著者

渡辺 光

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.5, pp.381-393, 1956

著者

坂口 慶治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.6, pp.579-610, 1975-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

60

被引用文献数

2 2

---

This is a comparative study, from a micro-geographical viewpoint, on the village desertion process pattern in the case of two small hamlets-Ogose and Ohmi-in the mountainous tracts of Kyoto City (commonly called the Kitayama district), only 20km north of the center of the city. The examination has been made chiefly in terms of the change in the number of the households in each village that has taken place during the period of more than a century since the early years of the Meiji era.The two hamlets, now deserted and completely extinct, were located in the northern part of Kyoto City, on the eastern edge of the Tamba highland, topographycally a pene-plain, from which the Ado River rises and flows down into the Lake Biwa, the lagest in Japan. A chain of passes lie between the Kyoto basin and these villages.Ogose was situated at the altitude of 660m. above sea level and Ohmi 610m., they were among the highest of all the mountain villages in the Tamba highland. The average temperature is 0.2°C. in January and 25.8°C. in August, those settlements are colder by 7°C. than the Kyoto basin. As to the transportation, there are only two narrow motorable roads leading to the center of Kyoto, both in an extremely bad condition. It is a two or three hours' trudge to the nearest bus-stop.In 1885 the two villages had 15 households each, and after World War II there existed 7 in Ogose and 19 in Ohmi. However, a series of village desertion of the whole household type began in Ogose in 1969 and in Ohmi in 1971, and continued, until the former finally reached a state of complete desertion and extinction in 1972 and the latter in 1973.The difference in the number of households prior to this incident simply reflects the difference of population inflow from outside and branch families; in 1965 the household that had continued to exist ever since the time preceding 1885 untill the day of desertion was 5 in Ogose and 6 in Ohmi.The processes of desertion of settlement can be divided into three stages: the Meiji, the Taisho, and the Showa periods.(1) The Meiji period: 6 households in Ogose and 11 in Ohmi deserted their villages and half of them moved into Kyoto. The social status of the villagers who left their home was the lowest and they had to call themselves “drop-outs”. The ‘absorption power’ of the big city in those days was not yet great enough. Compared to Ohmi, Ogose remained more stable, as it was located further away from the city. It can be said that they were economically subject to Kyoto through charcoal business, whereas culturally they were still under the influence of the lake district with its long, deep-rooted tradition from the Edo period; Ogose rather thrived as a transit place, commercially and culturally.At the close of the Meiji there emerged a new transportation means of raft along a branch of the Ado River to carry out charcoal, which had made them involved in the big Kyoto culture area; Ogose was reduced to an unimportant position placed at the furthest edge of the great cultural and economic sphere of Kyoto.(2) The Taisho period: 6 households deserted each village (totaling 12), and 9 out of those moved into Kyoto. The group included a small number of what may be called positive job change type of desertion by the upper class villagers, but the majority were of the bankrupt type of desertion. This penomenon relates to the cultural and economic expansion of Kyoto, and its urbanizational effects were also felt upon those mountain villages.(3) The Showa period (up to 1965): the impact of Japan's social and economic disturbances was great to those hamlet and the ‘absorption power’ of Kyoto for some time seemed to cease and become less great. An epoch-making huge demand for charcoal and timber checked the trend of the outflowing of village populations.

著者

外山 秀一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.5, pp.407-421, 1985

被引用文献数

3

著者

伊藤 健司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.4, pp.435-448, 1994-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

