著者

松井 貞雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.3, pp.237-265, 1967-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

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Along the coastal region on the eastern shore of Awaji Island, as of 1965, the horticulture of flowering plants a total of 19ha. has been distributed, as follows: a greenhouse of 9.9ha., a travelling greenhouse of 4.8ha, and a vinyl-house 4.4ha. The first of the subjects for study, as products of the Awaji Island, should be the formative factors of grouping greenhouses in horticulture regions close to a large city-in this case, Osaka. The second is to make a survey of the characteristics of the regions, especially greenhouse horticulture in Awaji Island; and then to study what specific characters influenced horticulture there.The greenhouse horticulture areas of Awaji Island are characterized by carnation cultivation. The characteristics of greenhouse horticulture in this area are, in addition, not only manifested by greenhouse construction and a method of floriculture, but also by the regional landscape, land utilization, and the management of agriculture extending over the whole land under floriculture. Constructed greenhouse types which are called “travelling greenhouses” are a method peculiar to this area. The areas under carnation cultivation are covered by the travelling greenhouses with glazed doors from November to April in the cold season, but are removed every year in these areas under carnation cultivation.The elements of regional formation in this area are not only well situated in mild winter, but terms are advantageous to the districts which stand close to a largescale market. There is also a close relation with the farm-houses which are based on the small land ownership of paddy fields. Besides, the land under cultivation drains well and is blessed with a sprinkling of water. Development of shelf rice fields has become the main promoting condition.Before the war, Awaji Island, standing close to a metropolitan city was an area of vegetable horticulture stands. The change into a region of greenhouse horticulture for flowering plants has resulted in competition for products between truck and garden farmings. This is a nation-wide tendency. By development of the travelling greenhouse, floriculture is rapidly being popularized. The horticulture of the flowering plants in Awaji Island has richly enlarged the scale of flower-growing land through the competition between producing districts.

著者

後藤 拓也

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.4, pp.337-356, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

45

被引用文献数

2 2

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the restructuring mechanism of the rush production area in Kumamoto Prefecture, which represents the restructuring of an agricultural production area under a development import by Japanese agribusiness. The results of this analysis are summarized as follows.The number of rush mats imported into Japan has increased after 1985, and the rush production area in Japan has declined remarkably. In 2002, the Rush Mat Importers’ Association (RMIA) was organized, so the author examined the characteristics of its members. As a result, more than 60% of RMIA members are the rush mat wholesalers located in four rush production areas of Okayama, Hiroshima, Fukuoka, and Kumamoto Prefectures. Namely, it is clear that Japanese rush mat wholesalers have played very important roles in importing rush mats into the Japanese market.The import activities by Japanese rush mat wholesalers have had a great influence on the rush production area in Kumamoto Prefecture. The behavior by the rush mat wholesalers is examined, taking the cases of the wholesalers dealing with Kumamoto Prefectural Federation of Agricultural Cooperatives. Clearly, most of the rush mat wholesalers from the other three production areas have engaged in import activities and participated in RMIA. This behavior has caused the fall in prices of low-grade rush mats produced in Kumamoto Prefecture after the mid-1980s.As a result of these changes in the rush mat distribution system, the rush farmers in Kumamoto Prefecture have reacted rapidly. From a survey in Sencho Town, the farmers who own stable agricultural foundations have clearly continued rush production after 1990. However, many farmers have reduced rush cultivating areas, whereas a few farmers have expanded rush cultivation by introducing high-grade rush and dealing with the rush mat wholesalers directly. The farmers cannot easily switch their management to other crops because of the agricultural conditions in Sencho Town, so they are forced to continue rush production under the influx of imported rush mats.Consequently, the behavior by the rush mat wholesalers has given rise to restructuring of the rush production area in Kumamoto Prefecture. This means that a small agribusiness like that of Japanese rush mat wholesalers has changed the behavior and influenced agricultural production areas, in a similar manner to that of large agribusinesses like general trading firms and food processors in Japan.

