著者

水津 一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.1-6, 1986

著者

崎田 誠志郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.4, pp.283-305, 2015

被引用文献数

5

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<p>Fishery cooperatives (FCs) in Japan have long managed coastal fishing grounds based on a fishery rights system, particularly common fishery rights, which are derived from old local community customs. However, merging of the FCs has been promoted nationwide for half a century to improve deteriorating business. Consequently, common fishery rights are now managed by a large-scale FC, whereas micro-scale fishing grounds related to common fishery rights are still managed by the former area FC. Thus, the aim of this study was to reveal the structural aspects of micro-scale fishing ground management by the local area under the large-scale FC.</p><p>The study site was Kushimoto-cho, Wakayama Prefecture, located at the southernmost part of the Kii Peninsula. Fifteen areas in and around Kushimoto-cho, which had former FCs, now fall under the jurisdiction of the large-scale Wakayama-Higashi FC. Three of these areas were analyzed in this study. The three areas have different fishing characteristics, primarily dependent on local environmental conditions within the fishing grounds. These local environmental factors also affect fishing ground management within the areas.</p><p>After merging of the different FCs, micro-scale fishing grounds have been managed by voluntary organizations separate from the area. Each area has various voluntary organization-led structures according to the number of participating fishermen and the economic dependence of each common fishery right-based fishery.</p><p>Meanwhile, the autonomy of the areas alone was insufficient to retain their conventional and independent fishing ground management. The legitimacy of fishing ground management in the areas is reinforced by their association with official institutions. That is to say, the areas demonstrate their initiative to manage the fishing grounds through some obscure official institutions that reflect the area's customs. In contrast, independent fishing ground management has been replaced in some areas by restrictive official institutions through legal force.</p><p>Moreover, the fishing ground management structures in these areas are neither well-established nor declining. Various methods of transition have been used, such as reductions, restructuring, or strengthening, and these are related to the dynamics of various factors, such as shifting fishery status and the intentions of local fishermen.</p><p>The results of this study show the current multilayered fishing ground management structure and explain that the fishing ground management structure in the areas has changed in various ways in parallel with the FC merger and that reciprocal relationships with official institutions have been built. Such recognition will provide important insight for discussing the future of micro-scale fishing ground management considering the domestic trend towards decreasing the size of the fishing industry and expanding the FCs.</p>

著者

小方 登

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.129-148, 2000-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

84

被引用文献数

2 2

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This paper examines the city planning system of the ancient Bo-hai State using recently declassified intelligence satellite (CORONA satellite) photos acquired in the 1960s by the United States. Based on reconstructions made in my recent report, I have tried to make clear some principles shared by those in city planning. It is also intended to prove the usefulness of satellite images in historico-geographical and archaeological applications.The Bo-hai State was a kingdom which existed from 698 AD to 926 AD in the northeastern part of today's China. It was formed by the Tungusic people in association with refugees from Koguryo, which had fallen in 668. It actively imported Chinese culture and political system and boasted a high standard of civilization. While bringing tribute to Tang China, it dispatched envoys to Japan many times across the sea. Since records On Bo-hai itself have been lost, we can only obtain a glimpse of its prosperity through Chinese histories and records in Japan concerning envoys as well as archaeological evidence. Xin-Tang-shu, a history of Tang China compiled in 1060, praised Bo-hai as "a thriving country eastward across the sea" which has "five capitals".The five capitals of Bo-hai referred to in Xin-Tang-shu included Shang-jing Long-quan-fu (Northern Capital), Zhong-jing Xian-de-fu (Central Capital), Dong-jing Long-yuan-fu (Eastern Capital), Nan-jing Nan-hai-fu (Southern Capital) and Xi-jing Ya-lu-fu (Western Capital). Dong- jing was also referred to as the gateway to Japan. Among these capitals, Shang-jing (Ning-an, Heilongjiang Province), Zhong-jing (Helong, Jilin Province) and Dong-jing (Hunchun, Jilin Province) were researched and identified by Japanese archaeologists in the 1930s and in the early 1940s. From the reports of these researches, it is known that Shang-jing is the most important ruin having a triply nested structure consisting of rectangular innermost, inner and outer city and grid-pattern streets. This method of planning was borrowed from China's capital Chang-an and shared by the capitals of Korea and Japan of that period. As for Zhong-jing and Dong-jing, the remains of rectangular inner cities were evident, but the existence of the outer city and grid-pattern streets has been questioned.Based on my recent report, remains of the plans of Shang-jing, Zhong-jing and Dong-jing were reviewed using satellite photos. Shang-jing was said to be the king's capital of Bo-hai for the longest time. From the satellite photo over Shang-jing, the remains of the rectangular city walls and grid-pattern streets are very clear, reconfirming that it is the most important among the ruins of the Bo-hai State. It is evident that the main street from the palace gate to the main city gate is of considerable width. Among the lateral streets, the street adjacent to the southern side of the Palace site (innermost city) seems to be wider than the others. It demonstrates typical city planning shared by the East Asian ancient states. Fig. 2 shows my reconstruction of Shang-jing using satellite photos.Zhong-jing was said to be the king's capital for a short period circa 750. The existence of an outer city wall and grid-pattern streets around the already-known inner city was examined using satellite photos over Zhong-jing. Patterns of fields and snow marks show the remains of the main street and the lateral street along the southern side of the inner city. Patterns of the canals also suggest traces of the outer city wall. From these traces, the reconstruction of the whole city is presented (Fig. 4).Dong-jing was said to be the gateway to Japan and the king's capital for a short period circa 790.

