著者
野田 只夫
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, no.5-6, pp.71-78,A7, 1952-01-15 (Released:2009-04-30)

In the social history of the middle ages “Bashaku Shudan” appear as the vaguard of “Do-ikki” (the peasants'revolts). What is of interest is the gangs demonstrate remarkable activities but with the end of peasants'revolts they too abruptly disappear.In the present paper which consists of four parts, actuality of “Bashaku” gangs in ordinary times is examined historically and geographically in connection with land.In the lst Part (Introduction): what is “Bashaku” and what is interesting of it are explained.In the 2nd Part: Gangs'activities are reviewed chronologically and according to places where they showed. The active part played by “Bashaku Shudan” as the core of the peasant movement that evolved from appeal to organized revolt is described.In the 3rd part: The organization and functions of the “Bashaku” Gang are studied with examples of a few gangs in the suburban districts of Kyoto, i. e., Shimo-toba, Yoko-oji, and Fushimi.In the 4th Part (Conclusion): Substance of “Bashaku Shudan” is discussed and its organization and classes and ranks pertaining thereto are explained. Why such an organization could have becomo the core of the peasants'revolts and why it could have demonstrated power are also studied. The reason for these gangs'abrupt disappearance is sought in the oppression that came from the class of the united commission merchants which grew with the birth of feudal lords.
著者
梅崎 秀治
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3, pp.199-210,250, 1955-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
28

In Yamato which advanced in civilization from old times, the type of development of villages is somewhat different from that of other less advanced districts. The writer of this paper endeavoured to investigate the derivation of villages in the Edo era, through the actual circumstances of villages today, documents, gazetteers, oral traditions and legends, and in this way to seek the character of villages in Yamato.1. The Yamato basin is a productive alluvial plain where agriculture has developed through periods. The density of population within the Basin is more than 1, 000 persons per 1 square kilometer today. It is supposed that villages developed from the bases of mountains at the circumference of the Basin to the low, swampy land of the western part. In the Basin, great and small farming villages of 20-100 houses lie scattered with a cultivated field at their circumferences.2. Villages in the Basin having been established for an age, there are many the origins of which are almost impossible to be traced. In this country, when a new village is formed, it is usually an independent one named “Shinden” which literally means “a newly-established village with reclaimed rice-field”. In the case of Yamato, however, small villages called “Komura” literally meaning “a baby-village” were born by separating from their mother-villages, just like cell-division, in the village areas before the municipality system was put in force.3. The baby-villages generally come about filling the spaces among the existing villages. The states of these villages form a slight contrast to each other in the east and in the west of the Basin. Mary of them are found in the east and very few in the west. In the former, babyvillages are not far from their mother-villages, while in the latter there is a long distance between these two kinds of villages.4. There are some types of derivation of the baby-villages, namely, one baby-village is born of one mother-village and one mother-village has several baby-villages and one baby-village is born of several mothervillages, etc. It is an interesting phenomenon that some types of mothervillages and baby-villages make communities of different social constructions.5. Most of these baby-villages were established by the fact that the number of houses gradually increased as the result of people's setting up a branch family for the sake of their living convenience. From the point of view of social structure, baby-villages are subordinate to their mother-villages.From what were mentioned above, it is understood that the development of villages in Yamato was iust like a cell-cleavage, without any reform of farming technics and management. Practical investigations are remained for further research in this subject.
著者
近藤 忠
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, no.1, pp.1-15,81, 1957-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
23