著者

田和 正孝

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.73-90, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

32

被引用文献数

3 2

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A stone tidal weir is a traditional fishing method that is constructed on seaward slopes or within a fringing reef. It is basically a semicircle-shaped or horseshoe-shaped stone wall and the construction of it has a close relationship to tidal change. The fish swim or are driven into the weir during high tide but cannot find their way out during low tide. They are then caught in the shallow water within the weir by hand, dip net and so on during low tide.Many types of stone tidal weirs are found mainly in East Asia, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific areas. In Taiwan, they are called chióh-hō. According to recent intensive research, over 550 chióh-hōs are still found in the Penghu Islands in the Taiwan Strait. It is said that the Penghu Islands is the most concentrated area of stone tidal weirs in the world.A few recent reports on chióh-hō fishing in Taiwan have elaborated various geographical, ecological and historical perspectives. However, chióh-hōs have already fulfilled an economic role. During the last few decades, most of them have gone out of use with the introduction of more effective fishing methods and modernized fishing boats and gear. It is, therefore, an urgent task for researchers to study the role and function of chióh-hō in local small-scale fisheries and the process of their disappearance.The aim of this essay is to discuss the conditions of chióh-hō fishing in the Penghu Islands in the early 1910s using some papers relating to chióh-hō fishing rights, which appeared in documents of the Taiwan Government General. Discussion points are on fishing activity, period of construction, and ownership.178 chióh-hōs were distributed in the northern part of the Penghu Islands in the early 1910s. Most of them were located mainly in semi-farming and fishing villages in Pai-sha Island and in the shore areas of solitary islands like Chih-pei, Ta-Tsang, and Niao Yu. Chióh-hō can be classified into three types: (1) semicircle-shape, (2) semicircle-shape with partition walls, and (3) two stone lines with a circular enclosure. Type (3) is the most advanced and efficient type.According to the time when chióh-hō were constructed, the oldest ones were built early in the 18 century under the Ch’ing dynasty. On the other hand, the new ones were built early in the 20th century.The actual possession of chióh-hō was shared by owners who invested their money and labor to construct them. They shared fishing rights and operated fishing by taking turns. In addition, they were under an obligation to maintain the chióh-hō.In the latter part of this essay a variety of ownership and utilization patterns of 70 chióh-hōs in Chih-pei Island are discussed, where the author researched chióh-hō fishing activities in 1995.

著者

溝口 常俊

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.2, pp.97-122, 1986-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

22

被引用文献数

2 3

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The purpose of this article is to document the changing process of the yakihata (shifting cultivation) villages from the early Edo Period to the present. The study area, Shirakawa-Go, is located in the northwest of Gifu Prefecture. There were 23 villages in Shirakawa-Go and all of them included many yakihata fields. The author discovered and studied some historical documents concerning yakihata in the Shirakawa village office. They are Genroku (1694) and An-ei (1774) Era kenchi-cho (cadasters in Edo Era), Kyoho (1720s) and Tempo (1830s) Era mountain drawings and Meiji Era cadasters (1888). The author examined the distribution of yakihata in every koaza (sub-division of village) from the Genroku Era onward, and the form and location of each unit of yakihata fields in the late Meiji Era when the greatest expansion of yakihata occurred. Also investigated were the historical changes of landownership of yakihata. The main results are summarized as follows:It has been believed in previous studies that yakihata had decreased with the passage of time. But the present study shows the opposite. That is to say, yakihata had rather increased from the early Edo Period to the late Meiji Era. Only after the late Meiji Era did they begin to decrease, becoming extinct in a fairly short time.The main location of yakihata moved from around the residential sections to land farther away, and also from gentle slopes to steeper slopes. As for the changing process of the agricultural land use, it has been hypothesized that the general tendency is that yakihata were transformed to paddy field. However, this tendency was not proven clearly in this study. Almost all the yakihata fields had turned into forest or wasteland, not to paddy fields.There were 630 units of yakihata fields in Shirakawa-Go in the late Meiji Era. The mean area of a unit was about 1ha. The typical yakihata fields were cleared at 700-1, 000m elevation, within a distance of 1-2km from the farmer's houses, and on the easterly slopes of the mountains with a gradient of 20-30 degrees.Next, in relation to the changes in landownership, the following findings were made: In the Genroku Era, some villages consisted only of honbyakusho (independent farmers), and others of honbyakusho and kakae (subordinate farmers). There was not a great difference in the landholdings among honbyakusho in each village. On the other hand, kakae owned less land than honbyakusho. However, during the latter half of Edo Period, both types of farmers were engaged in developing new land, especially of new yakihata fields. So, by the An-ei Era, the kakae came to own a considrable area of land and became independent of the honbyakusho. And at about the same time, many village-owned yakihata fields were cleared, and in these common yakihata fields, any farmer in the village was entitled to utilization at any time for their own profit. So we could not End the typical differentiation of social strata among farmers in the study area.Shirakawa-Go was characterized by its low agriculutural productivity in the Edo Period and Meiji Era. However, the population there grew during the same period of time. It can thus be inferred that the large area of yakihata fields cultivated in those days played an important role in supporting the growth of population.