著者

三浦 尚子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1-21, 2016

被引用文献数

1

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<p>本稿は,障害者自立支援法施行に伴って制度化された東京都の通過型グループホームが,精神障害者の地域ケアにおいて果たす役割について,R 自治体内における通過型グループホームの事業者および入居者に対する質的調査に基づき,「ケア空間」「あいだの空間」という分析概念を用いて検討した。その結果,以下の知見が得られた。通過型グループホームの入居者は,精神科病院の退院条件であるか,家族との関係が悪い場合が多く居住地を選べない,ほかに生活環境を転換する術をもたないことを入居の理由としており,必ずしも本意に基づく選択ではないことが明らかとなった。しかし入所後,入居者は施設内に設置された交流室にて,職員や他入居者との間で無条件の肯定的配慮や共感的理解の態度で形成される「ケア空間」を通して,新たな主体性を出現させて自尊を獲得し,生への希望を見出していた。事業者は通過型グループホームを「あいだの空間」と位置づけ,単身生活への移行を障害者の自立とみなす国や行政機関の見解に即してその役割に肯定的であったが,入居者にとっては別の希望の空間へと向かうために重要な物理的・社会的な空間であるといえる。</p>

著者

奥野 志偉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.6, pp.615-632, 2004

被引用文献数

2

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香港の映画産業は, 世界の映画産業の中でも大規模で, 最もダイナミックな側面をもっている。マイケル・ディアは, 映画の生産場所, 場所の生産, フィルム・テキスト, 場所にもとづくパフォーマンスの消費といった4つの側面に基づいて, フィルム・スペース (映画空間) の理論を創出した。本論文は, ディアの理論にしたがって, 第1に20世紀末まで香港で生産された映画の歴史を回顧する。第2に1970, 80年代香港映画のブームを解釈するため, 当時香港映画界で活躍していた主要な俳優や監督, 武術指導 (監督), スタントマンの背景や経歴, そして香港映画の発展における貢献について導出する。第3に, 映画のジェンルをカンフー映画, ホラー・幽霊映画, ガンスター映画, 都市暮らし映画との4種類として, それぞれの類型作りや発展について賞味する。第4に, 香港映画の成功に導いた要因として, 人的資源, 資金, 映画文化の交流などを討論する。最後に, 本論文では香港映画をめぐるローカル及びグローバルな作用が, 香港映画産業や, 映画文化への影響を検出するとともに, 中国, アジア, そして世界における香港の政治的・文化的な役割という場所性について考える。

著者

坂本 英夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, no.3, pp.220-241,281, 1961

被引用文献数

1 1

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弓浜半島は過去の商品畑作農業の結果,過少農の卓越する人口稠密地域となり,特に開発の早かった半島北部では農業生産は既に副次的な意味しか有していない。これに比べて近世以降に開発の展開をみた半島中部では耕地細分化が北部ほど進行していないことや,地元の小都市とも距離を置き農業部門の地位は相対的に高い。ここでは蔬菜の輸送園芸が戦後盛んとなり,大阪を主とした関西市場へ共同出荷がなされている。透水性の大きい砂土に覆われた弓浜半島で蔬菜栽培を技術的に成立せしめているのが,江戸時代に開かれた米川用水路の働きである。そして普通の畑作物の中で,より労働集約的で土地使用的な性格を持っている蔬菜部門が戦後採択されたのは,過小農が卓越する弓ヶ浜農業の経営経済上の必然であった。この場合,共同出荷の推進母体たる農協は当初の販売担当機関に止ることなく,産地形成上の条件整備機関としての活動まで必要となった。このような共同出荷体制の組織化が社会的規制の形で進むか否かは,管内農家に対する農協の経済的比重の大小によって決定される。この点半島中部の農村は優良農協を中核とする生産-流通の体制が確立されて蔬菜の輸送園芸の中心地区となっている。これに対して,専業農家の少ない半島北部や共同化への関心の低い(米子)近郊は農協による個別経営の結合が弱く,程度の差はあれ輸送園芸の集団的形成を阻害している。弓ヶ浜産蔬菜の代表である葱は需要との関係が生産上の大きな条件となった。特有の農業気象によって早期収穫の可能性は秋の葱消費市場(大阪)を独占し有利な価格を保持している。ただ葱そのものの需要は限界があることや,弓ヶ浜からの出荷蔬菜中に市場での優越を誇る品目が他に見当らないことが問題である。新しい市場を求め,新しい品目を求めて蔬菜産地はその発展に努力しているのであるが,内外の状勢が何時までそれを許すのであろうか。

