著者

有坂 道子

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.116, pp.111-125, 2004-02

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地域蘭学の展開を考えるにあたり、これまでの在村蘭学研究において都市域を扱った研究が少なかった点をふまえ、本稿では、江戸時代中・後期に大坂で活躍した町人知識人である木村蒹葭堂を取り上げ、蘭学者との交友内容を明らかにすることを通じて、いわゆる「蘭学者」ではない蒹葭堂の、蘭学との関わり方について考察した。蒹葭堂は、造り酒屋を営む商人であったが、文人、蔵書家、文物収集家、本草・博物学者として著名で、きわめて広い交友関係を持っており、交遊の様子は彼の残した日記や取り交わされた書状から読みとることができる。蒹葭堂は当時の大坂を代表する知識人であるとともに、多方面にわたる活動の中に蘭学知識の影響が見られ、蘭学者や蘭学関係者とも交流している。ここでは、大槻玄沢と宇田川玄随が蒹葭堂に宛てて出した書状を素材に、彼らの間でどのような知識や情報が求められたのか、互いをどのように位置づけていたのかについて検討を加えた。大槻玄沢が蒹葭堂に宛てた書状からは、蒹葭堂が玄沢に西洋物産に関する情報やオランダ語を始めとする外国語の訳述を依頼していたこと、一方の玄沢は蒹葭堂の本草・博物学者としての知識を求めていたことが知られる。また、宇田川玄随の書状では、蒹葭堂の卓論や新説に対する期待が示され、蘭学者である彼らに有益な知識を与えうる人物として蒹葭堂を評価していたことが分かる。蒹葭堂は蘭学者としてではなく、博物学者としての求知心を持って蘭学的知識を積極的に吸収しようとし、蘭学者の側も、蒹葭堂のような蘭学に対する学問的好奇心を持つ人々から影響を受けていたと言える。それぞれが得意とする分野の知識を交換することで、知的刺激を受けていたのである。蒹葭堂と同様に、蘭学知識や情報を求める人々は多く存在しており、彼らを含んで蘭学の広がりを考えていく必要がある。With regard to the study of the development of regional Rangaku, among the research that has been conducted on Rangaku in villages there has been little that has dealt with urban regions. Thus, the topic of this paper is Kimura Kenkado (1736-1802), an intellectual who was active in the latter part of the Edo Era, and makes a study of Kenkado's association with Rangaku, though he himself was not a "Rangaku scholar", through bringing to light his relations with his friends and acquaintances who were Rangaku scholars.Though Kenkado was a merchant who operated a sake brewing business, he is famous for being a literatus, collector of books, a collector of cultural artifacts, and a scholar of natural history. He had an extremely extensive network of acquaintances and friends and it is possible to learn about his friendships through the diaries he left behind and the exchange of letters between himself and friends. As well as being a good example of an Osaka intellectual of his day, there is evidence of the influence of Rangaku on his activities covering a wide range of fields and his interaction with Rangaku scholars and persons associated with Rangaku. Using the letters sent to Kenkado by Otsuki Gentaku and Udagawa Genzui, I also make an examination of the nature of the knowledge and information that these men were seeking and how they regarded each other.We learn from the letters sent by Otsuki Gentaku to Kenkado that Kenkado sought from Gentaku information on Western commodities and relied on him to translate Dutch and other languages, while Gentaku sought from Kenkado knowledge he had as a scholar of natural history. The letters of Udagawa Genzui reveal a great interest in Kenkado's clever arguments and new theories, from which we may conclude that these Rangaku scholars regarded Kenkado as a person who was able to give them useful information.Kenkado sought to actively absorb information on Western subjects through his thirst for knowledge as a scholar of natural history and not as a scholar of Rangaku, and it is also fair to say that the Rangaku scholars too were influenced by people like Kenkado who had a scholarly curiosity in Rangaku. This exchange of information relating to the various fields in which they had their own expertise served as an intellectual stimulus.There were many people like Kenkado who where interested in obtaining information on Western subjects, and these people need to be included in studies on the spread of Rangaku.