著者

小葉田 淳

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.5-6, pp.59-70,A6, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

13

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Until 15th Century gold mining industry in Japan had mainly consisted in alluvial mining. It was in 16th Century that ways and means for digging deep mines and getting refined gold from ores developed. The Gold Mine of Kahi, in the former territory of the Takeda family, and the Surugaroku Gold Mine, in the former territory of the Imagawa family, were two of the first mines of this kind in the country.As for the two gold mines treated in the present paper, i, e., the Umegashima Gold Mine and the Igawa Gold Mine, both located in Abegun, Suruga, they too seem to be examples of the same kind. In the early part of 17th Century, when precious metal mining was at its height in our country, these two gold mines were developed under the direct management of the shogunate, but this situation had continued only less than 10 years.Both the Umegahima village and the Igawa village are situated in small valleys in the upper reaches of the Abe river and the Oi river respectively, and produce a small amount of wheat and other grains. After the gold mining in a comparatively large scale had become a thing of the past, the villagers took to placer mining, calling it “Oppori” in the case of disposing of remaining ores in old mines and “Sawanagashi” in the case of placer mining along the river-sides.Since the latter part of 17th Century, the tradesmen from Sumpu had occaisonally contracted for the mining but in such a case too, it was the village people who offered labor as miners or handy men. However, in most cases, villagers were directly engaged in mining under the so-called, village contract and paid to the shogunate taxes called “Oppori-eki”.Many were engaged in alluvial gold mining between harvest times but there were some who made “Oppori” in the old mines of Hikagezawa in the Umegashima village their occupation, and became almost specilized gold-diggers.In modern times, what with technical advancement in agricultural production, particularly in cultivation of crops as merchandise, and growing commercial traffic in fire-wood and timber, alluvial mining industry had gradually lost its meaning in the village life. Of course, decrease in the produced amount of gold contributed toward this phenomenon.Thus, in the Meiji era, the population in the abovementioned two villages increased remarkably despite the fact that production of grains went down. and articles of food had to be brought in from outside in great quantity.

著者

大島 明

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.4, pp.389-407, 2022 (Released:2023-02-14)

参考文献数

34

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現代,氏神の祭りにおいて,その担い手は,必ずしも氏子区域の居住者ではなくなった。その1例として,京都市西院の春日祭における担い手について,その居住地の変遷を明らかにすることが本稿の目的である。資料として,1967年と2016年の『神輿輿丁名簿』を用い,そこに登載された輿丁の居住地を個人レベルで分析した。春日祭では,近代初頭,氏子区域の集落(「旧町」)を東西に2分し,それぞれの神輿は区域内の輿丁で担われていた。京都市との合併前後から進行した都市化にともない,輿丁の減少が始まった。戦後,都市化により流入人口が増加した。しかし,輿丁になる者は少なく,神輿渡御祭の存続が困難になった。そこで,相互協力組織として京都神輿愛好会が設立され,区域外から輿丁が導入された。これにより,神輿渡御祭は存続された。しかし外部からの応援が大多数になると,神輿巡幸の主導権を氏子がいかに維持するかが課題となった。そのため,氏子の組織はその増強を図ったのである。その結果,2016年には氏子の輿丁は増員され,その居住地は「旧町」のみならず氏子区域の全域に拡大した。また,区域外では輿丁の居住地は京都市全域のほか遠隔地の長野県にまで及んだ。