Kishû is a district on the Pacific coast in the west of the Kii Peninsula in Japan. In the early years of the modern times it was governed by the feudal lord Asano. A system of local administrative sections called ‘shô’ was established in those days. This division of ‘shô’ originated in the medieval manor. Under the lordship of Asano ‘shô’ generally contained eight villages.When Tokugawa became the next lord of the district, the system of ‘shô’ was abolished, and in its stead the new system called ‘kumi’ was set down. ‘Kumi’ was much larger than ‘shô’, containing eighteen villages on the whole. In general, a village was composed of one comparatively large hamlet and several smaller ones. This large hamlet was called ‘honson’ or ‘hongô’, and smaller ones ‘shigô’ or ‘kona’.A village had to offer to its lord 60% of the products of rice fields as taxes. There were some villages the taxes of which were allotted for the financial resources of the lord himself, and others the taxes of which were applied to the rations of his retainers. The former villages were called ‘okurasho’, and the latter ‘kyusho’. Both the richest and the poorest villages were appropriated for ‘okurasho’, but those of moderate means were ‘kyusho’. The retainers had no right to govern their ‘kyusho’. But the two most powerful retainers, Andô and Mizuno, had many villages over which they had power to govern and collect their taxes. There were two groups of these villages, one of which was ‘Tanabe-han’ and the other ‘Shingû-han’.‘Shô’ established in the time of Asano lost its form as an administrative section in the Tokugawa era, but it retained some significance as religious atmosphere produced by a shrine in the life of villagers.When Japan developed into a modern state in the era of Meiji, the sections of towns and villages grew amazingly enlarged. The local administrative sections in Kishû became almost as broad as ‘shô’ in the time of Asano. After. World War II, Japan has been under the necessity of enlarging the sections of towns and villages. As a result their sections have become nearly as large as ‘kumi’ in the days of Tokugawa.
著者
熊野 貴文
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.4, pp.352-368, 2014
被引用文献数
1

<p>The purpose of this paper is to examine the current situation and problems of generational changes in the detached housing areas around Gakuenmae Station in Nara Prefecture, which are located in the inner suburbs of the Osaka Metropolitan Area and have gained a good reputation from the viewpoint of their residents and housing resources. The main methods employed are analyses of housing maps and public statistics, such as the Housing and Land Survey and Population Census, and interviews with real estate agents and residents' associations. The main findings obtained can be summarized as follows:</p><p>First, the populations in detached housing areas near train stations have experienced more rapid aging corresponding to when these areas were developed; furthermore, population decline has already occurred in these areas, mainly due to out-migration of the elderly home-owning residents or their deaths, rather than from the out-migration of people in their children's generation. Second, many empty houses are expected to soon appear in these areas through a similar mechanism, since their population composition is currently biased toward elderly inhabitants who face generational changes. Third, in older detached housing areas, new in-migration has been hindered by large house lots, physical features (including steep slopes and the height difference between house and road), the inconvenience of external garages, and large costs. Fourth, in this time of shrinking demand for detached houses, the real estate market has shown a polarization between popular, well-conditioned properties with good accessibility to train stations and less popular properties located at a distance from stations.</p><p>These findings suggest that signs of decline have already appeared even in the inner suburbs of the Osaka Metropolitan Area which had been regarded as exclusive and desirable residential areas.</p>
著者
前田 竜孝
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.1, pp.73-92, 2018 (Released:2018-04-02)
参考文献数
29
被引用文献数
1

本研究は,養鰻業における経済的な変化を,産地における制度的・技術的な変化と,それらに応じた生産者間の関係性の変化に注目しながら考察した。事例地域として,日本有数の生産量を誇る愛知県西尾市一色町を設定した。一色町の養鰻業では,第二次世界大戦後の高度経済成長期に行政が中心となって生産基盤が整備された。各経営体も,この時期に生産力の強化を目的として,加温式ハウスに代表される様々な生産技術を導入した。一方で,各経営体の経営主間の関係性はこの期間に変化した。特に,集出荷作業における手伝い関係は,加温式ハウスの導入による作業の省力化によって解消された。このように,養鰻産地を取り巻く経済状況と個別経営体の経営状況,生産者間の関係性は相互に作用している。ただし,関係性の変化は経営主の経験によってそれぞれ異なるため,これらの相互作用を明らかにするためには,各経営体の個別具体的な状況を考察することが重要となる。
著者
森川 洋
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.97-117, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
53
被引用文献数
6 2