34

被引用文献数

1 1

---

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the locational pattern and locational process of manufacturers' head offices giving due consideration to the relation between head office and plants. The study area is the city of Nagoya.Generally speaking, offices are agglomerated in the central business district of cities. In the case of the manufacturing industry, however, head offices have to control their plants as actual work-sites. Therefore it is better for the head offices to be located with their plants than separately. On the other hand, it is advantageous to locate head offices in the CBD to obtain information related to their business. That is to say, the locational pattern reflects each firm's decision.In this paper, manufacturer's head offices are divided into two locational types, head offices which depend on their plants (D-type head offices) and head offices which are independent of plants (I-type head office).The findings are summarized as follows:1. In considering the location of manufacturer's head offices, it is significant to classify the office into two types (D-type and I-type head offices).2. Concerning the locational pattern, it is true that there are many head offices in the CBD, but many are also located in a wider area of the city. In the CBD, I-type head offices are predominant. And it is evident that the ratio of D-type head officegoes up with distance.3. The ratio of I-type head rises with magnification of their scale. Although the ratio of I-type head office rose between 1972 and 1992, more than 40% of head offices still are located with their plants.4. The firms whose head offices are I-type have allocated their plants more widely in Japan than those whose head offices are D-type.5. In the latter type of firms the plants located with head offices still perform an important role in their production activities.

著者

碓井 照子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.6, pp.562-584, 1995-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

112

被引用文献数

2 1

---

1. GIS studies and the quantitative revolution in geographyThe early development of GIS studies originated at the University of Washington in which the quantitative revolution in geography took place in the late 1950's. Garrison's students including Bunge, W., Tobler, W. R. and Marble, D. F. had the original leadership in GIS study and have driven the top level initiatives for GIS development. The Garrison School was divided into two parties by different analytical concepts and approaches. One was a quantitative statistical geography whose conceptual keywords were spatial structure, spatial process and spatial interaction in Newtonian space, and the other was GIS studies based on topological space concepts.By the early 1970's, GIS studies were not dominant when compared with statistical analysis in geography because of the lack of technology in graphical facilities. But from the late 1970's GIS studies have been increasing by the development of some computer graphics technologies.2. GIS studies in the 1960's and 1970'sIn the late 1960's, the development of DIME files had a special influence in terms of topological data structure, geocoding and addressmatching. Fisher, H. made an important contribution to GIS study from the late 1960's to the middle 1970's and established the Harverd Laboratory for Computer Graphics and Spatial Analysis in which ODES-SEY as Vector GIS was desigend. A significant symposium about topological data structure was held in 1977 at this laboratory. The results of the symposium were published as Harvard Papers on Geographic Information System edited by Dutton, G. in 1978.A vector GIS model was traced to CGIS (Canada Geographic Information System) which Tomlinson, H. R. designed in the early 1960's. This vector model means that the space was defined by the set of spatial objects such as points, lines, and polygons with topological linkage and connection.A Raster GIS model also was developed in the 1970's in the field of grobal environmental studies such as environmental monitoring systems and resource management using remote sensing technology and Landsat data in large national projects.3. Systematization of GIS studies in the 1980's and 1990's and the concept of topological spaceWe can recognize the spatial patterns and shapes of geographic entities on a map which represents what we see and know about the real world as one of models of the surface of the earth. The nature of a map as a model of the real world that depends on the concept of space demonstrates a variety of underlying conceptual frameworks. Geographical spatial models are based on the concepts of absolute space or Newtonian space. In particular, since quantitative geography was advocated, it has been important to measure distance between geographical entities and to make a distance based spatial model using Euclidean geometry.But with the progress in GIS studies, spatial data structure stored as a database in a computer has been drastically shifted from a Euclidean space concept to a topological space concept. The concepts of topological space and topologically spatial analysis were made clear in the context of GIS Spatial Data Models in the 1980's and 1990's.

著者

三浦 尚子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1-21, 2016 (Released:2018-01-31)