著者

山田 安彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.1, pp.72-76, 1959-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

3

著者

土井 仙吉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.6, pp.595-615, 1968-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

83

被引用文献数

3

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Japan fisheries have caught about 400-500 thousands tons of tuna per year recently-equivalent to 62%-65% of the world's total catch. Tuna fishing plays a major role in total, and, although it had an early origin, it has prospered greatly in recent years. Since the abolition of the McArthur Line in 1952 following World War II, Japanese fishermen built larger boats and expanded their fishing grounds to include the Eastern Pacific, the South Pacific Ocean, and the Indian Ocean. This expansion of the industry was due mainly to the following-governmental policy (support and promotion); technical progress; enlargement of the overseas market and of the internal processing market for fish sausage; and the enlarged fishing companies which developed to catch tuna following on World War II.The chief tuna ports are Misaki (Kanagawa prefecture), Yaizu, and Shimizu (both in Shizuoka prefecture) which together are responsible for 78% of Japan total tuna landing. I can find some facts illustrated in the table of the quantity of tuna landed at each port. While the amount landed in Misaki was the highest of three until 1954, it has declined in importance since 1957. Yaizu became pre-eminent in 1955. Shimizu began to increase after 1957 and left Misaki behind in 1961. Such changes in the volume of the tuna handled at these ports are caused by certain characteristics of each which reflect the growth of the tuna fishing industry.Misaki, With its many powerful brokers, was a distributing centre for fish to Edo (Tokyo). Having a good natural harbour and being near to the fishing grounds, this port grew to a large tuna fishing centre particularly after 1928 when the new harbour was constructed and motor-powered boats gathered there. Great fishing companies with head offices in Tokyo, made this port their base for operations.For this reason, and for the fact that Misaki was not damaged during World War II, it was the first to recover after the war. With the pioneer spirit brought from many old fishing villages before the war, the tuna fishermen expanded their fishing grounds to the Indian and Atlantic Oceans. Fishing boats catching tuna in the Atlantic, landed their catch directly to countries on the Atlantic sea-board. This resulted in a decline in the catch handled in Misaki, but, owing to changes in the cost structure of the Atlantic fishing, the boats again returned to Japan leading to an increase in 1966 and following years. However, Misaki handles mainly fresh and has poor facilities for precessing fish-a weak point.Shimizu is more of a seashore industrial city than a fishing port. Originally it was the main port of the Tokai region, and following on the Meiji period, harbour works were carried out on a large scale, and many great plants were located here. Being near fishing grounds, fishing boats entered the port for landing their catch-mainly albacore with white meat which the Japanese dislike. Canning of the albacore, combining with the orange cultuation near Shimizu, prospered especially after 1928 when the export to U.S.A. commenced. The existence of such industries and the famous ship yards for fishing boats are conditions which favour Shimizu as a tuna-landing port. But the processing of fish is not so prevalent, nor are the brokers so powerful here. Tuna fishing boats of this port are comparatively large, but there are not such a great number.As long-range fishing became common, and the landing of refrigerated tuna for export increased, Shimizu, of the three ports, became pre-eminent as a trading port. Many foreign trade companies extended their businesses to this port, and controlled many tuna fishing boats by loaning money to them. These companies land refrigerated tuna from fishing boats controlled by them to their own warehouses without passing through the fish market, and they export refrigerated tuna to Europe and North America by liners or their own

著者

谷崎 友紀

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.2, pp.213-228, 2017 (Released:2017-07-07)