Regional urban systems in Japan have a close relationship with prefectural territories which have continued without any changes since the proclamation of the prefectural system in 1890. The intra-prefectural administration and regional development policies of prefectural governments have affected the development of regional urban systems. The population of prefectural capitals has gradually been controlled by the population scale of the prefecture. Analyzing the migration flows among 649 cities in 1980, a city usually has a close connection to other cities within its own prefecture and forms a regional urban system with the hierarchical structure in which a prefectural capital is set up at the top. The hierarchical structure of the regional urban system in each prefecture mostly reflects features of its starting point, although regional differences between core and periphery areas have appeared in the process of urban growth.As shown in Figure 2 and Table 2 each regional urban system with hierarchical structure is classified into five groups: uni-center type, bi-polar type, split urban system type and metropolitan city type. In addition, the type dependent on a metropolitan city has gradually grown in the vicinity of a metropolitan center according to the developing urban system of a metropolitan city type. Moreover, it can be divided into early, intermediate and late stages due to the process of dependence. Figure 3 represents typical cases of each type shown in Table 2.From the point of view of the workers of central functions measured by the number of sale and service workers (Pop. Census 1985), most of cities can be classified into large (over 30, 000 workers), middle-size (7, 000 to 30, 000 workers) and small-size cities (3, 000 to 7, 000 workers). As a result, we can recognize that at least the central part of most prefectures are serviced by large cities of their own or nearby metropolitan cities. Tottori and Shimane prefectures are exceptional cases in which even the inhabitants of prefectural capitals are not supplied with the central services of a higher order.When we try to delimit the commuting area of a city by a commuting rate of more than five percent of workers and regard the commuting area as the city region in which inhabitants can enjoy central services of its city level, each prefectural territory is divided into four city regions: large, middle-size and small-size cities and the outlying area. Then, counting the rate of population involved in the city region of each level and classifying a prefecture by the dominance grade of the population rate, five types can be obtained as in Table 4 (vertical): standard type, metropolitan type, middle-size city type, small-size city type and outlying area type. While metropolitan prefectures or the prefectures near to them such as Saitama, Tokyo, Kanagawa, Aichi, Kyoto, Osaka, Hyogo, Nara and Chiba belong to the metropolitan type and the like, Hokkaido, Ibaragi, Tokushima, Kochi, Nagasaki and Kagoshima belong to the outlying area type. In comparison to the connection structure of regional urban systems in Table 2, it is difficult to clearly classify their spatial pattern. Although the spatial pattern of city regions can be classified into four levels by considering their development process (Table 4, across), there are several cases difficult to classify because of the areal differences of city regions within a prefecture. While such a spatial pattern is to some extent related to the types classified by the population rate of each level of city regions, it does not correspond to the hierarchical pattern of connection structure and it is difficult to explain the relation between the spatial and connection types.Cities are also classified into four types according to the relation to their city regions: standard type, half-dependent type, independent type city (Selbstversorgerort) and satellite city type.
著者
平岡 昭利
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.29, no.3, pp.227-252, 1977-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
68
被引用文献数
3 5