著者

岩淵 令治

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.353-428, 2011-11

著者

小林 忠雄

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, pp.371-410, 1995-01

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本稿は日本の民俗的な色彩感覚が,明治末期から昭和初期の間に変容したという問題意識を前提に論じたものである。それは,主として新たに近代化された都市社会の出現と呼応しており,その背景には西洋文化や知識の移入による影響があるものと考えられる。ちなみに,まず日本の民俗感覚としての色彩認識については,一つには色名などを使った言語文化における認識と,もう一つは多様な色彩の材料を駆使して表現された物質文化における認識のあり方が考えられ,そのなかで基層感覚と覚しき部分について概説し,感覚の近代化とは何かについて問題提起した。つづいて,都市における色彩を具体的に示した文献として,『近代庶民生活誌』全10巻,および今和次郎『モデルノロジオ(考現学)』をとりあげ,そのなかから色彩語彙に関係した箇所,約400項目を抽出し,色彩ごとに分類し並べてみた。その結果,1930年前後において,東京や大阪といった大都市における人々の色彩の捉え方が微妙に変容していることが分かった。その変容については,とりあえず赤・青・白・黒・紫の各色についてのみ,何がどのように変わったのかについて分析してみた。同じく,変容には都市のなかで新たに出現した色彩傾向がある。それは黄・緑・ピンクといった人工色であって,さらに赤・青・紫の色の組合せ現象にも注目された。そして,近世まで都市において顕著であった五色のハレ(晴れ)感覚から,近代においては七色という,これまで識別されていなかった光のスペクトル感覚による色の認識が立ち表れ,庶民の色彩認識に大きな変革がなされたとみられる。本稿は,そのような変容の要素を,都市が生成した民俗という視点から捉え,次に何かが言えないだろうかという,今後の民俗研究への指針を求めた,あくまで実験的な試みである。In this paper, I have worked on the assumption that we have come to recognize a change in Japanese feeling for colors in our folk customs between the end of the Meiji period and the beginning of Shōwa period. This period of change mainly corresponds to the appearance of the first modernized urban societies; and behind it, there seems to be influences introduced from Western culture and knowledge.For example, in connection with the Japanese awareness of colors in our folk customs, we can see that one reaction to our awareness of colors is shown in the use of color names in our linguistic culture, and another is shown in the use of various color materials in our material culture. I have outlined the basic feeling of awareness and so raise the question "what is the modernization of feelings?"Next, I introduce two books: "Living Record of Modern Common People" (ten volumes) published by San-ichi Shobō and "Modernology" written by Wajirō Kon, as the reference materials which clearly indicate the colors in urban communities. Then, from them, I have extracted about 400 items which related to the color terms and listed them classified under different colors.As a result, the people's taste of colors in big cities such as Tokyo and Osaka changed slightly around 1930. I analyzed about what and how it changed, taking a selection from each of 5 colors: red, blue, white, black and purple.In this change, there are, moreover, new tendencies for colors to appear in urban communities. They are artificial colors such as yellow, green and pink, and color combinations of red, blue and purple were also to be seen.A great change might occur in the common people's awareness of colors because the ceremonial color responses with 5 colors which were noticeable in towns until the end of Edo period, were replaced by new responses with 7 colors divided by spectrum of light in the Meiji and the Taisho periods, which had not been found before.In this paper, I introduced an empirical survey to show the essence of the change from the viewpoint of folk customs created by urban communities, and to indicate a direction for future folk custom study of what to expect next.

著者

澤井 真代

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.142, pp.443-471[含 英語文要旨], 2008-03