著者

河本 大地

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.1-24, 2005-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

53

被引用文献数

5 2

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Organic agriculture is a global trend. In Japan, some local agricultural cooperatives, farmers, and local governments have tried to form organic agricultural production areas as a strategy for rural development.The aim of this study is to examine how farmers have accepted the promotion of organic agriculture in Aya Town, which has been one of the pioneering organic agricultural production areas in Japan.To attain this aim, the author investigated the agricultural structure of Aya Town. Then he undertook intensive interviews with farmers in the town, comprising 'natives' and 'newcomers'. Two communities were chosen for interviewing with the 'native' farmers; Odate, located in a hilly area where farmers tend to grow outdoor vegetables with no agricultural chemicals and chemical fertilizers; and Sakinota, located on a plain where most farmers engage in the production of hothouse cucumbers with 'less' chemicals. 'Newcomers' were chosen from all of the area of Aya Town and they had migrated there after 1986.In Aya Town, Mr. Gohda, the previous mayor served from 1966 to 1992, led the local government and the local agricultural cooperative to promote organic agriculture as a rural development strategy. The contexts were rapid depopulation in the town, and a lack of competitiveness from the management of the area and its agriculture in the 1960s.As a result of the promotion and the practice of organic agriculture, various changes have resulted in Aya Town. Firstly, the town has obtained a reputation as a pioneering organic production area. It has attracted new farmers and visitors from urban areas and this has become a source of pride for the residents. Secondly, the structure of agricultural production has changed. After failing to become a major production area for oranges in the 1960s, stock raising and hothouse cultivation of cucumbers have been the major agricultural products. Fruit and rice growing, which were originally smaller, have reduced. In this situation, organically grown outdoor vegetables have contributed to the conservation of farmland and the development of agriculture in the entire town, although the scale of the management is comparatively small. Thirdly, most native farmers have integrated into the system for the promotion of organic agriculture through registration to the public 'Organic Agriculture Development Center' since 1988. The promoters have given subsidies, advice, markets, and even organic certification services for farmers and they have reduced the gap with conventional agriculture. Moreover, collective changes in the practice of farming have given a sense of security to the farmers.However, farmers in Aya Town show differences in terms of attitudes toward the promoted organic agriculture. Notable differences were found between natives and newcomers, especially in attitudes towards the manner of promotion and the practices of the other farmers. Almost all newcomers are distrustful of the promotion and of native farmers' practices, and are critical of the lack of their frontier spirit. Such differences are caused by the dependence on public promotion, and thus some similarity is found among some native farmers who do not depend on it so much.Moreover, there are differences among local farmers' attitudes towards organic agriculture by area. In Odate, where the growing of outdoor vegetables is popular, farmers are more interested in organic agriculture than those in Sakinota are. In addition, in their narration the farmers in Odate refer to concrete issues about organic agriculture. In Sakinota, where most farmers engage in the growing of hothouse vegetables, farmers regard the promotion of organic agriculture positively but they do not see themselves as the main actors in developing organic agriculture.Such local differences are caused by existing local agricultural conditions especially in the main agricultural sectors.

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.6, pp.603-642, 1966-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