参考文献数

26

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本稿の目的は,京都を訪れた旅人の居住地や身分・職業などの属性によって,名所の選択に生じる差異とその要因を明らかにすることである。そこで,武蔵国からの旅人を,江戸居住者と江戸近郊居住者に分類した。そして,名所訪問を行った日数,訪れた名所や,両者のルートなどの比較を行った。その結果,以下の知見が得られた。まず,江戸居住者は近郊居住者よりも長い日数を名所見物に費やし,多くの名所を訪れていた。次に,両者では選択したルートに差異がみられた。ルートが定型化する近郊居住者とは異なり,江戸居住者の行動は多様であり,広範囲の名所を網羅的に訪れていた。そして,江戸居住者は近接した名所をすべて訪れる傾向がみられた。これは,彼らには「知識人」といえる性格を持つ者が含まれ,時間的に余裕があっただけではなく,名所に関する知識・教養を持っていたためである。

著者

成瀬 厚

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.222-223, 2021 (Released:2021-07-14)

著者

梶田 真

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.60-77, 2011 (Released:2018-01-23)

参考文献数

57

被引用文献数

2 1

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Under the New Industrial Areas Act of 1962, which aimed to develop heavy materials processing industrial plants in non-metropolitan areas, housing complexes for invited plant employees were constructed in areas that were situated away from existing urban districts. These complexes were geographically and socially segregated from the existing local societies. This paper analyzes the dynamics of these segregated districts, focusing on the changing conditions in the heavy processing industry and the relations between the inhabitants of these complexes and existing local societies. A case study was conducted in the Akeno district of the Oita New Industrial Area.Most of Akeno’s inhabitants were Nippon Steel (NS) Oita Steelworks employees and their families, many of whom were transferees from other NS steelworks plants such as Muroran (Hokkaido) and Hirohata (Hyogo). In addition to facing geographical isolation, they had rather different customs, cultures, and lifestyles compared to the existing Oita locals. These inhabitants of Akeno are viewed as a heterogeneous society and are simply referred to as ‘Akeno’s’ (Akeno zoku).Until the 1980s, when the numbers of NS Oita steelworkers were maintained at about 3,700, Akeno had been a town that was populated exclusively by NS workers. Nevertheless, in the 1990s, due to the rationalization of Oita Steelworks and the collapse of land prices, redevelopment projects began in Akeno. These redevelopments weakened Akeno’s segregation and many in-migrants began to settle in the town. The main characteristic of the redevelopment projects was the aim to create a high-quality residential district. This reflects the ambitions of land owners and developers, who sought to raise the value of this district, and those of the existing inhabitants, with the hope of balancing the age structure of the population and improveing its living convenience.In spite of the poor access it offers to central Oita, many affluent non-Akeno’s, in their thirties and forties, rate Akeno highly and chose to migrate to Akeno. These responses suggest that they may feel a “longing” for its social and cultural environments, especially its emphasis on education.

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.5, pp.397-417, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1 1