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琉球諸島において集落単位の儀礼を中心的に担うノロやツカサといった女性神役は従来、神に祈り儀礼に奉仕するのみの存在と見なされる傾向があったが、一九八〇年代以降、神と交感する能力を豊かに有する女性神役の事例が報告され、従来の女性神役像が拡大された。ただ、琉球諸島の女性神役をめぐる問題は、神との交感に収斂する事柄にとどまらないことも次第に明らかにされつつある。一九八〇年代以降にとられるようになった、個々の神役の生活史や神観念に接近する方法により、神役の職能をめぐる様々な問題を明らかにし、琉球諸島の女性神役の多様なあり方を提示することを目指しつつ、本稿では石垣島川平における女性神役「ツカサ(司)」の就任過程と、ツカサの祈願方法の中核にあると言い得る唱え言「カンフツ(神口)」について報告する。川平では、集落の四つの拝所「オン(御嶽)」のそれぞれに一人ずつ、全部で四人のツカサが儀礼における祈願を担っている。ツカサは各オンの由来に深く関わる家に父系でつながる女性から選ばれるのが基本で、候補者が複数の場合、近年は神籤により一人のツカサが選ばれる。神役選出の籤については従来、近年に導入された合理的方法という見方がされてきたが、籤に参加する女性たちは、神籤の場で経験した不可思議な出来事をしばしば語り、籤の場を神の力のはたらく場と捉えている点が着目される。選出された女性は、就任儀礼「ヤマダキ」を経て、年間の儀礼に携わる。日頃から各オンの管理の任にあたる「カンムトゥヤー(神元家)」と呼ばれる家があるが、ヤマダキにおいて新任のツカサは、このカンムトゥヤーの一室に三日三晩籠り、その間、通ってくる前任のツカサや他のツカサから年間の儀礼の意味合いや各儀礼で唱えるカンフツについて教えられ続ける。ツカサの唱え言カンフツは、その習得が四人のツカサのみに厳しく限られており、儀礼の場で唱えられる時もツカサ以外の人には聞き知られないようになっているが、ツカサ四人の間では「カンフツツラシ」という唱え合わせの機会が定期的にもたれ、把握する文言や内容の統一がはかられている。カンフツは、変えてはならないとされるその形式が重視される一方で、儀礼目的や祈願内容といった意味を具体的に神に伝えるというはたらきがより重視されている。そうしたカンフツの意味には、ツカサ四人での間で教授される意味のほかに、ツカサ一人一人が考えながら習得していく意味もある。新任のツカサは儀礼での実践を積みながら何年もかけてカンフツの形式と意味を身につけていくが、その習得過程については今後さらに調査と考察を行なう必要がある。The duties of priestesses called noro and tsukasa who fulfill central roles in village rituals in the Ryukyu Islands had been regarded as consisting only of praying to kami and performing rituals. However, since the 1980s the conventional image of priestesses has widened as a result of reported cases of priestesses possessing ample skills in communicating with kami. It has gradually become clear, however, that there is more to this matter involving priestesses from the Ryukyu Islands than their communication with kami. Access to the life histories of priestesses and religious ideologies since the 1980s has raised various questions surrounding the function of priestesses. With the aim of presenting the diverse nature of priestesses in the Ryukyu Islands, this paper discusses the inauguration process for priestesses, who in Kabira, Ishigaki Island are called tsukasa, and chants called "kanfutsu," which lie at the core of the method of prayer adopted by tsukasa.In Kabira, one tsukasa is responsible for prayers during rituals at each of the village's four places of worship called "on," making a total of four tsukasa. In principle, women selected as tsukasa have paternal links to a family closely associated with the origin of each of the on. In cases where there is more than one candidate, the recent custom has been to select the tsukasa by drawing lots. Although selection by means of the drawing of lots is considered a practical method introduced recently, the women who participate in this process tell of frequent mysterious experiences at such times and believe the drawing of lots to be the work of kami. The successful candidate performs rituals throughout the year having undertaken an inauguration ceremony called "Yamadaki." Usually, there is a family referred to as the "Kanmutuya" that is responsible for each on. During the Yamadaki, the newly appointed tsukasa is confined in one of the Kanmutuya's rooms for three days and three nights, during which time her predecessor or other tsukasa visit her to teach her the significance of the annual rituals and the kanfutsu chanted at each ritual.The learning of kanfutsu is restricted to the four tsukasa. When chants are made during a ritual they are performed so that they cannot be heard by anyone else. Regular opportunities are made for the four tsukasa to chant together in what is called "kanfutsu tsurashi." The aim of this practice is to standardize the language and content. While it is important that the format of the kanfutsu remains intact, more importance is attached to the purpose of a ritual and the meaning of the prayer to be said to kami. In addition to the meaning of the kanfutsu taught among the four tsukasa, kanfutsu also acquire a meaning which is thought up by each tsukasa on her own. A newly appointed tsukasa spends years acquiring practical experience in performing rituals and becoming proficient in the formats and meanings of kanfutsu. The acquisition of this skill requires further investigation and discussion.

著者

木下 光生

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.169, pp.271-290, 2011-11

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本稿は、日本の賤民と百姓が一八世紀後半~一九世紀以降、自他の身分を強く意識し出す状況を素材として、共同研究の全体テーマ「身体と人格をめぐる言説と実践」を、日本近世史研究において問うことの意義を考えるものである。本テーマは、これまでの近世史研究ではほとんど意識されてこなかったが、その問いを、自己の「客観的な実態」(身体)と「自己認識」(人格)の間に生ずるズレやせめぎ合いをめぐる問題に置き換えてみれば、近世史研究で残されている課題、とりわけ賤民と百姓の自他認識論として議論することが可能となる。そしてそうした視点にたつと、一八世紀後半~一九世紀という時代のもつ重要性が鮮やかに映し出されることとなる。通常、右の時代は、民衆の力によって身分(制)社会が「動揺」「崩壊(解体)」する時代として描かれがちである。だが、当該期の賤民や百姓が邁進した地位向上運動をつぶさに見てみると、当時の民衆が「身分」を相対化しようとしていたどころか、むしろそれにこだわりまくり、身分を拠り所にした自己表明を、運動によって公言して憚らない人びとであった点に気づかされる。しかもそれらの運動は、いずれも、他身分・他賤民との「平等」ではなく、「差別化」を図ろうとするものばかりであり、それに邁進すればするほど、本来複雑な実態をもつ「客観的な自己」と「自分が自覚する自己」をひたすら乖離・分裂させるものであった。こうした動向を、単に「限界」視するのは無意味であり、人びとが「身分」に寄り添おうとした切実な思いに、もっと肉迫し得るような発想と時代認識をもたなければならない。加えて、他者との「差別化」を孕むような地位向上運動は、近現代日本社会でも確認できる。その意味で、「身体と人格をめぐる言説と実践」という問いかけは、「前近代/近代」という既存の時間認識を相対化する可能性も秘めている。This paper focuses on how outcastes (senmin) and peasants (hyakusho) developed an awareness of their status identities and struggled to improve their status in Tokugawa Japan, especially from the late 18th century.Late Tokugawa Japan is usually described as a transitional period in which the existing status system (mibunsei) moved towards collapse under the pressure of ordinary people expressing mounting dissatisfaction with the status quo. However, a closer look at the rights movements of outcastes and peasants attempting to improve their status and protect their interests reveals that far from eroding the status system, their efforts actually tended to reaffirm it.For example, when sanmaihijiri tried to get rid of status prejudice against them, they appealed to the public to recognize their nobility and refrain from regarding them as outcastes like eta ( kawata) or hinin. Kawata too objected to being labelled as eta, claiming that they were actually peasants (kawata-hyakusho) and attempting to shift discrimination against them to other outcastes by describing those they saw as genuine eta or outcastes as beggars. Further, when peasants found themselves in confrontation with outcastes, especially with regard to agricultural interests, they often claimed that from the outset outcastes lacked both the right and qualifications to engage in agriculture.Although these people engaged in serious discussion about their identities, their views unfortunately did not match the reality. Not all outcastes were beggars ( while, in fact, some beggars were of peasant status) , and many outcastes had been engaged in agriculture for a long time. ( Recent studies show that the living standards of most outcastes were almost the same as those of peasants.) The above history of struggle to clarify status identities thus reveals bitter contradictions and dilemmas, with the rights movements creating an ever wider gap between subjective identity ( how people viewed their status and that of others) and objective identity ( actual status) .Clinging to a status system may seem like an old-fashioned, feudalistic attitude, but the fact is that similar movements have taken place in modern Japan too. As such, divisions such as "modern" and "pre-modern" (or feudalistic) are essentially meaningless, and we would do well to develop a new paradigm for thinking about historical time.