This is a study on historical development of Daito Islands. Daito Islands are highly detached archipelagoes on the Pacific Ocean, located to the east of the main island of Okinawa (Fig. 1). I started the survey on the supposition that the development of these islands was made under the influence of Japanese capitalism, which seems to present some important problems.The summary of the survey is as follows;Daito Islands had been uninhabited until the middle of the Meiji era and were explored. And it was not until 1900 that islanders of Hachijo settled there and made the islands ÖKUMENE. Thereafter the management of the islands was transferred from a trading capital (Tamaoki Company) to a monopolistic capital. And these islands became a single-enterprise-islands (the period of Toyo∼Dai-Nippon Sugar Manufacturing Company) after the sale of government property. Then through a large-scale capital investment, phosphate rock mining industry as well as sugar-manufacturing grew prosperous and attracted the suplus population of Okinawa who wanted to work away home (Fig. 8).In the process of time, agglomerated settlements turned into dispersed ones, which contributed to labor efficiency; houses were built in the center of cultivated field in order to increase the labor-efficiency (Fig. 4. 6. 9). It rested with the company to decide how to use the fields and tenants under a sever control of the company were compelled to grow sugarcanes exclusively. The company adopted the policy to take on many laborers from Okinawa at low wages to prevent deviding tenant lands. As a result, the society constituted a hierarchy of company, tenants (people from Hachijo island) and laborers (people from Okinawa). Even among the tenants rose great differences, social or economic, owing to their native places.A self-government system had not been established since the islands were colonized. It was after the war that the two municipal villages were organized, followed by a reconstruction of sugar manufacturing in 1951 (Fig. 10), and the conflict of more than ten years for the ownership of the land between DaiNippon Sugar Manufacturing Company and the villages. And at last in 1964 (64 years after the colonization) tenants became owner farmers.Now for me, the historical development seems to show the island have the phenomena common to other detached insular societies, that is, other detached islands like Daito Islands are easily subjecteted to the administratration which use the natural strong segregation. Daito Islands case, its phenomena were especially observed in the period of plantation management. Economically speaking, the islands were directly connected with Japan proper. In this sense, “detachedness” of the islands had been subdued. But this means the reinforcement of dependency on the economy of Japan proper and islanders themselves were still confined in the detached, closed society. To put it concretely, the company, taking advantage of “detachedness” of the islands, checked the flow-in and flow-out of labor, and issued private notes which circulated only in such a closed society. Then, disposal of national property without regard for the islanders profit had long driven settlers to miserable situation. Authorities, leaving the administration of the islands to the monopolistic capital, engaged the islanders as soldiers and imposed tax without any protection to them. Rigid company regulations worked as laws.The historical development of Daito Islands tells the administration was not satisfactory to the islanders. And this remark seems to apply not only to Daito Islands of past, but also to other island today. It is true that economic investment at large has not so much effect on general islands, but the policy for detached islands should be based on the fundamental fact that these islands are ÖKUMENE (people are living, working).
著者
成瀬 厚
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.3, pp.300-304, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)
参考文献数
42
著者
北川 眞也
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.5, pp.381-400, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)
参考文献数
109
被引用文献数
1

The purpose of this paper is to rethink the concept of politics in geography and the relation between geography and politics. To do so we examine a case study of a practical geopolitical process produced by the attempt at the separation of ‘Padania’ from Italy in 1996 by the Lega Nord (Northern League).Since the so-called ‘cultural turn,’ the sphere of politics in geography has been greatly broadened into a variety of realms such as daily life or geographical representations. However, it has seemed that this diffusion, even when producing fruitful results, has lacked sufficient critical reflection. It may even risk neglecting the autonomy of the concept of politics.For this reason, we refer to the argument of the French philosopher Jacques Rancière, who has actively theorized about the autonomy of the concept of politics. He couples politics with the concept of the polis. On the one hand, the ‘polis’ spatializes communities of human beings cartographically, distributes them in that space, and allocates proper identities or positions, namely ‘parts’ to them. On the other hand, ‘politics’ is interruption of this spatialization from ‘the people’ who have no ‘parts’ there and forces the polis to change the whole spatial configuration of the community.The geopolitical attempt to represent Northern Italy as ‘Padania’ by the Northern League was considered to be a mistake in Italy. The reason for this is that a political place called ‘Padania’ does not exist in Italy. However, the ‘Padanian people’ raised their voices, and by performing as if they embodied a ‘national’ form, tried to demonstrate that they were on a par with Italy. Padania was neither simply a space for a new nation, even if one were to speak of separation, nor an already existing region within Italy. Padania was not a clear-cut identifiable space, but a place of discomfort for exposing the ‘parts’ of the people who had no ‘parts.’ The nature of this discomfort could give rise to a political opportunity.The Italian polis responded to and finally rejected the Padanian politics through the following four modes: The first was ‘parapolitics,’ a response particularly from the politically left-wing politicians, that rejected Padania, reducing it to the status of a region inside Italy by trying to eliminate its uncomfortable nature. The second was ‘ultrapolitics,’ mainly of the right-wing politicians, that identified Padania as the identified space of a seperate nation distinguished completely from Italy. The third was ‘metapolitics,’ which in this case was practiced by the Northern League itself. This means that the League considered the separation of Padania as merely a means for obtaining regional autonomy for the North within the Italian state. The fourth was ‘archipolitics’ which was also practiced by the Northern League itself. This saw Padania as an organic community in a globalizing world that needed to be defended from immigration and the circulation of commodities through border controls. All four of these modes exercised by the polis, but most decisively the last two modes, denied the politics of Padania. All of them, by actualizing Padania as a ‘region’ or as a nation’ that could be cartographically represented on a map, denied the politics.In order to more deeply examine the concept of politics, one of the important tasks for contemporary political geography is to examine the formation of political communities that cannot be reduced to a cartographic representation.
著者
石原 潤
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.1, pp.3-6, 2019 (Released:2019-04-23)
被引用文献数
1 1
著者
内田 忠賢
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.4, pp.365-373, 1985-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
40
被引用文献数
1 1
著者
稲見 悦治
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, no.3, pp.225-246, 1964-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
48
被引用文献数
1

