著者

今井 亮佑

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_283-1_305, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

19

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This paper examines how and how much the levels of political knowledge affect voting behavior in Japan. By adding interaction terms of political knowledge scale and other independent variables to the baseline logit model, the analysis demonstrates that the impact of party evaluation, issue attitudes, and pocketbook evaluation is conditioned by the levels of political knowledge. That is, the effect of party evaluation on voting behavior is significantly stronger among politically knowledgeable voters; political unawareness prevents voters from connecting their issue attitudes with voting decision; the politically less well-informed tend to rely on retrospective pocketbook evaluation when they vote. These findings suggest that taking account of the conditioning effect of political knowledge is critical to make sense of Japanese voting behavior.

著者

三宅 一郎

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.173-193, 1994-12-22 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

26

著者

今里 佳奈子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.2_106-2_126, 2010

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This article aims at clarifying major characteristics of Swedish gender policies and the way they have been developed. Sweden is known as one of the most advanced women-friendly as well as gender equal society where women can work both in and out their family. These advancements in terms of social and economic status of Swedish women have been brought by their positive participation in labor market propped by the active social and labor market policies by the idea of worker- citizen. Some, however, point out that there are conspicuous sex segregation in the workplace, violence to women, sexual harassment etc., and that these issues have not been satisfactorily coped with by responsible policymakers. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;This article explains that the gender policies in Sweden are products of corporative interaction of State Feminism and women's movements taken place under the Corporate State structure.

著者

小田川 大典

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006

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In his later work, <i>L'inhumaine</i>: <i>Causeries sur le temps</i> (1988), Jean-Fran&ccedil;ois Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, <i>A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful</i> (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called &ldquo;the sense of responsibility to otherness&rdquo; and &ldquo;the world-disclosing function of language&rdquo; in his work, <i>Political Theory and Postmodernism</i> (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.

著者

増山 幹高

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_79-1_109, 2009

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Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.

著者

衛藤 幹子

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.135-153, 1997-12-10 (Released:2009-12-21)

被引用文献数

2 2

著者

井上 彰

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2020, no.1, pp.417-420, 2020-06

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.1_76-1_95, 2019 (Released:2020-06-21)

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本稿は、主権概念を手掛かりに、国際社会における近年の介入の在り方について分析する。とりわけ、2010年代のリビア紛争とシリア紛争を事例として、オバマ政権期のアメリカによる介入政策を中心に検討する。リビアとシリアへの介入は、いかなる主権領域での、いかなる介入だったのか。本稿は、この時期のアメリカの介入政策が以下のような特徴を備えていたことを明らかにする。この介入政策は、 (1) 反政府勢力が結集し一体化するよう促し、 (2) 国際的な政治的承認を与えて段階的に外的主権を移行させ、 (3) 最終的に反政府勢力が現政権を倒し、新しい安定した統一政府 (国内主権) を樹立するよう助力するものである。本稿はこの政策をその特徴から 「及び腰の介入」 (reluctant intervention) と呼ぶが、これは現地勢力 (エージェンシー) の特質にその成否を依存するものだった。リビアとシリアの事例は、アフガニスタン戦争とイラク戦争後の世界で、欧米諸国が選択可能な介入政策の限界を示唆している。以下では、介入と主権についての先行研究を概観し (第1節) 、主権概念をもとにリビアとシリアにおける介入の特徴を明らかにする (第2節、第3節)。そして、最後に結論と示唆について論じる。

著者

本名 純

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_70-2_86, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Indonesia is widely regarded as a hotbed of transnational violent crime in Southeast Asia. Terrorists and criminal rings have developed cross-border networks rooted in Indonesia. These ‘non-state actors’ quickly emerged as major concerns for post-Suharto governments, posing serious threats to the national security and economy. In response, various ‘wars on crimes’ have been initiated in the name of combating these threats. This article aims to elucidate the politics behind the making of these ‘wars’ by examining the ‘war on drugs’ led by the police (and the national narcotics agency) and the ‘war on terrorism’ orchestrated by the army.   I argue that the threat is undoubtedly real, but war campaigns are designed to promote a political strategy of instrumentalizing the threat of transnational violent crime. With this strategy, both the police and the army were able to deflect criticism, reclaim ground lost during the democratization movement, and articulate this revanchism in the legitimizing vernacular of ‘global wars.’ In this sense these security actors are hijacking the ‘violence of non-state actors’ as a Trojan horse to regain power, build budgets, strengthen institutions and undermine reform pressures.