著者

山岸 常人

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.p161-193, 1992-12

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本稿は、中世の寺院において本堂或はその他の仏堂の中に何らかの意図をもって納め置かれた文書―仏堂納置文書と呼ぶことにする―をとりあげ、その納置の状態・納置文書の種類や機能・蔵に納置された文書との関係等について、主として栄山寺・高野山・金剛寺等の納置の事例をたどりながら、寺院内部における文書の安定的な保管についての原理と現実について考察を加える。文書納置には様々な種類の仏堂が使われているが、中でも御影堂・本堂、とりわけ御影堂が特に史料的に豊富な情報を残しており、御影堂が多くの寺に共通して重用されていた。多数の文書が仏堂に納置された要因は、併存する複数の僧侶集団、さらには寺外の諸権門との間での様々な権利が対立する際、権利を保障する支証となる文書の所在とその確かな伝領を実現するためにふさわしい機能を仏堂がもっていた点にある。寺の開祖や宗祖を祀る御影堂が特に選ばれているのは、世俗の諸権力より上位の権力に文書の保管を委ねたと見ることができる。ただしこのシステムは架空の上位権力の存在を想定して成立している擬制とも言えるものであった。このことは笠松宏至氏の言う「仏物」誤用禁止の法理とも共通する理念であるが、その法理の裏では、高野山の御手印縁起等の奉納状や十聴衆評定で定められた出納手続、或は文書の書面上に御影堂納置文書である旨を示す文言を加筆すること等、実態を伴った管理制度の完備によって初めて保管の実効性が保証されていた。更には金堂には下書を、御影堂には正文を置くような危険を分散する方式も編み出されて、それを補完したはずである。即ち理念や擬制だけで現実の利害や権力に対抗しきれるものではなかった。なお仏堂に納置される文書は公験・荘園文書など寺家の権利に直接関わるものに主として限られ、法会文書などは納められず、また年貢なども別の収納施設に納められ、寺内の収納施設は目的により俊別されていた。仏堂に文書を納置することは正に中世寺院の組織構造を直接に反映した現象であった。This paper looks at documents stored with some intention in the main sanctuary or other sanctuaries of Buddhist temples in the Middle Ages …… hereafter called "documents stored in Buddhist temples". The author examines the principles and actual situation of the secure storage of documents in temples, by tracing examples of storage mainly in Eizanji, Kôyasan, and Kongôji temples, with regard to conditions of storage, types and functions of the stored documents, and their relation with documents stored in warehouses.Various types of Buddhist sanctuaries, such as the Mieidô and the main sanctuary, were used for the storage of documents. The Mieidô, in particular, contain an abundance of historical information, and commonly held an important position in many temples. The reason many documents were stored in Buddhist sanctuaries was that these buildings were appropriate for the storage and accurate transmission of documentary evidence regarding rights, in case of confrontation between opposing groups of Buddhist priests, or disputes with various influential powers outside the temple. It seems that the Mieidô, which is dedicated to the founder of the temple or the sect, was particularly chosen for the storage of documents because a higher power than secular powers was entrusted with the storage of documents. However, this system can be said to have been a false system, which was established on the assumption of the assistance of a fictional higher authority. This idea has something in common with the legal principles behind the prohibition of the misuse of "Buddhist objects" as stated by Mr. Kasamatsu Hiroshi. Behind this principle, the validity of the documents stored in the Buddhist sanctuaries was assured only when a control system in line with real conditions was perfected, that is, letters of dedication, such as the Goshuin-engi of Kôyasan, accounting procedures determined by a meeting of ten, the addition of a phrase indicating that the documents were stored in the Mieidô, etc. Furthermore, a method of spreading risk, such as storing a draft in the main hall in addition to the original document in the Mieidô, must have been devised for greater assurance. In other words, actual interests and powers cannot have been countered by only principles or a false system. It should be further noted that the documents stored in Buddhist sanctuaries were principally limited to official documents and manor documents, those are directly related to the temples' rights and interests, documents on Buddhist meetings were not stored there, and annual land tax was stored in other storehouses. In this way, storage facilities in temples were distinguished according to purpose.The storage of documents in Buddhist sanctuaries was really a phenomenon which directly reflected the organizational structure of the temples in the Middle Ages.