7 5

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Tango Peninsula is situated in the northwest corner of Kyoto prefecture. There were 100 rural settlements in the area more than 100 meters above sea level, in the early period of the Meiji Era. They consist of four types: in-valley, head-valley, top-valley and plateau settlements. The heighest level where the settlements were established was about 500 meters above the sea. The number of houses in one of these rural settlements varied according to the nature of soil and landform; in short, the space of arable land was the chief factor. In the case of 86 rural settlements, the number of houses has decreased, and in the case of the other six was the same until 1965. 18 out of the 86 settlements are now total “Ortswüstung” or absolute “Wüstung”, and 14 out of more than 50% of the houses which existed before 1872 have been lost.The rate of the loss of houses is influenced by the landform also and especially by the altitude. And then, top-valley and plateau settlements located more than 320 meters above sea level, and the in-valley settlements located below 280 meters above sea level have lost houses in the manner shown in the fig. 4. The gragh indicates the rate of loss in a straight line (the rate of loss=1/5 height). The head-valley and top-valley settlements below 280 meters above sea level have lost houses in a parabola (R=1/700h2).The loss of houses here began about 1880. The number of lost houses was remarkably large in the following 3 periods; 1907-21, 1928-33 and 1952-.A long distance movement (outside Tango region) of the people from these rural settlements began about 1897. More people moved with the opening of local railway in 1928. However, as a whole, it was small-scaled. Especially since 1952 fewer people move, relatively speaking. A short distance movement has been also small-scaled, but we can notice a large-scaled migration of this sort in 1928-33, which the writer should like to name ‘the first period of deserted villages’. A middle distance movement (toward the rural settlements on lower levels and local centers in the Tango region) has always been greater than the other two, except during the first period of deserted villages. About half of the middle distance migrators went mainly to nine local-towns (local centers) in Tango, especially to Amino (a textile manufacturing town) and Iwataki (a town with refined nickel industry, rubber shoes and texiles).In Tango Peninsula, total “Ortswüstung” or absolute “Wüstung” counted 18, and relative “Wüstung” 11 in 1965. The numbers mean about 30% of the rural settlements located more than 100 meters above the sea. Four of these appeared in ‘the first period of deserted villages’, and the other deserted villages appeared after 1956, which the writer should like to name ‘the second period of deserted villages’.A dominant factor of the deserted villages here was the difficulty of enjoying facilities for life until 1956, and after 1957 the lack of economic power to meat the gradually modenized ways of life.As for land utilization, there are three types-- (1) total “Ortswüstung” followed by no arable land abandonment, (2) total “Ortswüstung” followed by arable land aban-donment, (3) absolute “Wüstung”. Men are apt to abandon their homes before their cultivated land. Abandoned arable land is either left uncultivated or afforested. We can observe very few pastures made in the deserted arable land in Tango Peninsula.As for the new occupations of the migrators, those who lived in other places and came to work in their former farms could be found until about 1958.

著者

佐藤 甚次郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.6, pp.445-464, 1962-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

37

被引用文献数

1

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This is part of paper concerning the residental sites of Japanese farm house. In the building structure of farm houses, there are two distribution features in Japan: in the south-western provinces, a dwelling house is generally of small size, but has many affiliated facilities and other various faculties, according the design of peasant farming-life and they are dispersed in each construction. In the north-eastern provinces, however, farm houses are bigger, compared with the formers and all kinds of functions are agglomerated in the main house-particular attention is given to snowy and cold areas. In the former district, there is less disposition to accept social class distinctions among the inhabitants. On the other hand, in the latter area, constructions attached to the farm-house of a poor landed peasant are small in number. It is a matter of general knowledge that wealthy farmers have sufficient establishments on their premises, and their constructions are arranged on the place, in order that they may easily get into communication with the main house, on account of family affairs. In spite of these distinctions, there is little difference between the peasantry and the wealthy farmer, because sheds for field work in farming areas extend on a large scale in each farm. This is a result of farm-land reform, a favorable aspect of rural economy and mechanized farming since the end of the war.In districts along the Japan Sea coast, the main house is the nucleus of the arrangement of construction. In contrast with the district, the front yard centers on the Pacific sea board of Japan. The difference of arable areas in farming, caused by the climatic character, is probably due to the farming job and the stage of the farmers' activity in everyday life.On the grounds of a farm house and its constructional arrangement, local features are formed through the influence of seasonal winds in winter and typhoons in summer. The physiognomy of a house that has an abhorrence of the north-eastern wind, as in China, has no effect on them beyond expections. Owing to the development of agricultural techniques, the structure of construction underwent a conspicuous change in farm house which were carrying on rice crop and sericulture in the thirty year span, 1900-1930. It was the formative period of a local definite type. In addition to this, the family system exerts a far-reaching influence upon constructions, too.

著者

稲垣 稜

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.149-171, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

55

被引用文献数

1

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本研究では,都心の人口回復がすすむ中,都心居住者の職住近接がすすんでいるか否かを検討した。対象地域は,大阪市の都心に位置する大阪市福島区である。はじめに,国勢調査をもとに,福島区居住者全体の従業地構成の変化を分析した。その結果,都心居住者の就業については,職住近接よりもむしろ職住分離がすすんでいることが明らかになった。続いて,都心居住者における職住分離の背景,要因を明らかにするため,アンケート調査を実施した。都心における職住分離傾向の背景,要因は,以下のように要約できる。第一に,自営業者の職住関係の変化である。もともと自営業者は,職住一体を特徴としてきたが,近年,都心においては,自営業者の職住分離もすすんだ。さらに,自営業者数自体も大幅に減少している。第二に,若年層や分譲マンション居住者の動向である。若年層や分譲マンション居住者は,大阪市外への通勤者割合が高い。こうした都心における職住分離傾向は,雇用の郊外化とも関連がある。雇用の郊外化は,都心居住者の郊外への通勤を促進する方向に作用した。特に,ホワイトカラーによる都心居住の増加と都心雇用の減少が,職住分離をすすめる背景となったと考えられる。