参考文献数

24

被引用文献数

1 1

---

本稿は,障害者自立支援法施行に伴って制度化された東京都の通過型グループホームが,精神障害者の地域ケアにおいて果たす役割について,R 自治体内における通過型グループホームの事業者および入居者に対する質的調査に基づき,「ケア空間」「あいだの空間」という分析概念を用いて検討した。その結果,以下の知見が得られた。通過型グループホームの入居者は,精神科病院の退院条件であるか,家族との関係が悪い場合が多く居住地を選べない,ほかに生活環境を転換する術をもたないことを入居の理由としており,必ずしも本意に基づく選択ではないことが明らかとなった。しかし入所後,入居者は施設内に設置された交流室にて,職員や他入居者との間で無条件の肯定的配慮や共感的理解の態度で形成される「ケア空間」を通して,新たな主体性を出現させて自尊を獲得し,生への希望を見出していた。事業者は通過型グループホームを「あいだの空間」と位置づけ,単身生活への移行を障害者の自立とみなす国や行政機関の見解に即してその役割に肯定的であったが,入居者にとっては別の希望の空間へと向かうために重要な物理的・社会的な空間であるといえる。

著者

水谷 盛光

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.3, pp.297-310, 1969-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

39

著者

富樫 幸一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.392-393, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

被引用文献数

5

著者

三木 和美

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.5, pp.489-503, 2006

被引用文献数

1

---

<p>This study considers the activities of street performers on and around the new Umeda footbridge in Kita, Osaka. In this study, the perspectives of time geography and social networks are emphasized.</p><p>The following conclusions can be drawn as a result of field observations and personal interviews with street performers,</p><p>The various street performers are divided into 4 types: (1) musicians, (2) fine artists, (3) vendors, and (4) other performers. Based on these types, the purpose of their street activity varies and their space-time distribution patterns can be seen around the new Umeda footbridge.</p><p>The environment surrounding the street performers consists of the police and municipalities, local companies, media organizations, fans and visitors. On the one hand, they regulate the activities of the street performers, while, on the other, they are affected by the independent activities of the street performers.</p><p>Against the background of the spread of the Internet, street performers form social networks by creating their own homepages.</p><p>From knowledge of time geography and social networks, this paper analyzed various structural relations around street performers. Street activities in the city are understood as an example exhibited in many dimensions of time, space and society.</p>

著者

山本 健児

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.4, pp.334-351, 1981

被引用文献数

2 1

著者

高柳 長直

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.396-397, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

著者

佐藤 英人 荒井 良雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.4, pp.367-382, 2003-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

58

被引用文献数

2 3

---

In this paper, we try to focus the relationship between progress in information and communication technologies (ICTs) and the suburbanization of the office location.Information-related functions are located not only in the central business district (CBD) but also in the suburbs in Tokyo metropolitan area. Particularly conspicuous suburban locations are Yokohama area, Makuhari area and Tachikawa area, all of which are situated within some 30km from of the CBD.The Makuhari Shintoshin (new city) project has been successively promoted since 1989. To date, this new city is increasingly attracting information-related functions from the CBD, forming a new suburban office core. In terms of capital scale and business contents, these firms can be classified into the following three types. 1. Internet-related firms, 2. Back offices, 3. R&D sections of major firms.Taking into consideration factors of the suburbanization of internet-related firms and back offices, the push factor for internet-related firms have been a sharp rise in office overheads in the CBD, and the push factor for back offices an increase in the number of employees due to intensive investment by major firms in the information industry in the 1990s; the suburbanization has thus made headway in order to secure office space. The pull factor appears to be the same for both internet-related firms and for back offices; namely, an abundant supply of high-quality information infrastructure, specifically intelligent buildings in Makuhari Shintoshin, which has served as a significant pull.In cases where major firms have constructed their own buildings and established the R&D sector, in particular, it is necessary to introduce changes in the corporate organization, which is distinctly different from the situation where single business establishments are relocated. Firms have constructed in Makuhari Shintoshi, with existing offices using a large-volume broad-band communications network, smooth in-house electronic data exchange has become possible leading to the development of an environment in which telecommunications can be actively introduced. For this reason, it is assumed that the "R&D sector", the sector that necessitates relatively little direct contact with clients, has been relocated from the CBD to the suburbs.This paper considered that the relationship between new ICTs and the suburbanization of office location on the basis of practical case study. It is generally understood that new ICT represents one of the factors behind the suburbanization of office location. This conclusion is consistent with previous case studies in Europe and the United States.Future studies will focus on comparing with another suburban core cities, because we continue to discuss that the standardization of relationship between progress in ICTs and the suburbanization of the office location.