著者

網 伸也

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.111-136, 2007-03

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古代都城において「京」の空間に方形街区が形成されるのは天武朝以降であり、藤原京(新益京)には計画的な条坊街区が造営された。そして、平城京以後の諸宮では、「京」における条坊の存在が既成事実として議論されてきた。しかし、「京」は王権の所在地として周辺地域から視的あるいは理念的に区別される空間であり、方形街区としての条坊の有無は本質的に「京」の必要条件とはならない。実際に、奈良時代における「京」の概念には条坊街区の存在はあまり考慮されておらず、宮を中心に広がる特別な政治領域を「京」として捉えていたことがわかる。そして、宮城を取り囲む「京」に街区が形成される場合にも、計画的に条坊街区が造営される場合と、必要に応じて街区が造営されていく場合が想定できる。ここでは、まず都城成立期である藤原京の考察を行い、日本の古代都城がいかにして確立していったかを明らかにし、平城京をはじめとする奈良時代の「京」の実態分析を行った。その結果、古代都城の構造には、全体の京域条坊プランを計画的に設定し宮城もその計画線の中に収めていくタイプ(計画線閉合型)と、まず宮の造営を行い必要に応じて京域の条坊を施工していくタイプ(中軸線開放型)があることが判明した。厳密にいえば、全体の方形地割計画線を設定する前者のタイプは藤原京と平城京だけであり、その構造原理は形を変えて平安京にも引き継がれたと想定できる。その他の都城は宮の造営が先行し、宮の造営中軸線あるいは東西計画線を基準にして京域街区が形成された。長岡京も宮城の造営がまず先行して行われており、その京域にできるだけ計画的条坊を施工しようとした特殊な都城であったため、構造的矛盾を孕む結果となってしまったと考えられる。桓武天皇の再度にわたる平安京遷都は、特殊な長岡京造営の中で実現することができなかった計画的都城の完成をめざして行われたと考えられるのである。The adoption of a block street pattern for the space of the "capital" ("kyo") in ancient walled cities began during the Temmu era when Fujiwara-kyo (Aramashi-kyo) was built following a planned grid pattern. The existence of a grid pattern as a fait accompli for capitals with palaces from the time of Heijo-kyo onwards has been the subject of debate. However, as the location of imperial power, the capital was a space that was visually and conceptually separated from the surrounding area so that in essence the presence of a grid pattern for the streets was not an absolute requirement to make it a capital. In fact, little consideration was taken of the existence of a grid pattern for streets within the concept of a capital during the Nara period. We know that a special political sector that expanded outward from a palace at the center was viewed as constituting a capital. We may also assume that even when streets were built in a capital with an enclosed palace there were instances when a planned grid pattern was adopted and others in which streets were built as the need arose.This paper considers Fujiwara-kyo which was built at a time when walled cities were first established in Japan. It discusses the process by which ancient walled cities were built and investigates the capitals of the Nara period, of which Heijo-kyo was the first. The findings reveal that either one of two structures was adopted for these ancient walled cities. One entailed a planned grid pattern for the entire capital with a palace incorporated in the plan (planned closed type), while in the other type the palace was built first and a grid pattern implemented for the area of the capital as the need arose (central axis, open type). Strictly speaking, the first type with its grid pattern covering the entire area applies to only the Fujiwara and Heijo capitals. However, following a change to its underlying principle, this structure was also most likely adopted for the Heian capital. In other walled cities the construction of the palace occurred first, whereupon the streets were created based on the palace located along a central axis, or on a line projecting east to west. In the case of Nagaoka-kyo too, the palace was built first, and because an attempt had been made to build a unique walled city following a planned grid pattern wherever possible, the result included some structural contradictions. It is possible that Emperor Kammu shifted the capital to Heian for a second time with the aim of completing the planned walled city that he was unable to achieve when building Nagaoka-kyo.