著者

村上 雅康

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.5, pp.428-444, 1986-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

13

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

竹内 淳彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.4, pp.262-274, 1962

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The writer has investigated the distribution of binocular manufacturing works and geographical significance of their location in Japan. The following facts were disclosed.<br>1. There are 215 binocular manufacturing works in Japan today. These works are very small in scale, having average of only 16 workers in each workshop.<br>Most of the works are concentrated in Tokyo area, and about 95% of them are closely distributed in Itabashi district, northern part of Tokyo metropolis, forming core of the distribution in Japan.<br>2. The following factors are considered to play an important role in the location of the binocular manufacturing industry.<br>a) One of the location factors which exerts a conspicuous influence upon the present pattern of the distribution is the existence of the commission agents naving an overwhelming power over the works. For the reason that all of the commission agents are situated in Tokyo, many works tend to be attracted by them and distributed in Tokyo area.<br>b) In Tokyo area, Itabashi was the only district where large scale binocular plants for mtlitary purposes were situated before the war. After the war, the production of the plant were all changed to peaceful (binocular) industries, and the existence of technical experts who worked in these factories may be said to have been the cause of their concentration in the area.<br>c) In recent time, the superiority of Itabashi district to others, which, as, mentioned already, plays an important part in the distribution of binocular industries, is due to the existence of many workers and subcontractors who are obliged to offer their cheap labour.

著者

グエン カオ・フアン 野間 晴雄 グエン ドック・カー チャン アイン・トゥアン

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.6, pp.588-605, 2006

被引用文献数

2

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<p>本稿の目的は,ベトナム地理学の歴史を前近代の地理的知識の発達から現在の状況まで,その専門分野や方法・手法の変遷と制度や大学での地理学の教育から概観を試みることである。</p><p>前近代は中国の地誌の影響を受け,国家の土地問題や地方行政制度に有用な地理的知識が蓄積され,それらに関連した地図も作成されたが,地誌の体裁は中国の伝統的な形式を超えるものではなかった。</p><p>フランス植民地時代には旧来の地誌の形式を踏襲した自然,経済,歴史・政治地理,統計の4分法が用いられた。マスペロらによる古文書研究所での地名や歴史地理は注目される。自然地理学ではカルスト地形や洞窟学が考古学者や地質学者によって発達した。応用的な地理学分野としては工芸作物の適地利用,灌漑システム,気象観測所の適地調査,フランス人のためのヒルステーション立地などが研究された。</p><p>1930年代になるとフランスの人文地理学の影響が顕著となり,ロブカンやグルーが北部ベトナムの地誌や土地利用研究で活躍した。とりわけグルーの『トンキンデルタの農民』(1936)は空中写真や詳細な地形図を駆使した不滅の業績であるが,第二次世界大戦以後のベトナム地理学では長く忘れられた存在であった。</p><p>現代の地理学は1954年から75年までが一つの画期となる。モスクワ大学を頂点とするソビエト地理学の圧倒的な影響下にあって,地質学,地形学が中心となった。ベトナムの戦後第一世代の多くがこの時期に共産圏諸国の留学生によって占められた。1975年に南北ベトナムの統一が達成されたが,メコンデルタや中部の研究に特色が見いだされる。</p><p>1986年以降のドイモイによる経済開放によって,アングロサクソン系地理学のさまざまな手法や概念が英語メディアを通じて徐々に入ってきたが,その歩みは遅々たるものだった。その間に,リモートセンシングやGISの手法による地域計画が国家事業の観点から重要な役割をにない,地理学の地位を高めた。</p><p>大学における地理学はハノイ大学(現在はベトナム国家大学ハノイ校)の地質学・自然地理学を中心に,景観生態学や地形学,土地管理などの分野が中心の学部と,ハノイ教育大学,ホーチミン大学における経済地理,人文地理学中心のものに大別される。いずれもGIS,リモートセンシングなどを用いたツーリズムや応用地理学的な分野に特色を持つ。</p><p>ベトナムの地理学会は1988年に設立され,ハノイ大学を中心として5年ごと大会を開催しているが,定期刊行物はない。ほかにベトナム国立科学技術アカデミーにも研究者がいて,天然資源,環境,災害が主要テーマとなっている。</p><p>近年は「総合地理学」の名のもとに,人文地理学がベトナムでようやく力を持ち始めている。その対象とするのは人間が作った人文景観や中・小地域でのコミュニティ,都市・農村地理学で,現代ベトナム地理学の台風の目となろうとしている。その一方で,政策・計画や自然地理学と社会経済地理学を重視したソ連流の人文地理学も並存し重要視されている。</p>