著者

山元 貴継

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.115-131, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)

参考文献数

51

被引用文献数

1 1

---

On Jeju Island, now part of South Korea, dynastically-owned ranches developed up until the 19th century spread across the slopes of Mt. Halla which soars upward at the center of the island. However, taking advantage of the mild climate, mandarin orange farms have now become widespread on Jeju Island, taking the place of the old ranches. One origin of those farms is a mandarin orange farm that was established at Seohong-ri on the south slope of Mt. Halla by Japanese living there during the era of Japanese rule. This farm was handed over to Korean residents after World War II, and both the farm and the late Mr. Kang, the planter, are still highly respected.The purpose of this research is to investigate concretely how the mandarin orange farm in Seohong ri, in the present suburban area of Seogwipo City, was established during the era of Japanese rule, and how it was handed down to the residents after that period. This study involves analyzing cadastral materials such as cadasters and cadastral maps, verifying the register list, and interviewing the residents.First, according to the examination of the cadastral materials recorded from the beginning of the Japanese jurisdiction, it was possible to confirm that low grade fields and forests were spread out over the upper slopes of the village due to the disuse of the dynastically-owned ranches. From the viewpoint of land ownership, the upper slope of the village was occupied as government-owned ground in the 1910’s. On the other hand, the ownership of the lower slope of the village was complicated as the proprietors of the residential land and those of the surrounding farmlands did not necessarily correspond with the movement of the residents’ settlements. The land on the upper slope of the village gradually came to be owned by the residents, and land on the more gentle slopes were owned by the Japanese. The mandarin orange farms were developed on these lands. However, the area of these farms held by the Japanese did not change during the era of Japanese rule. Moreover it is recorded in the cadastres that the land ownership of the farms was assigned in 1951 to Mr. Kang, who was a Korean who did not live in the neighborhood of Seohong ri.According to interviews of the residents, even the descendants of Mr. Kang do not know the reason why Mr. Kang acquired the farm. Evidence from his family register and from many interviews reveals that the first Korean owner was killed during the “4・3 Disturbance” and that Mr. Kang then happened to acquire the farms.In South Korea, generally speaking facilities developed by the Japanese and the people who later acquired them tend to receive negative evaluations. However, the residents gave comparatively positive evaluations of the mandarin orange farms of Seohong-ri because they agreed that the location of these properties was on a degraded slope and that the acquisition of the farms by Mr. Kang after World War II contributed much to the economy of the village. In addition, there is a possibility that such positive assessments were supported by the fact that Mr. Kang had not assumed control of the farms directly from the Japanese. The time of Japanese rule was also a time when the Korean residents of Seohong-ri were able to expand their own lands.As mentioned above, this research investigated the locations and the extent of the mandarin orange farms that the Japanese established, and examined in detail the changes in the ownership of these lands through analysis of the cadastral materials. Based on this study, it is clear that the cadastral materials provided a means to clarify the process of the transfer of the farms that the residents themselves did not know well.

著者

矢ケ崎 典隆

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, no.1, pp.1-22, 1983-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