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Recently, evolutionary economic geography has gained popularity in the field of economic geography in the West. Evolutionary economic geography deals with changes in the economic landscape through time via the concept of ‘routine,’ which is equivalent to a ‘genome’ in corporations.Evolutionary economic geography has been inspired by the process of regional growth and innovation in the context of evolutionary economics. The evolutionary component of economic geography is based on concepts such as contingency, lock-in by increasing returns, and network externality from path-dependency theory; variation, selection, and retention stemming from Generalized Darwinism; and emergence, panarchy, resilience, and the adaptive cycle model from complexity theory.The evolutionary theory of modern biology was not adopted without qualification in evolutionary economic geography. Instead, Generalized Darwinism was adopted as its ontology. For instance, the Lamarckian approach of acquired characteristics, in which genetic features are acquired as an adaptation of the individual’s post-birth environment and passed down to future generations, has been completely rejected in modern biology since the time of Darwin. However, in evolutionary economics, there is a view that a company constitutes ‘routines’ as part of the process of adaptation to its environment subsequent to its formation; this concept is closely akin to the Lamarckian methodology rejected in biology. The wide gap between biology and this methodology is highly significant. Genes are likened to routines, while companies are likened to populations, leading to the application of concepts such as panarchy and resilience, which in turn grew out of the concepts of ecosystem and succession, respectively.The development of biological methodology in economic geography grew out of criticism of the equilibrium concept of physical and mechanistic viewpoints in neoclassical economics. Alternatively, the concepts of restricted rationality, multiple equilibrium, irreversibility, increasing return, and self-organization are employed. Accordingly, corporate behaviors such as entry, development, and withdrawal in the market are viewed as selection and variation required for the adaptation of “routines” to market environment conditions. As a result of spinoffs and knowledge spillover, characterized by path dependence or contingency, cluster accumulation and network building take place.These basic routines play an important part in organizations at the corporate level, and also impact cities and regions. There is a need to consider emergence at the macro-structure level in relation to the impact of low-level processes, and also the relationship of broad-based social structure and embeddedness. In adjusting the structures of complicated processes of production, distribution, and consumption in the global landscape, global production networks, the spatial division of labor, and institutional arguments at the national and regional level facilitate individual company strategies and industrial dynamism. In addition, evolutionary economic geography must avoid fixed concepts of path dependence or lock-in.To achieve this, we need to prioritize location and region from a broader view of the spatial division of labor. We need to pay serious attention to the role of authority and policies in structuring economic organizations. In addition, understanding of the global socioeconomic structure in the national and socioeconomic context is required. Theories on the diversification of national and global institutions seem likely to be an important theme in evolutionary economic geography in the future.

著者

川喜田 二郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, no.3, pp.25-36,96, 1950-07-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

20

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Eastern Siberia maintains an unique position in Boreal Forest as deciduous coniferous forest. It adapts to the dry and cold winter climate, and Larix spruce represents its characteritics so well. Here, also, there is no evidence of continental glaciers in the past, but permanent tundra exists in place of glaciers. Its main part seems to us as the product of diluvial deposits. From many points of view, the condition of formation is contradictory between glacier and tundra. If the glacial period of diluvium corresponds with the growth period of tundra, both would have maintained their influential spheres separately, without changing their mutual geographical orientation. If each formation periods differ, permanent tundra would due much to the second inter glacier period. In either case, Eastern Siberia experienced no great change since diluvium, but most flourishing period of tundra formation would be coinside with spreading period of loess accumulation and inland basin in southern part of continent.

著者

川喜田 二郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, no.2, pp.142-152, 1958-06-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

石川 友紀

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.4, pp.456-473, 1973-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

29

被引用文献数

3 2

著者

中谷 友樹

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.360-377, 2011 (Released:2018-01-23)

参考文献数

104

被引用文献数

12 14

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The aim of this review is to summarize the recent interdisciplinary interest in the relationship between health and place related to issues of geographical inequalities in health since the 1990s, mostly in the context of Anglophone literature, in order to identify meaningful research challenges applied to the context of Japan. There are several background factors which have directed this trend, including: (1) advanced GIS and spatial epidemiology techniques; (2) the emergence of the ‘new’ geography of health; and (3) the exploring of possibilities of environmental health interventions based on the philosophy of the ‘new public health.’ Referencing keywords of papers published in the influential journal in this field, Health & Place, we found that there is a clear accumulation of studies of “neighbourhoods” in contemporary settings of developed countries. Such studies broadly argue (1) that socially deprived people are likely to live in deprived/harmful areas, and (2) the kind of general environmental changes that can alter the ideal concept of ‘healthy places’ in the society. We also contextualized the neighbourhood research interest into categories of compositional effects by selective migration and housing, possible ‘upstream causes’ of social inequality related to relative income and the neo-materialist hypothesis, and historical transitions of ‘healthy towns’ in the relationship between public health and city planning concepts. Although the underlying context of the society and lifestyles in the reviewed Anglophone studies are often largely different from those of Japan, there is a large potential for conducting studies of geographical inequality in health in various research fields of geography and related disciplines in order to identify Japanese contextual effects and to propose effective environmental intervention schemes in the society. Particularly when we consider the fact that Japan is still one of the healthiest and most egalitarian nations in the world, conditions may be associated with geographical aspects of the society, such as less segregated social area formation. However, recent apprehension about rising social inequality and related social/geographical inequality problems has provoked us to learn lessons from other countries’ experiences of (un) healthy neighbourhoods structured by globalization, social policy, and urban design.