Many of Japanese cities rapidly changed their forms and structures through the disaster brought by the last war; and above all, the changes of castle towns were thought to be great enough to make them a particularly noticeable appearance in the history of the city development in Japan.In this paper, Himeji City, one of the typical Japanese castle towns, is taken up and the changing process which Himeji City has undergone since the end of the last war, has been investigated with the results as follows:1) As to the road forms, the narrow winding roads peculiar to a castle town thoroughly disappeared after the war, and modern road network has been constructed throughout the city, improving the traffic condition both inside and outside the city while giving it a new aspect.2) At the same time, the old city plannings inherited from old feudalistic times, has collapsed; and there arose the necessity of improving the mode of administration, giving up the old town-unit system.3) In Himeji City, at the beginning of Meiji Era, an army division was stationed and, therefore, the central part of the city was monopolized by military institutions. After Japan was defeated in the last war, however, the army disappeared and the central part of the city was reborn as a center of government, public services, city sanitation, culture and education.4) Teramachi (Temple Quarter) was one of the quarters which gave peculiar aspects to Himeji Castle Town, but now it brings about its remarkable decline as a result of the war, disaster and the following new city-reconstruction plan which includes removal of cemetery to the suburbs.5) In old Himeji, the institutes of finance and amusement centers had tended to be concentrated and prospered along the Saikokukaido and Miyuki-dori. But after the war, the commercial area has shown the tendency of regional division as a result of the appearance of newly opened Otemae-dori according to the reconstruction plan.6) In Himeji, the development of industries was the motive power for the development of the urbanised area but after the war, not a few factories in the old city center were abolished and those factory sites have been used for the residential areas in many places.7) Himeji lost about half of the houses due to the war disaster but reconstructed them again rather rapidly. Nowadays it is remarkable that civilian, not governmental, residences are made annually in great number, and recently there is a tendency that the residential area is spreading to the surrounding farm lands and mountainous regions of the city.
著者
丸山 洋平
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.4, pp.350-365, 2012 (Released:2018-01-24)
参考文献数
35
被引用文献数
1 2