著者

大井 赤亥

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_225-2_245, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Harold Laski was once a popular political theorist in postwar Japanese politics. This paper examines the ‘Laski boom’ in the 1950s by comparing three Japanese political scholars: Masao Maruyama, Yoshihiko Seki, and Yasuzo Suzuki.   While Maruyama depicts Laski as a consistent thinker, Seki stresses Laski's waver in his theory of state and liberty. Meanwhile, while holding a Marxist perspective, Suzuki sincerely accepts Laski's individualism and his theory of liberty. Through the comparison, we shall comprehend that Maruyama and Suzuki similarly appreciate Laski's political ambivalence between western democracy and communism.   However, this paper also suggests a curious irregularity that Maruyama was attracted to Laski's gradual commitment to communism, and that Suzuki learned liberal theory of right from Laski. In conclusion, Laski's dilemma was also the shared dilemma of Maruyama and Suzuki, and this paper proves the ‘Laski boom’ in postwar Japanese politics as the intellectual cross-point where these political scholars intersected.

著者

石川 葉菜

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.2_181-2_207, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)

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The purpose of this study is to understand welfare reduction in the United States. Previous studies have focused on the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, and treated the enactment as a primary factor that led welfare policy change. It is true that the reform is important for welfare policy because it started the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families program which replaced Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). However, little is known about welfare reduction programs implemented by State governments despite the fact that more than 48% of AFDC recipients were under those programs in 1995. Therefore, the objective of this article is to show the reason why State governments began to conduct their own welfare reduction programs. In addition, this study also attempts to explain why the number of such programs increased, and to demonstrate why the scale of such programs became larger and larger.   This article focuses on the Section 1115 of the Social Security Act (Waiver Authority). Basically, State governments did not have flexibility in establishing eligibility requirements. Waiver Authority is the exception that gave States flexibility in establishing eligibility requirements.   Using archival materials from presidential libraries, this study will explain critical juncture that determines state-level welfare policy change.

著者

大森 彌

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.87-116, 1986-03-28 (Released:2009-12-21)

被引用文献数

2

著者

松本 礼二

出版者

岩波書店

雑誌

日本政治学会年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1990, pp.p191-206, 1990

著者

山田 竜作

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.1_143-1_162, 2007 (Released:2012-02-22)

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So-called “radical democracy” has been concerned with problems of inclusion and exclusion, discussing difference, identity or citizenship. Now radical democracy seems to be divided into two models, agonistic and deliberative. Chantal Mouffe strongly criticizes deliberative democracy through insisting conflict as a fundamental element of “the political”. On the other hand, Iris Young, whose democratic theory is not simply labelled as agonistic or deliberative, conceptualized inclusive democratic model which can be bound on Mouffe’s. Both of them reject the essentialist idea of identity and acknowledge the fact that the constitution of “we” needs the determination of “they”. Mouffe’s idea of “adversary” and Young’s recognition of communication as “struggle” show that democratic dialogue can be a non-violent conflict in a public sphere. Such a conflict should be a type of inclusion because any identity cannot exist without others. The acknowledgement of changeableness of self-identity or self-interest seems to require what Young called “reasonableness” as “hearing the other”, which is not based on particular culture (e. g., white male) nor contain any notion of the common good which might oppress diversity. This can meet Mouffe’s emphasis upon a “practice of civility” which is based on Michael Oakeshott’s notion of societas.

著者

中神 由美子

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_263-1_282, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

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‘There is something troubling in this type of case, in that the desire for honour, command, power and glory usually exist in men of the greatest spirit and most brilliant intellectual talent. Therefore one must be all the more careful not to do wrong in this way,’ Cicero said in On Duties referring to Julius Caesar. Agreeing with him, John Locke tries to tame the dangerous aspect of ‘the desire for honour, command, power and glory,’ that is, human pride. However he sees this passion as indispensable to human freedom and therefore a free civil society, in contrast to Thomas Hobbes, who attributed the cause of the Civil War to this passion. In Some Thoughts Concerning Education, Locke outlines a free civil society on the basis of human pride. In a polite and civilized society where the ‘Law of Opinion or Reputation’ prevails, human pride can be moderated and cultivated into public spirit based on individual autonomy and freedom. For Locke, civil society is not merely a counterpart to absolute monarchy, but also a basis of human civility, that is, a civilized society.