著者

原 遼平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.1, pp.27-45, 2022 (Released:2022-04-19)

参考文献数

32

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本稿では明治期地主の旅日記の記述から旅行者が見た瀬戸内海の風景を分析した。分析に際しては旅行実施以前の観光案内及び文人・知識人の記述との比較を行い,旅行者である A 氏による記述との共通点及び相違点を明らかにした。その結果,観光案内は概ね名所旧跡を中心に,人文景を紹介することで瀬戸内海の風景を記述していた。また,観光案内は風景の説明には伝説や歌枕を引用していた。一方で,知識人は瀬戸内海を欧米人から評価される風景として捉え,港湾設備や往来する船舶等の人文景,陸地の構成要素や生息する生物等の自然科学的な視点から名所旧跡を通さない,多島海たる瀬戸内海を評価しようとしていた。文人も多島海として捉える視点は有していたものの,人文景への着眼は少なかった。旅日記の筆者である A 氏は自然科学的な視点は持ち合わせてはいなかったが,名所旧跡を通さない多島海としての瀬戸内海を捉えるような記述も見られた。また,都市や港湾といった人文景観に着目し,沿岸部での土地利用等への言及も見られた。こういった人文景への着目は観光案内の記述と共通するものであり,A 氏の風景への着眼点は当時の観光案内の記述に大きく影響を受けていたと考えられる。

著者

日野 尚志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, no.6, pp.656-669, 1967-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

23

著者

山﨑 孝史

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.4, pp.377-398, 2006 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

84

被引用文献数

1 1

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This paper explores ‘the politics of geography,’ or the nature and problematic aspects of daily activities of geographers by examining cases in Anglophone political geography. Particular attention is paid to the four ‘incidents’ that became controversial among (political) geographers and can be considered informative for such an exploration. These incidents do not only concern conflicts and debates in academic journals over scholarly activities but also created various ‘sociological’ reactions from even outside of geography. Subject matters in political geography tend to be controversial because they often reflect the authors’ own political preferences and positionality. Whereas overt expressions of such preferences in / through academic journals may conflict with the journals’ ‘neutrality’ or ‘fairness,’ the journals themselves may direct their publication policy toward particular ‘political’ purposes. Most of the incidents became accidentally known to the author through John O’Loughlin, who has been an editor of the journal Political Geography since its foundation. Drawing on the experiences of O’Loughlin and Political Geography and without concluding that ‘everything is political,’ this paper attempts to reveal where and how ‘the political’ played out in those incidents and to provide a clue to a self-reflection on the socio-political implications of our daily academic activities.

著者

平野 昌繁 島津 俊之 野尻 亘 奥田 節夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.5, pp.493-503, 1991-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

21

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A large number of gigantic landslides were triggered by typhoon rain in 1889 over the Totsukawa area, Nara prefecture, resulting a serious hazard. Their localities are identified exactly based on the Koaza name in the historical record, the Yoshinogun-Suisaishi. The identification of landslide localities over South- and East-Totsukawa areas was tried this time, and the results were summarized.Landslide larger than 4×104m2 in area have been shown by cliff marks on the topographic map in 1911 (Meiji-44) as same as in the case of West-Totsukawa area reported before. Topograhic features of gigantic landslides are still recongnized clearly on the aerial photos in 1953 taken even 65 years after the hazard.Description of the localities by Koaza name is frequent at the portions near the settlements or along the trafic routes at that day. In addition, some exaggeration in total number of large landslides is detected, if compared with the number of criff marks in the topographic maps in, 1911, even taking into account of the difference in threshold magnitude for description. Despite these biassed nature, it is clearly true that the Yoshinogun-Suisaishi surves the extraordinarily detailed record of the landslide localities, and this has come from the timing that the hazard occurred just after the detailed survey and registration of land-owner relationship there.