This paper aims to present evidence showing that internal migration affects fertility decline which is called the Second Demographic Transition.In Japan, the trend of fertility decline has become obvious since around 1990. This trend is mainly caused by the late-marriage tendency of women born in and after the 1960s and 1970s. In addition, more women of these generations migrate into the Tokyo metropolitan area and tend to remain living there. This change in the migration pattern contributed to the expansion of net-migration to the Tokyo metropolitan area since the later half of the 1990s. Women born in the 1960s and 1970s play a major role in these two phenomena, and an idea is hypothesized that there is some sort of relationship between fertility decline and the expansion of the net-migration to the Tokyo metropolitan area since the later half of the 1990s. To approach this relationship, this paper tries to investigate whether marriage behavior in the Tokyo metropolitan area is different from the places where the women come from. Therefore the proportion of unmarried women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married and that of the women who come from Tokyo there were compared.The results show that the difference of the proportion of unmarried women (that of the women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married minus that of the women who come from there) has expanded greatly in the 30-34 and 35-39 year-old age cohorts in the women born in and after the years 1966-1970. This result means that in the newer generation, the women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married have a stronger tendency to late marriage than the women who come from there. However, the tendency to late marriage of the women who migrated into the Tokyo metropolitan area before getting married has only a slight influence on the proportion of unmarried women in the Tokyo metropolitan area and in Japan.
著者
リー ボントン
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.6, pp.482-500, 2008 (Released:2018-01-06)
参考文献数
108

マレーシアにおける人文地理学は,クアラルンプールにあるマラヤ大学において,1959年に始まった。教室の外国人地理学者とマレーシア人研究者からなる初期のパイオニア達は協力しあい,教室は1970年代から80年代を経て90年代にかけて,絶頂期を迎えた。その後,英語を使用しない教員の採用や年長の人文地理学者の退職と代替雇用の政策的な遅延,それから教室規模の縮小などがあったために,少数の人文地理学者の研究活動は盛んであるが,以前ほどの隆盛はない。マレーシア国民大学(UKM)とマレーシア科学大学(USM)の2つの地理学教室は,総合的で学際的なプローチを採用したので,人文地理学の役割と機能は,むしろ限られたものとなった。例えば,UKMでは人文地理学のコースが他の学問分野と再統合され,地理学科は学科の中の1つのプログラムに変更されてしまった。このような多分野の統合は,USMの人文地理学の研究と出版活動も変質させた。マレー語による論文公表の拡大は,人文地理学者が世界の人文地理学者集団に参加したり,あるいは突出することを制限するように作用した。その他のマレーシアの大学では,人文地理学は人文および社会科学の中で重要な役割は果たしていない。最後に,高等教育機関における地理学専攻の学生数の減少は大きな課題であり,中等教育機関で地理学が必修化されなければ,人文地理学が持つ本来の価値とその貢献度が,充分に実現することはないだろう。
著者
辻 稜三
出版者
The Human Geographical Society of Japan
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.4, pp.374-384, 1985-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)
参考文献数
17
被引用文献数
1 1
著者
藤岡 英之
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.1, pp.49-71, 2018

<p>葬儀の担い手が,喪家近隣の人々から葬祭業者に移行することにより,喪家は葬祭業者が提供するサービスの利用者となり,サービス供給者としての葬祭業者を選択する立場となった。また,葬儀の場所も以前の自宅から,葬祭業者が設置する葬儀会館へと移行している。本稿では,利用者としての喪家による葬儀の場所の選択とその変容を,葬儀の担い手の変化の観点から,地方紙のお悔やみ欄を手がかりにして明らかにすることを目的とした。事例対象地域の栃木県宇都宮市では,1990年代に葬祭業の従業者数が大きく増加し,同時に葬儀の場所が自宅から葬儀会館に移行したが,最近まで地域の人々の関与が大きかったことから手伝いへの返礼や会食のふるまいの習慣が残っていた。市内の葬儀会館は最初,DID 内に設けられた後,市街地の周辺部に自宅をもつ利用者が増加するとともに DID の境界付近まで広がり,近年では小規模化して再び市の中心部に設置されている。お悔やみ欄の分析から,喪家は故人の自宅から近い葬儀会館を選ぶ傾向があったが,2009年に市の火葬場が郊外に移転し,これに併設された式場(現斎場)が使いやすくなると,自宅から離れていても現斎場を利用したいとする喪家が増加し,こうした喪家が DID 内から外へと拡大している。これにより,地域の人々の葬儀への関与がなくなるとともに,喪家による葬儀の場所の選択が空間的に拡大していることが明らかになった。</p>
著者
後藤 拓也
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.2, pp.137-157, 2021 (Released:2021-07-14)
参考文献数
38
被引用文献数
3