著者

岩本 廣美

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.181-201, 2021

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<p>本稿の目的は,第二次世界大戦後の日本の中学校地理教育における地域学習の展開状況を明らかにすることである。研究方法として,次の3点を検討した。①学習指導要領の記述,②単元「身近な地域」の教育実践に関する先行研究,③単元「身近な地域」に関するフィールドワークを取り入れた教育実践事例。その結果は次のとおりである。まず,1958年から2017年までの学習指導要領において,単元「身近な地域」は,名称や位置付けを変えながら,一貫して配置されてきたことがわかった。次に,先行研究から,近年の単元「身近な地域」の教育実践において,地形図は盛んに活用されていることがわかった。高等学校の入学試験でしばしば地形図に関する問題が出題されるからである。しかし,フィールドワークを取り入れた教育実践はきわめて少ない。多くの教師は,その理由に年間の授業時間の不足を挙げる。筆者は,多くの教師が,「身近な地域」で学習すべき問題を発見できないためであると推測する。3つ目に,フィールドワークを取り入れた単元「身近な地域」の教育実践事例には,水準の高いものがあることがわかった。多くの教師が実践しやすいフィールドワークの指導方法として,近年では,内容を精選し,50分以内に実施できるものが提案されている。その実現のためには,教員養成・研修の充実が必要である。</p>

著者

キーナー ヨハネス コルナトウスキ ヒェラルド

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.5, pp.395-411, 2015 (Released:2018-01-30)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

2 2

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The aim of this paper is to examine the characteristics of guesthouses (GH) in the inner city and to discuss their impact on the local community and real estate market. Company X, which runs eight GH buildings in Osaka City’s North Nishinari area, is used as an example, and based on a sample of 30 residents the business strategy for this area was analyzed.Because of its poor reputation and the low living quality standards, North Nishinari is not popular among younger residents and is turning more and more into a welfare district for elderly people. Against this background, Company X initiated its GH business, in order to bring younger residents into the area. The comparatively simple-to-start GH business is a new business model for landlords with little private capital unable to participate in the welfare business. GHs provide a living environment and services that encourage foreigners to move in, appealing especially to people who stay for a fixed period of time in Japan, like working holiday makers and foreign students. The characteristics of these GH residents are that most of them are foreigners from Asian countries, more than half of them are male, and they are employed in part-time jobs. These findings show that by following a clear business strategy in line with the conditions of the inner city, Company X attracts a distinctive type of residents, differing from guesthouse residents in other areas.However, this inner city business strategy influences the GHs capability to contribute to the local community. Its effect in solving the increasing social isolation in the local community is low, because the GH residents are not original members of this community. Furthermore, interactive events between guesthouse residents and members of the local community, necessary for a wider contribution to the local community, were stopped, because they had no direct effect on profits. The example of Company X shows that the guesthouse business in the inner city has the capacity to revitalize the real estate market by making effective use of old vacant housing, but its impact on the social issues of the local community is quite limited.

著者

谷岡 武雄 福永 正三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.6, pp.561-578, 1964-12-20 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

15

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There are many subjects to make clear the agrarian system of the ancient Japan. It is still the first problem to reconstitute this old system called Jori in detail. Encouraged by such a motive, the authors have researched into the Jori system of the Iga province which was adjacent to Yamato as the cultural and political center of the ancient Japan. The results obtained are as follows:1) One can find the agrarian landscape of the ancient Jori system in the Iga and Nabari basins which constituted the Iga province. This system was executed in the paddy field of the alluvial plain more than 135 meters above the sea level, avoiding the very marshy land. However, it was not continuous by reason of the undulating landform and the direction of the Jori typed land division was not fixed.2) In the district where the Jori landscape can be seen, the paddy field is very dominant, usually can raise two crops a year and its productivity is very higher than any other districts.3) The authors reconstituted the method of allotment of “Tsubo” according to the Jori system, which belonged to the serial pattern as well as the township in United States. But it is to be regretted that they could not succeed in the complete reconstitution for every case of the ancient counties.4) The Jori system of the Iga province is divided into four blocks: the Tsuge valley (ancient Abe-gun), the Hattori valley (ancient Yamada-gun), the Nagata valley (ancient Iga-gun), the Nabari valley (ancient Nabari-gun). The authors consider that the “Jo” in the Jori system was numbered in the same directions as the rivers flowed and the “Ri” in the directions at right angles to the rivers.5) In the ancient Iga, the “Kokufu” was also established as the administrative center of the province. It was situated to the eastern quarter of the Ijiro village and its plan followed the Jori system.6) There were two castle towns in the feudal times. The plan of the Nabari town followed the ancient Jori, but in the case of Ueno town, one can not find the same fact.

