著者
中川 洋一
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.1_235-1_258, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)

The triumph of the CDU/CSU at the Bundestagswahl 2013, depends not only on the estimates of voters in regard to Chancellor Merkel, but also on those of the party’s abilities to carry out various policies. After the Bundestagswahl 2013, there are some transformations in both the security and migration policies. There were also transformations in the “fluid five party system”. While there was a hardening of the structure where the CDU/CSU has a one-sided superiority over the SPD in large parties, there continued to be a fluidity in the relation among the smaller parties and this strengthened the fragmentation. The coalition types became more complicated. The FDP lost its role as the “core” of the party system, and it is in crisis as for its “raison d’être.” The 3rd place is given from the FDP to the Greens, albeit it competes with the Leftist parties. The AfD changed from being “the smallest” to a “small” party.
著者
堀内 勇作 今井 耕介 谷口 尚子
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.1, pp.161-180,352, 2005-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)

Political scientists have hypothesized that more policy information leads to a higher voter turnout. To empirically test this hypothesis, we conducted an Internet-based randomized field experiment during Japan's 2004 Upper House election. Japan's 2004 election is ideal for testing our hypothesis because political parties proposed formal policies or “manifestos”. We find that voters are less likely to abstain when they receive policy information about both ruling and opposition parties through their official party websites. The information effects are larger among those voters who were planning to vote but were undecided about which party to vote for.Additionally, our experimental approach avoids the problem of endogenous information acquisition, which is inherent when using observational studies to estimate the causal effects of information on voting behavior. Furthermore, we employ a randomized block design to ensure efficient randomization, and apply a Bayesian statistical model to account for non-compliance and non-response, the two prevailing problems of field experiments.
著者
待鳥 聡史
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.1_140-1_161, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)
参考文献数
26

This article proposes a framework for the comparative study of divided government and applies it to the U.S. cases. A recent theory of comparative politics, comparative analysis of political institutions, emphasizes there are many variations of the presidential systems. They come from two institutional arrangements: electoral and executive rules. These rules lead to the variations of divided governments by making differences in party systems and organizations. In the case of American divided government, it had been a combination of two-party competition and weak intra-party unity until the 1970s. Since the 1980s, however, American two-party system has been with a strong intra-party cohesion. This transformation has also changed the policymaking process of the divided government. By some data and a case study, the author finds that confrontations between the President and Congressional majority party become sharper, although these are continued not so long.
著者
成田 大起
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.1, pp.1_141-1_162, 2016

<p>本稿の目的は, 社会統合における動機づけ問題に対して 「認知的アクセス」 という新たな視点を導入し, それによってA. ホネットの承認関係を媒介とした社会統合がJ. ハーバーマスの法を媒介とした統合に比べ, 普遍的な規範を支えにしながらも社会成員たちを統合の規範的目標へと動機づけることのできる社会統合のあり方として優れていることを示すことにある。規範を実現し不正義を改善するという目標に社会成員がどのように動機づけられるかを説明するという問題は, 現実の社会に焦点を当てる政治理論にとって喫緊の課題である。近年の政治理論は, この問題を専ら社会統合の構想がどの程度文化的な特殊性を取り込むべきかという観点から考察しており, 普遍性/特殊性という問題含みの二文法に陥っている。本稿はドイツの批判理論がイデオロギー批判という文脈で扱ってきた認知をめぐる議論を動機づけ問題に導入した。ハーバーマスの社会統合とホネットの社会統合を比べ, 後者の優位性を示すことを通じて, 本稿は普遍的な規範であっても社会成員がどのようにそれを実現する必要性に認知的にアクセスし, 規範の実現に向けて動機づけられるのかを説明する道筋を示した。</p>
著者
河野 有理
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.1, pp.1_53-1_76, 2016

<p>能動的な政治主体の構成員をいったいどのような名前で呼べば良いのか。「良民」 か 「士族」 か, はたまた 「士民」 か (「市民」 なる語はかなり新出来である)。東アジア世界の近代に共通の難問のひとつの解として, 1920年代以降, 急速に浮上したのが 「公民」 という概念であった。本稿では, 蠟山政道の 『公民政治論』 (1931年) に焦点をあて, この 「公民」 概念が同時代の 「政治と教育」 問題を考える上での鍵概念であることを示そうとした。<br>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;蠟山は 「公民」 について, それを 「社会の発見」 に引き付けて理解しようとする同時代の他の論者 (たとえば大島正徳) とは異なり, 終始, 政治的存在として理解しようと試みた。蠟山にとって, したがって, 公民教育とは政治教育であり, そこでは多数決の意義や政党の持つ積極的な道徳的意味が教えられるべきだった。<br>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;政治を教育や倫理と不可分とみなすこうした蠟山の政治観は, 政治をあくまで権力の体系, 目的達成のための手段とみなす丸山の政治観とは異なっていた。</p>
著者
大嶋 えり子
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.65, no.1, pp.1_290-1_309, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)

The memories of French Algeria and the Algerian war of independence had been forgotten by French government for decades. Since the 1990's, however, monuments, laws and speeches began recognising memories related to that period. This article aims to understand why this change occurred.   First, we will delve into the French context and examine how the memories of the Holocaust have been connected with those related to Algeria. The 1990's have also been a period during which immigrants became a “problem”: the “integration” of immigrants appeared as a solution.   Secondly, we will study the case of the Cité Nationale de l'Histoire de l'Immigration, a museum devoted to the past of immigrants. By doing so, we will be able to understand that the recognition of memories does not necessarily involve the recognition of identities and that French government attempts to promote integration by recognising the memories of immigrants.
著者
高田 宏史
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_38-1_59, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)
参考文献数
27

This article examines Jose Casanova's theory of public religion which first appears on his Public Religion in the Modern World, and the reorganization of liberal secularism that Charles Taylor discussed in his Secularism and the Freedom of Conscience.   In Casanova's theory, public religion was expected to complement politics of liberal democracy. This theory affects many political thinkers including Charles Taylor. Then, Taylor set forth the ‘liberal and pluralistic’ secularism which assigns important political roles on (public) religion. But Casanova himself now criticizes his theory of public religion and ‘liberal’ secularism. This article would articulate why and how he criticizes his original position and liberal projects of reorganizing secularism.   In conclusion, I specify some limits of liberal and pluralistic kinds of secularism. They cannot flee from their inherent tendency to ‘violence’ and treat secular (or Christian) arguments and non-Western religious arguments, e.g. Islam, equally.

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著者
梶田 秀
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.1, pp.1_183-1_207, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)
参考文献数
37

Parliamentary reform between 1945 and 1947 was one of the key policies implemented in Japan during the Allied occupation. It brought a fundamental change to the institutional arrangement of the Japanese legislature. This article finds that it was truly a by-product of the U.S. congressional reform around that time. The newly established National Diet of Japan bore a significant resemblance to the U.S. Congress reorganized by the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946. Some novel institutions proposed by congressional reformers were struck down at home but survived on the opposite side of the world. Although the main content of the reform was not optimal for Japan, it was the best choice from the subjective view of GHQ/SCAP in Tokyo. The author also contends that GHQ/SCAP expected the House of Councillors to be an obstacle to the democratization of Japan. Thus it was rational for GHQ/SCAP to provide the House of Representatives with veto power that would infringe the autonomy of the upper chamber.