本稿は,インド北部における大手養鶏企業の進出にともない,ブロイラー養鶏がどのように受容されたのかを検討した。インド北部はもともと養鶏業に不向きな諸条件を有する地域であり,南部に比べてアグリビジネスの進出が遅れてきた。しかし2000年代以降,インド北部に大手養鶏企業が進出し,改良品種や契約取引を普及させたことで,ブロイラー養鶏の産地化が進んだ。ハリヤーナー州における調査の結果,総じて社会階層が高く土地所有規模の大きな農家層にブロイラー養鶏が受容されたことが判明した。これは,ブロイラー養鶏に多額の鶏舎建設費と一定の鶏舎用地が必要なことによる。これらの農家がブロイラー養鶏の経営を維持できたのは,①改良品種の導入,②直接取引・契約取引へのシフト,③飼養労働者の雇用によって,インド北部の養鶏業に不向きな諸条件を克服できたためと考えられる。このうち,農家による改良品種の導入に寄与したのが,大手養鶏企業に系列化された個人経営の孵卵業者であり,この点は企業が産地化に主導的な役割を果たすインド南部と状況が異なる。しかし一方で,大手養鶏企業は若年農家層を中心に契約取引を進めるなど,インド南部と同様の産地化もみられる。すなわちハリヤーナー州では,大手養鶏企業がインド北部の養鶏経営に適応した系列化と,南部で進めてきた契約取引を組み合わせることで産地化を進め,それがブロイラー養鶏の受容に寄与したといえる。
著者
尹 弘基
出版者
一般社団法人 人文地理学会
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.55, no.3, pp.293-304, 2003
被引用文献数
5

本論文は, 過去20年間にわたって, オークランドにおけるそれまでの伝統的な文化景観に付け加えられるようになってきた, 東アジア系移民の創り出す広汎なエスニック景観の実態を明らかにしようと試みるものである。オークランドにおいて現在拡大しつつある東アジア系移民の文化景観を特徴づけるもっともはっきりと目に見える形で現れている兆候は, おそらく, 各エスニック集団における人口数それ自体の増加とともに, かれらの経営するエスニック・レストランの店舗数の増加に示されているといえるであろう。1992年以降, 10万人以上の東アジア系の人々がニュージーランドにおける在留許可を得ているが, その大部分は台湾, 香港, 中国からやってきた華人 (9万人以上) と韓国からやってきた韓国 (朝鮮) 人 (約1万4千人) である。1999年においては, 中国, 日本, 韓国, タイ, インドを含むアジア系エスニックのレストランの占める比率は, オークランド市におけるレストラン総数の50パーセント以上に達している。こうして新たに来住する東アジア系移民が, この間, オークランドにおける多文化的特徴を著しく拡張してきたのである。<br>こうして新しくやって来た東アジア系移民集団がもっとも強く選好している居住地域は, 相互に重複することはないし, しかもそれぞれの集団がオークランド郊外の相互に異なった場所を占める傾向を示している。すなわち, 台湾人はホーウィック=パクランガ, エプソム=レムエラ, チャッツウッド, 韓国人はイースト・コースト・ベイズ, グレンフィールド, 日本人はセント・ヘリアーズ, レムエラ=セント・ジョーンズ, フィリピン人はミスター・ロズキル, ヘンダーソン, ロイヤル・オーク=オネフンガ=エラーズリー, そしてヴェトナム人はマヌレワ, パパトエトエ, オタフフ, などに居住地域を形成するという具合である。