著者

平川 南

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, pp.351-391, 2002-03

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今,歴史学に対して新たな研究視点として,日本の歴史における自然と人間の交渉史の実像を明確に示すことが求められている。そこで,本稿は,自然環境としての河川との関わりを通して地域支配の実態を明らかにしたい。以下,本稿では,地域支配と河川について,次の四つの視点から究明を試みた。① これまでの地理的関係から内陸部とみられた地域の中に,外洋に面する河口と同様に,直線的に河川が外洋につながり,"第二河口"と位置づけられた地域が存在したのではないか。② 宮都や城柵のような国家施設造営にあたり,それらの施設は水運の便を十分に活用するために宮都や城柵内部に河川を引き込む形で占地している。しかし,それは洪水という災害を同時に抱え込むことを意味している。いいかえれば,これまで長岡京や志波(しわ)城について,その廃都や廃城は水害を直接的理由としてきたが,それは造営当初から十分に予測できたのではないか。③ 律令体制下に,郡の津(つ)(港)として外洋に望む河口部や津を管理する「津司(つのつかさ)」が設置された。その津司では「津長(つのおさ)」が責任者として,津に出入する客などに応じたのであろう。④ 9世紀後半から10世紀にかけて,各地で新たに台頭してきた豪族層の拠点施設は,河川を取り込み,船着場を設け,施設内では手工業的生産や農業経営が活発に行われたことが近年の発掘調査の成果から知ることができる。さらに付け加えて,古代の河川の運行においても,近世同様,曳船(ひきふね)方式が活発に実施された点を強調した。The current state of Japanese historical studies is one which strives to show an accurate representation of the history of interaction between man and nature. In this paper, the author tries to identify the circumstances of regional control through man's involvement with rivers as a natural environment. The writer investigated the following four points in terms of regional control and rivers. 1. Among places that have been considered inland areas, there existed locations that had rivers that connected directly to the ocean, and were in reality considered "secondary estuaries", the same as estuaries facing onto the ocean. The Kitakami River in the Iwai region of the ancient province of Mutsu and the Futohi River in the Shimotsuke Samukawa region are such examples. 2. Facilities constructed by the nation, such as at Kyuto (Place of Royal Authority) and Josaku (fort), were located inland to draw rivers in to fully utilize water transport. However, that raised the problem of the natural disaster of flooding at the same time. In other words, up to this point flood damage has been thought to be the direct cause of the disuse of the old capital in Nagaokakyo or Shiwajo Fort. However, this potentiality for flooding could have been enough estimated from the start of construction. Thus, it is possible to consider that it was expected from the construction planning stage that this was a sequenced undertaking in which a transfer would occur from Nagaokakyo to Heiankyo and from Shiwajo Fort to Tokutanjo Fort. 3. "Tsu no tsukasa" (the port office) was established to control harbors and estuaries that looked out on the ocean and functioned as district ports, was established under the Ritsuryo system. The activities of "Tsu no Osa" (head official of ports) who was responsible for overseeing those entering and leaving the ports are known from the mokkan (wooden tablets with official message) excavated from sites located in the Iwaki county of Mutsu province and the Kaga county of Echigo province. 4. Results of excavation surveys in recent years from the Kadoshin Sites in Niigata Prefecture and the Furushida Sites in Yamagata Prefecture show that from the latter half of the ninth century to the tenth century, facilities that were the bases for powerful clans appeared in various places. Rivers were rerouted, boat docks were built and agricultural administration and handicraft production activities took place within the facilities. In addition, it was emphasized that movement along the rivers in ancient times was, as in modern times, conducted by tug-boats.In this paper, the writer has outlined the points above concerned the relationship between regional control in ancient time and rivers. In the future, he hopes to further analyze the various conditions of rivers as natural environment and to further investigate how the rivers were involved in the formation of regional society.