著者

粕谷 祐子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1_90-1_117, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)

参考文献数

64

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In Japan, malapportionment—the high level of disparity in the size of the population, and thus the weight of votes, across electoral districts—has been a national concern for several decades. Through a review of both normative theories of representation and comparative empirical studies related to the legislative malapportionment, this article identifies two problems in the ways this issue has been addressed in Japan. First, the measurement method used in most Japan-focused studies (the “max-min ratio”) is inappropriate, impeding the effectiveness of reform attempts to date. Alternative measurement methods such as the Loosemore-Hanby index should be used. Second, while most studies adopt a narrow focus in arguing for rectifying malapportionment for the sake of political equality, comparative empirical studies indicate that doing so may lead to other undesirable results such as partisan gerrymandering and lower voter turnout. This article provides a novel and comprehensive framework for possible institutional reforms based on theories of representation.

著者

酒井 大輔

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.1_185-1_207, 2016

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<p>大嶽秀夫の政治学の特徴について, 従来の日本政治学史研究では, ①多元主義, ②実証主義的・自然科学的な方法, ③戦後政治学と大きく相違するもの, として理解されてきた。また, 彼の方法の時間的変化を捉えていないなど, 一面的であった。しかし1980年代以降の大嶽の変化は, ①~③のイメージの再考を迫るものである。本稿は, 彼の80年代以降の実証研究の内容にも立ち入って, 彼の方法や理論枠組の変化を検証する。大嶽は既に1970年代当初から, 影響力の遮蔽性やパースペクティブの概念により, 多元主義の弱点の克服を試みていた。そして80年代には, イデオロギー対立の枠組により, 構造的対立や政治潮流のサイクルをその分析の中心とした。こうした変化は, 多元主義の枠組からの移行であるとともに, 政策過程分析に思想史的方法を導入するなど, 戦後政治学の方法を継承するものであった。</p>

著者

西村 邦行

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.1_229-1_246, 2011 (Released:2016-02-24)

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Having emerged as a criticism of the realist International Relations theory (IR), constructivism has usually been considered to entail certain liberal tendencies. Recent studies, however, not only advocate its potential affinity with realism; they even advance the thesis that realism-and classical realism in particular-is inherently constructivist because of its anti-positivist epistemology. This understanding of the two theories potentially conflicts with the widely-accepted understanding of the disciplinary history of IR, according to which the development of IR is depicted as realism's progress toward a “scientific” theory. Reexamining the relationship between realism and constructivism along with their places in the disciplinary history of IR, it proves that IR has developed not in a linear way; it has rather circled around the same epistemological issue. From this insight, the present article draws suggestions for the future development of IR theorizing.

著者

友次 晋介

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_360-1_380, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

被引用文献数

1

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The Imperial Japanese Government before WWII maintained its deliberate indifference to the claim repeated by Lieutenant Nobu Shirase for Japanese territorial right over Antarctica. Finding this inhabitable terrainno economic value at least for the short term, the prewar Japanese government focused on preventing other countries' exclusive dominion and retaining the nation's access to the future use of the continent. Such prewar political tradition was inherited by the postwar Japanese government under the new framework of San Francisco Peace Treaty. As the potential values of Antarctica grew along with the technological advancement of equipment and increasing possibility of the use of nuclear energy, it became more rational for Japan to secure the “open door” policy in which any country would not be excluded from Antarctica. Japan's policy towards the South Pole in this period implicitly contained a political realism as opposed to its expressed idealism and reflected the added influence of scientific and technological development, symbolized by nuclear energy, in the international dynamism.

著者

山口 二郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.202-225,267, 2006

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Nowadays, the Koizumi government has put his structural reform into practice to some extent. His policy based on neo-liberal ideology is changing policy system which realized parity among the regions and classes in the post war Japan. As the result of 2005 general election showed, the people give support to his reform. This paper aims at grasping the notion of equality that the LDP and the bureaucracy have been pursuing for fifty years. Then, it tries to answer a puzzle, why ordinary people support the neo-liberal policy which causes pain and disadvantage to themselves.<br>Japanese-style equality was brought about by combination of discretionary policy and socialization of risk. Although the socio-economic system in post war Japan is often called &ldquo;successful social democracy&rdquo;, it is far from the true one in west European countries. Universalistic approach was quite weak in social policy, and discretionary policy such as subsidy and public investment projects functioned as redistributive policy for backward sectors. Discretionary approach also caused chronic corruption and unfair vested interests in the bureaucracy.<br>Koizumi was good at attacking this corrupted complex, and aroused expectation among the people. They supported Koizumi's reform because they expected him to slash the corruption and vested interests. However, they do not appreciate real outcome of the structural reform. Our opinion poll in early 2006 shows that they still approve the notion of welfare state and have deep concern about inequality in recent Japanese society.<br>Koizumi's reform removed various shelters in Japanese society, and people become exposed to many kinds of risk. In this context, it is likely that debate on role of the government becomes serious in party politics.