著者

窪田 哲三郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.1, pp.1-29, 1963-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

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The industrial location is generally changed in accordance with the transition of the social structure, the improvement of raw materials and the progress of technique. This article aims to prove how the progress of technique has changed the location, taking copper smelting industry as an example. Surveying the development of copper smelting in our country from the feudal age up to the present, the author has come to the following conclusions.(1) The copper smelting by means of the traditional technique at the Edo period was divided into the copper smelting at mines and the copper refining in Osaka. The former came out from the economic and technical reasons, and the latter from the political reason, that is, the feudal government allowed the refineries in Osaka to hold a monopoly of copper production in order to control the trade of copper.(2) After the Meiji Reformation, new techniques were introduced from the West. But, compared with the modernization of mining technique, smelting technique was very late to be modernized. Up to the days of the Sino-Japanese War the old technique had been dominant in smelting. As the control by the feudal government had been removed, copper refining began to leave Osaka and be carried out at refineries at each mine.(3) Pyritic smelting which began at the Kosaka Mine in the thirty-third year of Meiji was an excellent technique. Especially it was a profit for custom smelting that the process made the combined smelting of copper and gold or silver possible. From this time copper smelting became the core of metal smelting. On the basis of Pyritic smelting, a new copper smelting process (Pyritic smelting-converter smelting-electrolitic refining) was settled. And in the twenty-sixth year of Meiji the revised law of mining admitted the construction of smelters independent from mines. Then the monopolistic capitalists who had nearly established their bases advanced into custom smelting, mostly at the smelters belonging to large mines, in the prosperous days from the Russo-Japanese War till the First World War. Minor industrialists as well as the capitalists constructed custom smelters one by one on the coasts of the Seto Inland Sea that were convenient for collecting ores. These smelters were located on an island or at the end of a peninsula to avoid injury from smoke.(4) The world-wide panic and depression which followed the First World War caused minor industrialists to decline and the capitalists to accomplish the monopoly of copper smelting. And the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident brought the munitions boom and the copper smelting industry flourished again. But the technique remained fundamentally unchanged. Only the process of producing sulfic acid from withdrawn sulphurous acid gas made a remarkable progress, so the injury from smoke was greatly removed.(5) After the Second World War came the age of technical reform; the oxygen smelting at Hitachi, the flash smelting at Ashio and the fluidized bed roasting process at Kosaka were invented. Consequently a great deal of sulfic acid and raw material for iron manufacture was produced as by-products, and copper smelting got closely related with other industries. And the injury from smoke was almost removed. After the end of the war, a lot of ores and scraps were imported and used as raw material more than the ores produced in our country. In this way there is no longer a positive reason why copper smelters should be located in such inconvenient places, as mountains, small islands or peninsulas. New smelters are planned in the littoral industrial districts with a good harbour near the market.

著者

橋本 征治

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.5, pp.496-523, 1974

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By analyzing how central places and rural regions were related through the medium of production and circulation of commodities in the Edo Period and what influences they had on each other, this article aims to examine the structure of the urban-rural regions of the Tonami District in Kaga-<i>hanryo</i>, the territory which the Maeda clan ruled.<br>To begin with, the author analyzes the regional systems of production and circulation of commodities. In the first-half of the Edo period, <i>machi</i>, authorized cities, with their previleges, took the initiative in the circulation of commodities, whereas other local nuclei had much less centrality. Consequently, tightly integrated regional urban-rural systems were not developed; the systems were quite simple. But, more complicated systems developed in the second-half of the Edo period, when the production and circulation of commodities developed in the rural regions. And some <i>zaimachi</i> unauthorized cities, came to develop based on the regions producing commodities in the rural area and trading with the merchants from other <i>han</i>. At that time, there were a remarkable difference among the central places and the hierarchical divisions of labor. In the rural region, on the other hand, common rural communities remained engaged in primary production process or supplying raw materials to the central places, while some rural communities with access to the central places were engaged in a higher level production process. It has been observed that changes which took place in rural regions had certain regularity. That is, the changes were related to the differences in situational and physical characteristics of the regions. Considering these points, the author has made an effort to examine concretely the structure of urban-rural regions on the basis of the areas receiving annual tributes from rural communities and the areas from which merchants and craftsmen in the central places came. In the first-half of the Edo period, each central place organized urban-rural areas that directely reflected the local characters of its rural hinterland, but this hardly constituted a nodal region. In the latter-half of the Edo period, however, a highly developed nodal region came to exist in the northern part of the Tonami District. That is, the service centers were organized in several classes, hierarchically related. Overlapping of some service areas is also observed. But in the southern region, where the production and circulation of commodities developed later than the one in the north, the structure of urban-rural regions remained more immature; large or small urban-rural areas lay side by side with little functional integration.