著者

福田 アジオ

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.50, pp.p263-278, 1993-02

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日本の民俗学研究は従来集落その他の景観を資料として活用してこなかった。村落内部で伝承されてきた民俗事象のみに関心を集中させてきた。そのため,外見として示される景観のもつ意味については検討されることなく放置されてきたと言える。しかし,日本の中央部でも,関東・中部地方と近畿地方では東の緑,西の黒というように集落景観に大きな相違があり,さらに村落が作り出したさまざまな事物においても相違がある。この相違が民俗学にとっても重要な研究課題であることを主張した。東西の村落景観の相違を対比的に整理すれば,東の緑,西の黒という集落景観の印象の相違を作り出しているのは,家々の集合状況としての集村か小村かの違い,屋敷周囲の施設である屋敷林,垣根,塀等の有無の相違である。そして,それを基礎に,個別屋敷の様相,小祠や墓地の配置などにおいてもそれに対応した相違がある。その外見としての村落景観が示すものは,その社会の内部秩序の反映であり,家を強調する東とムラを強調する西をそれぞれ示している。東の村落景観は個別屋敷を閉鎖的な空間として示し,生活に必要な装置をその屋敷内外に揃えておこうとしてきた。単に生産・生活という現世の装置だけでない。神仏を祭る施設,あるいは墓地という他界につながる施設まで屋敷内あるいは屋敷続きに設けている。屋敷を拠点とした家の独自性,個別性,完結性を強調する社会が作り出した景観と言ってよいであろう。それに対して,西の村落景観は個別の家が明確ではなく,集落全体としてひとまとまりになっていて,ムラとしての結集を家々の密集と個別の家の開放性で表示していると言えそうである。個別屋敷は居住用であり,その他の生活・生産に必要な施設は村落として設定している。この家中心社会としての東を象徴する村落組織が「番」組織であり,ムラ中心社会の西を象徴する村落組織が「衆」組織である。以上のことを論じることによって,民俗学研究にとっても景観が重要な資料となり得ることを述べたものである。Conventional Japanese folklore studies have not made full use of the outward appearance of villages as data material. Attention has been concentrated only on the folklore phenomena handed down in the villages. This being the case, it can be said that the meaning of landscape, expressed as the outward appearance, has been neglected, and left unexamined. However, in the central part of Japan, village landscape is very different in the Kanto and Chubu Districts, and the Kinki District ; for example, green in the east and black in the west. Furthermore, there are also differences in the various customs generated by the villages. In this paper, the author gives his opinion that these differences are an important subject of study in folklore.A comparative arrangement of the differences between village landscape in the east and west shows that the different impression of village landscape, that is, green in the east and black in the west, is caused by the way the houses are gathered together (whether they are organized into concentrated villages or small villages) ; and by the existence or otherwise of hedges, fences, walls, etc. enclosing the houses. On this basis, there is a corresponding difference in the aspects of individual homesteads and the location of small shrines and cemeteries. What the village landscape shows is a reflection of the internal order of the society ; this is shown in the east where the "ie"(family) is stressed, and the west where the "mura" (village) is stressed. The village views of eastern Japan show the individual houses as closed spaces, where facilities necessary for daily life have tended to be set up in or near the house. These facilities are not limited to the tools of this world, which are used for production and living ; facilities related to the other world, for example, facilities for the worship of gods and Buddha, as well as cemeteries, are set up in or adjacent to the homestead. This may be regarded as a view generated by a society that attaches importance to the independence, individuality, and completeness of the ie (family). Village landscape in the west, on the other hand, do not show individual houses clearly. The village as a whole is one entity, and concentration as a mura (village) is shown by the density of the village and the openness of individual houses. Individual homesteads are merely places to live in, and facilities necessary for other living and production activities are set up by and for the whole village. The village organization that represents eastern Japan as a family-oriented society is the "ban", or "turn", type of organization, and that representing western Japan as a village-oriented society, is the "shu", or "multitude", type of organization.By the above discussion, the author has described how landscape can become important data material for folklore study.

著者

辻 誠一郎

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, pp.119-145, 2003-10

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長野盆地南部に位置する更埴条里遺跡・屋代遺跡群の古代の植物遺体群のうち,日本では最大の資料数であるヒョウタン遺体,およびアサ,ササゲ,モモ遺体の産出と利用を再検討した。その結果,古代の植物利用と農業経営に関して新しい知見を得た。古代のヒョウタン遺体の資料数は90点におよび,古代から中世まで連続的に時代を追うことができ,また,果実・種子の形態が多様性をもつものであった。果実の形態からは,タイプA~タイプGの7つのタイプが設定され,種子の形態も複数の系統の存在を支持した。このことから,ヒョウタンの多様性とこの地域におけるヒョウタン利用の多様性が確かめられた。多様なヒョウタンの果実は加工して利用されたが,球形に近い果実は杓に利用され,祭祀具として利用されたと考えられた。他のヒョウタンの果実も形に応じた加工が施され,容器として利用されたと考えられた。食用となる大型のユウガオ型の果実が中世以前では初めて遺体で確認された。他の三つの注目すべき植物遺体とその産出状況を記載した。第1は,搾りかす状態のアサの果実についてである。『延喜式』に記載された信濃国の貢納品である麻子を裏付ける事実である。第2は,ササゲに同定されるマメ科の炭化種子についてである。家屋の焼失時に炭化したと考えられるもので,当時の豆の保存の仕方を示す状況証拠である。第3は,加工されたモモの核についてで,刃物によって加工した笛であると考えられた。古代の更埴は,たくさんの畑作物としての栽培植物を育成しており,多産するヒョウタンやモモは多様で,生産母体が大きいことを示唆した。それらが水田稲作を主体とすると考えられてきた農業経営とどのようにかかわっていたのかの検討を促した。This study examines the occurrence and morphology of ancient plant remains, specifically, seeds and fruits of gourds (Lagenaria siceraria), fruits of hemp (Cannabis sativa), seeds of Fabaceae, and endocarp of peach (Amygdalus persica), from the Koshoku-Jori and Yashiro Sites in Koshoku in the southern Nagano valley. Results offered new insights into plant use and agricultural management in antiquity.Gourd specimens were ninety in number and made it possible to plot a trajectory from antiquity into the medieval period. Furthermore, there was a diverse range of fruit and seed. Gourd fruits were divided into seven types (A through G), while seeds were divided into a number of strands. The study confirms the diversity both of uses of gourds in this region and of the kinds of gourd used. Many were processed for use. It is believed that rounder gourds were used as ladles and ceremonial instruments, while other kinds of gourd were processed depending on their shape to be used as containers. A pre-medieval specimen of the large-sized bottle gourd, used for food, was also identified for the first time.The study also records specimens and yield conditions for the other three vegetables mentioned above. 1) Remains of hemp in pulp form substantiate the fact that mashi was a tributary item of Shinano province as recorded in Engishiki. 2) Carbonized fabaceous seeds identified with Vigna unguiculata are believed to have been carbonized when a house burnt down and therefore provide contextual evidence of how beans were stored at the time. 3) A processed endocarp of peach is believed to be a flute that was crafted with a blade.Ancient Koshoku cultivated numerous domesticated plants as dry-field crops, the variety of its peaches and gourds indicative of its large matrix of production. This fact invites further study of the ways that production of these crops relates to agricultural management which is generally believed to have centered on wet paddy farming.