50

---

Floriculture has been one of the industries in which Japanese immigrants and their descendants successfully engaged in California. In their participation in this intensive type of agriculture, ethnic organizations emerged both in San Francisco and Los Angeles and played key roles in the immigrants' economy and society. The present paper is intended to describe and analyze the development and change of Japanese floriculture in southern California from its beginning before the turn of the century through the sudden interruption during World War II and the post-war transformation. Some comparison is attempted with the San Francisco Bay Area Japanese floriculture which experienced a similar pattern of development.Japanese flower production in Los Angeles began just before the turn of the century, several years after its initiation in the San Francisco Bay Area. The first formal organization of Japanese growers of Los Angeles, the Southern California Flower Market, played a central role in the development of the Japanese flower industry from its establishment in 1913. It not only was the focal point of the growers' economic activities but also functioned to promote socio-cultural cohesion among the Issei.While the entire southern California coast offers nealy optimal climatic conditions for flower production, most Japanese flower growers before World War II were located in the immediate vicinity of Los Angeles. The warmer winters encouraged field production. In contrast to the Bay Area, greenhouses were little used by the Japanese growers here. Annuals were grown chiefly from seed. The beach areas were particularly important for supplying the summer flowers while producers in inland areas grew winter flowers. In the early days many Japanese produced flowers alongside commercial plots of berries and vegetables. Many more types of flowers were grown in southern California than in the Bay Area where only roses, carnations and chrysanthemums were of significance.Japanese flower growers, like the Japanese truck farmers of southern California, usually leased their land. In the Bay Area, on the other hand, ownership of land was widespread. Plenty of open land was available for rent before World War II and growers had no difficulty finding the necessary space for their operations. The dominance of field production of annuals, however, to some extent may have reflected the absence of a guaranteed long-term access to the land.The Japanese evacuation during World War II brought about a sudden disruptiqn of Japanese activities on the West Coast and gave rise to multifaceted changes in the post-war Japanese community and economy. Floriculture was one of the few Japanese sub-economies which was rapidly and successfully reconstructed both in norhtern and southern California with the successful reestablishment of flower markets. Their firmly established pre-war basis had not been fully preempted by other groups during their absence. The ethnic alignment of the industry was reaffirmed.Although Japanese floriculture has been completety reconstructed and ethnic cooperativism revived, the industry has experienced both quantitative and qualitative changes. A substantial number of Japanese growers in the Los Angeles area moved away from this traditional center of production to escape increasing urban pressures. New developments have taken place in the coastal districts of San Diego, Ventura and Santa Barbara counties. In these new floricultural regions of southern California Nisei growers appear to have lost both the geographical and cultural closeness and cohesiveness that characterized those engaged in the industry prior to World Was II. The Southern California Flower Growers of Los Angeles, an ethnic organization, still plays an important economic role in the industry as a local wholesaling center.

著者

久木元 美琴

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.291-299, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

63

著者

北川 眞也

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.264-271, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

44

著者

今野 泰三

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.287-290, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

29

著者

金田 章裕

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.3, pp.193-214, 1982

被引用文献数

1

---

1. The Jori Grid Pattern System is characterized by an interval network of paths and ditches, which divide a given area into units measuring approximately 109m square. By the middle of the 8th Century the system consisted of such a grid pattern, with the arable land in each section divided into regular allotments. About the middle of the 8th Century a new system was introduced, by which the entire Jori System was organized into &ldquo;Jo&rdquo;, &ldquo;Ri&rdquo; and &ldquo;Tsubo&rdquo;. The &ldquo;Tsubo&rdquo; was the smallest section of the square, consisting of approximately 1.2 hectares, the &ldquo;Ri&rdquo; comprised 36 &ldquo;Tsubo&rdquo;, or approximately 654m square, and the &ldquo;Jo&rdquo; was a liniar arrangement of &ldquo;Ri&rdquo;, whose exact organization varied according to region.<br>In some provinces, such as Settsu, Sanuki and Awa, historical evidence shows that the system of land unit indication followed three stages, as follows: 1) according to former small place names 2) according to the Jori Numbering System with place names attached to it 3) according to the Jori Numbering System only<br>A number of historical materials show the process from 2) to 3) in Yamato, Yamashiro, Iga, Ohmi and Echizen provinces in accordance with the fixation of the Jori Numbering System. However this Jori Indication System was not introduced at a time. In Yamashiro province, this system was introduced by 743, but in Sanuki, it came after 757 and before 763, and in Settsu, after 756 and before 767.<br>2. The former type of small place name was divided or changed to fit with the Jori Grid Pattern in stage 1) or 2). This process is shown for Kuso-oki region, Echizen Province in the 8th century (Fig.7). Some of former types of small place names, which were quite extensive (See Fig.7 Left), were divided and changed (See Fig.7 Right) in accordance with increase in arable land.<br>However all of the former types of small place names were not divided in the 8th century. In the Kinki District (near the Capital of Ancient Japan), the greater part of those place names already fit the Jori grid pattern, as shown in Fig.6, but others fit only partially, as shown in Fig.5.<br>In the case of Echizen province, not so far from the capital, those place names partly fitted or were in the process of such adaptation as above mentioned. In the case of Etchu province, far from the capital, such place names were not divided as shown in Fig.8. In the last case, the Jori Indication System was established at once, but the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern was probably incomplete, and the Jori Indication System does not seem to have been fixed perfectly.<br>3. After the enforcement of the Jori Grid Pattern and the fixation of the Jori Indication System, the latter began to deteriorate. An early sign of this process was found in the 10th century. In medieval times the small place name began to be used side by side with the Jori Indication System. Almost all these new small place names designated the smallest section of the Jori Grid Pattern. By the end of the Medieval Period, this small place name system became generalized even on the Jori Grid Pattern.<br>4. The plan of the Jori Grid Pattern was completed in the middle of the 8th century, with the introduction of the Jori Indication System. This plan undoubtedly was connected with Handenshuju, one of the important policies of the ancient &ldquo;Ritsuryo&rdquo; period, but &ldquo;Ritsuryo&rdquo; was established by 701 at the latest. Accordingly, the plan of the Jori Grid Pattern, especially the Jori Indication System, was not peculiar only to &ldquo;Ritsuryo&rdquo;. It was necessary for registry affairs rather than for Handenshuju itself. Since the 8th century, the bureaucratic procedures for distinction between private lands and government owned lands became very important, in accordance with the increase of private land.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.1-6, 1986