著者

藤田 裕嗣

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.4, pp.316-334, 1986-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

93

被引用文献数

2 2

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The rural markets in medieval Japan have been examined but not clearly in detail in historical studies. Therefore, the central function and the sphere of influence of these markets or market towns have been inferred from the reconstructed landscape in historical geography. The present paper lays emphasis on flow itself and examines the types of flow processes from analysis of the activities of merchants who took part in flow between rural areas. This study places the markets in this flow process and deals with their functions. The study is limited to the latter medieval period.The flow processes of goods from the places of production to those of consumption are classified into twelve types (Figure 3; type a-type l). Altogether, these can be called the flow system. The simplest type is transport by a single producer (type k) or merchant (type a) and each type through retail market is type l or type b. Merchant types are subdivided as follows: Two merchants sharing flow in type a/b, who meet at markets collecting produce, form type e/f. After markets collecting produce, type g/h flows through shonin-yado (establishments where merchants gather and trade with each other). Adding wholesalers to type a/b or type g/h, we get type c/d or type i/j.Local flows, whose distances from the place of production to that of consumption are short, form type a/b or type k/l. The conditions of this type of local flow are, for example, that the produce is made everywhere. Flow not meeting these conditions can be called long distance flow (type a-type l).It can be concluded that the central function of rural markets, examined in view of these various flow process types is chiefly retail. However, flow types which bypass retail markets (satouri; type a, c, e, g, i, k) are found locally.Tsuminato (chief ports), shonin-yado and markets can be seen as nodal points in flow. In tsuminato all types of produce are gathered and merchants collect and buy it. Shonin-yado are located at not only tsuminato but also other spots along roads and there produce is traded between merchants. Markets as such, however, are thought to be distributed more densely. Flow can be found from the place of production to that of consumption in various types of flow processes through spatial organization of nodal points in flow.This study indicates various possibilities of examining commodity flow patterns from a new viewpoint.

著者

村田 陽平

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.557-575, 2002

被引用文献数

3 3

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The politics of space involving sexuality has been studied mainly from the perspective of women and of homosexual men. Women's studies of space make clear that space is not constructed for female sexuality but for that of males. Gay studies of space conclude that, though homosexual men are 'male', they are inclined to be alienated from spaces which are premised as being heterosexual. Otherwise, little attention has been given to the viewpoint of heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the politics of space involving heterosexual men in Japan.<br>This study picks up one of the statements which was brought up in the Japanese political world in 1999. It is the Nishimura's statement, which was claimed by Shingo Nishimura (a member of the Diet)-at the time, a parliamentary vice-minister of the Defense agency-in an article in the '<i>weekly Playboy</i>'. The statement was problematical because it contained positive statements regarding the nuclear armament of Japan and was also sexist. Sexism among Japanese politicians is not unfamiliar, but against this case there was an unprecedented opposition which came in the form of criticism by some members of the men's group in Tokyo. This paper clarifies this situation by analyzing some discourses on relevant texts, magazines and newspapers that reported the statement.<br>First, I point out the spatial structure of sexuality through which Nishimura's statement is premised, in order to elucidate why the discriminatory aspects of the statement were put aside in public space. This is because, in public space, sexual matters are recognized as being a problem of dignity and are regarded as the domain of private space. Otherwise, in private space, sexual matters are thought of as being natural, so Mr. Nishimura and the affirmative people did not recognize the opposition of women and claim that their opinions are sympathetic towards them. Namely, it is made clear that the statement assumes that public space is non-sexual and private space is natural. However, the spatial structure of sexuality has relevance to the one that suppresses both women and homosexual men.<br>Secondly, it is made clear how the spatial structure of sexuality is constructed. First, I indicate the place occupied by the '<i>weekly Playboy</i>' magazine. The magazine has contents oriented towards both private space and the public space of discourse. Secondly, sexual content has a function in public space. The reason that we overlook sexual discourse in public space is that sexual discourses are regarded as natural. So it is thought that private space within which sexual matters are contained was constructed before the construction of public space. However, in actuality, such a private space is a fiction whose logic is hidden. Thirdly, it comes to light how male heterosexuality works in public space. Women tend to be judged by their attributes, while men tend to be judged by their actions. So male heterosexuality is not regarded as a form of action but as an attribute. So long as male heterosexuality is recognized as an attribute, it is not problematized and reproduced in public space.<br>Thirdly, I explain the meanings of space for heterosexual men on the basis of discourses by heterosexual men who have an objective view towards Nishimura's statement. For example, members of the men's movement in Tokyo collected signatures against Nishimura's statement in a petition that was limited only to men. The reason behind it was not necessarily meant to exclude women, but was rather to stress the viewpoint of (heterosexual) men. They found that male members of the Diet did not accept their argument against Nishimura's statement. Though they recognized the sexual contents of the statement as a problem of public space, their argument was not recognized as a problem of public space. This case demonstrates that heterosexual men can also put into question the spatial structure of sexuality as their exclusive problem.