further understand the relationship between images of other places and the material creation of tourism space. H. Lefebvre's work (1991) on the outline of space recognition in "The production of space" was therefore consulted. In short, the production of tourism space is treated as a triple dialectic of spatial practice, representation of space and space of representation. Using R. W. Butler's hypothesis (1980) of a tourist area cycle of evolution, three evolutionary stages of the modern tourism space are distinguished: exploration, involvement, and development. The relationship between the images of other places and the process of producing tourism space is considered for each stage.<br>In the Nara Period, the beginning of the exploration stage in this tourism space, Emperors visited Muro-no-onyu, which was called the Yusaki or Shirahama spa, and was counted among the three oldest Japanese hot springs after the modern term. Later, it became popular with spa and sightseeing guests from the Kishu clan in the Edo era. In the early modern period, because it could be reached by ship, explorer-type tourists came from the city. At that time, the spa, renowned for its therapeutic qualities, was called the Yusaki hot spring.<br>The involvement stage began in 1919, when the Shirahama Land Development Company built a resort. Created by Honda Seiroku, the father of the Japanese national park system, this development project was modeled after the German-created beach resort of Qingdao. The Shirahama Land Development Company utilised modern development techniques, such as digging hot springs, creating a road, cottage and park area, and constructing recreational facilities. The core "other" image of this tourism space was the whiteness of "Shira-ra-hama", a clean, white, sandy beach in Shirahama, because it contrasted with the dark images of cities caused by smoke and labor. This whiteness image evoked liminal place-myths, such as making love, curing the body and healing the mind by connecting with other whiteness images of a modern woman's skin and modern infrastructure. Because of these modern white images, many tourists experienced European and American geographical images, which evoked ideal modern culture or free love place-myths. However, these modern and occidental images also evoked images of the modernized city, the "ordinary" place, which is destructive to nature and the whiteness of the beach. Therefore, white and occidental images gradually became poor symbols of "other",

著者

森川 洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.638-666, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

124

被引用文献数

10 7

著者

塚本 僚平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.4, pp.338-357, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)

参考文献数

43

被引用文献数

1 1

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Since the mid-1980s, Japan’s industrial structure has been considerably altered by economic fluctuations. These structural changes have had repercussions for local industry, and in particular for modern local industries in provincial areas. However, in recent years, research on local industries has been declining and has been insufficient. This paper examines the glove-making industry in the Higashi-Kagawa region, Kagawa Prefecture, which prospered due to the mass production and export of gloves during Japan’s rapid economic growth period. The author examined the factors behind the industry’s success through the analysis of the following two points: (1) the structural changes in the production and distribution system after the rapid economic growth period; and (2) business activities of each company after the same period.In the Higashi-Kagawa region, dynamic changes such as transfers of manufacturing functions overseas, growth of high value-added production, and expansion of glove-related products, have been ongoing since the 1950s. There were also some social and economic reasons (e. g. the Nixon shock, oil crises, and the increase in consumer demand for high-fashion gloves) behind these changes. Today, the scale of domestic production, characterized by the division of labor, in the region has declined, and overseas production now plays a large part. At the same time, the relationships between companies in the region and with companies in other regions has become stronger in the planning and development phases of new products. Therefore, interregional divisions of labor within a company, and with companies located in other regions, have been developed, along with an individualization of business behavior by each company as it takes steps to suite its economic circumstances. It seems that the Higashi-Kagawa region lacks unity and function as an industrial region.However, the results of the survey show that companies benefit from agglomeration economies, through for example, (1) accumulated technology and know-how, (2) a pool of skilled labor, (3) ease of raw material procurement, and (4) ease of information exchange within the industrial region. Moreover, the survey revealed the presence of “trust” and a strong reputation created through a long history of glove-making in the region, and this gives an intangible value to the companies in the region. This has been rarely noted in existing research. Therefore, the author believes that this may be one driving force in the survival of the industry in the Higashi-Kagawa region.

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.5, pp.471-492, 2002-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

130

被引用文献数

1 1

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Since the mid 1980's, many Western economic geographers, especially in new industrial geography, have shown great interest in the Just-in-Time system (JIT). The core of their interests is not in the problem of logistics, but rather in the definition of the JIT in the Regulation Approach and its spatial implications from the viewpoints of labour control and subcontracting.Regulationists, Lipietz and Leborgne have considered the JIT is a part of the process leading to Post-Fordism, because the JIT is different from Fordism and Taylorism, workers on shop- floors can participate in quality control, partially improve their working conditions, and engage in multiple working process. Accordingly, they say the JIT raises functional flexibility in the firm and effectively orders subcontractors to enhance numerical flexibility. So, they have boldly set forth the hypothesis that the introduction of the JIT will make the region surrounding the assembler an ideal democratic society of Post-Fordism. In that place, regional society consists of consensus and collaboration of workers, managers, various scale corporations, labour unions, and other social institutions for the purpose of administration, education, investigation, and welfare.However, many new industrial geographers have criticized this hypothesis from theoretical perspectives and results based on examplary studies, especially about the case of Japanese automobile factories transplanted in the West. In conclusion, they say the JIT is not Post-Fordism, but has rather strengthened the regime of Fordism and the mass production system. In other words, it can be defined as Neo-Fordism, Neo-Taylorism, ‘structured flexibility’, or quasi-vertical integration which aims to effectively utilize both the merits of in-house production and contracting out to subcontractors.Therefore, many new industrial geographers have debated about the spatial implications of the JIT, namely whether the JIT causes agglomeration of suppliers around the assembler or not.First, the overarching spatial tendency is towards some form of agglomeration through the introduction of the JIT, because of the need for suppliers to be proximate to assemblers to deliver frequently, smoothly exchange information about quality control and development of new products, and reduce their transaction costs.Second, the JIT is not necessarily accompanied by agglomeration because of rapid development of transportation and communication between assemblers and suppliers. The restriction according to the laws of local contents makes the assembler order existing suppliers. In the case of standard parts, the supplier can concentrate production in one factory to pursue scale economics and deliver to each assembler. The suppliers also prefer to locate in rural areas, a little away from large assemblers to avoid the rise of labour costs and reinforcement of the labour movement.In the latter half of the 90's, Boyer, a Regulationist, has insisted that the accumulation regime has not unilinearly evolved from Fordism to Toyotism (JIT) or Volvoism in Sweden. He has allegedly criticized the doctrine of the convergence of a single social system of production. These models are not exclusive alternatives but rather coexisting multiple hybrid models. Therefore, it will be necessary to elucidate how the path-dependency or historical contingency of individual firms, especially Japanese transplants and major first-layer suppliers in the West, and conventions, institutions, and cultural backgrounds in Japan or the West affects the embeddedness of the JIT in the region and the spatial structure of industrial organization.In the results, some economic geographers, for example, Lung or Sadler, have insisted that there are no necessary conditions on spatial form of production owing to the introduction of JIT. It causes the decline of geograpohical studies about the JIT since the latter half of 90's.

著者

西田 博嘉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.3, pp.271-282, 1983-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29