著者

崎田 誠志郎

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.4, pp.283-305, 2015

被引用文献数

5

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<p>Fishery cooperatives (FCs) in Japan have long managed coastal fishing grounds based on a fishery rights system, particularly common fishery rights, which are derived from old local community customs. However, merging of the FCs has been promoted nationwide for half a century to improve deteriorating business. Consequently, common fishery rights are now managed by a large-scale FC, whereas micro-scale fishing grounds related to common fishery rights are still managed by the former area FC. Thus, the aim of this study was to reveal the structural aspects of micro-scale fishing ground management by the local area under the large-scale FC.</p><p>The study site was Kushimoto-cho, Wakayama Prefecture, located at the southernmost part of the Kii Peninsula. Fifteen areas in and around Kushimoto-cho, which had former FCs, now fall under the jurisdiction of the large-scale Wakayama-Higashi FC. Three of these areas were analyzed in this study. The three areas have different fishing characteristics, primarily dependent on local environmental conditions within the fishing grounds. These local environmental factors also affect fishing ground management within the areas.</p><p>After merging of the different FCs, micro-scale fishing grounds have been managed by voluntary organizations separate from the area. Each area has various voluntary organization-led structures according to the number of participating fishermen and the economic dependence of each common fishery right-based fishery.</p><p>Meanwhile, the autonomy of the areas alone was insufficient to retain their conventional and independent fishing ground management. The legitimacy of fishing ground management in the areas is reinforced by their association with official institutions. That is to say, the areas demonstrate their initiative to manage the fishing grounds through some obscure official institutions that reflect the area's customs. In contrast, independent fishing ground management has been replaced in some areas by restrictive official institutions through legal force.</p><p>Moreover, the fishing ground management structures in these areas are neither well-established nor declining. Various methods of transition have been used, such as reductions, restructuring, or strengthening, and these are related to the dynamics of various factors, such as shifting fishery status and the intentions of local fishermen.</p><p>The results of this study show the current multilayered fishing ground management structure and explain that the fishing ground management structure in the areas has changed in various ways in parallel with the FC merger and that reciprocal relationships with official institutions have been built. Such recognition will provide important insight for discussing the future of micro-scale fishing ground management considering the domestic trend towards decreasing the size of the fishing industry and expanding the FCs.</p>