著者

黒田 智

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, pp.127-152, 2004-03

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勝軍地蔵とは、日本中世における神仏の戦争が生み出した軍神(イクサガミ)であった。その信仰は、観音霊場を舞台に諸権門間の対立・内紛といった戦争を契機として誕生した。そして征夷大将軍達の物語とともに、その軍神(イクサガミ)的性格を色濃くしていった。多武峯談山神社所蔵「日輪御影」は、いわば勝軍地蔵誕生の記念碑的絵画であった。「日輪御影」は、応長・正和年間(一三一一〜一二)に、興福寺との合戦に際して戦場となった多武峯冬野における日輪出現と、その周辺の観音勝地で起こった三神影向伝説を絵画化したものである。画面下方に描かれた束帯に甲冑を着した三眼の異人は、良助法親王と推測され、彼が喧伝した勝軍地蔵を想起させる。画面上方の円光中に描かれた藤原鎌足像は、三眼の異人と対をなして勝軍地蔵の化身として配置されている。また画面上部に描かれた三つの円光は太陽・月・星であり、山王三聖信仰を背景とする三光地蔵の表象である。「日輪御影」に表された勝軍地蔵信仰の世界観は、三光の多様な言説を背景として、鎌倉中期から南北朝期にかけて浮上する太陽・日輪の文化の急速な波及と密接に関わっている。太陽・日輪イメージは、勝軍地蔵信仰と結びつくことで、戦う神仏のイデオロギー・武威のシンボルへと収斂していたのである。こうした太陽・日輪イメージは、天空における太陽の月・星に対する優位性が日本という国家・国土の優越性に準えられた思想であった。それは、日本の神仏の優位性を主張し、日本という国土を神聖化し、日本を仏教的コスモロジーの中心に位置付けようとする運動であった。勝軍地蔵信仰は、同時代の中世的国家・国土観念と不可分な結びつきをもちながら、後代に少なからぬ影響を及ぼしていったのである。Shogun jizo is an ikusa-gami (military deity) that was created as a consequence of the war among gods during the Middle Ages. The belief in this deity came into being on the occasion of battles that were confrontations and internal disputes between various men of influence in sacred sites of the Kannon (Goddess of Mercy). Together with the tales of the Seii-taishogun (military general), the character of the shogun jizo took on stronger character of a military deity."Nichirin-no-Miei" is held at Tonomine-Tanzan Jinja Shrine, and is symbolizing the birth of the shogun jizo."Nichirin-no-Miei" is a depiction of the appearance of nichirin (sun) at Tonomine Fuyuno, which was the battleground of the war that took place against Kofuku-ji Temple during the Ocho and Showa periods (1311-1312). It also depicts the legend of Sanshin Yogo (appearance of three gods), that took place near sacred sites of the Kannon. The strange three-eyed figure depicted at the bottom of the drawing wearing armor over full court dress is assumed to be Ryojo Hosshinno (Imperial Prince Priest Ryojo, son of Emperor Kameyama), who is somewhat reminiscent of the shogun jizo. The figure of Fujiwara-no-Kamatari, who is an incarnation of the shogun jizo, drawn in the upper part of the drawing inside an aureole is forming a counterpart to the three-eyed creature. The three aureoles drawn in the upper part of the picture are the sun, moon and Venus, and symbolize the Sanko jizo, which are linked to the Sanno Sansho religious belief.The world view of the shogun jizo belief represented in "Nichirin-no-Miei" has a close relationship with the rapid spread of the sun culture, which constitutes the Sanko belief together with the moon and Venus, that emerged from the middle of the Kamakura Period (1185-1333) through to the Period of the Northern and Southern Courts (1336-1392). By linking with the belief in the shogun jizo, the sun image came to narrow down to a symbol of the ideology and military power of warring gods.This image of the sun representing the superiority of the sun over the moon and Venus in the heavens was a belief that was modeled on the superiority of the state and territory that constituted Japan. It was a movement that advocated the superiority of Japanese gods, sanctified the territory of Japan and sought to position Japan in the center of the Buddhist cosmology. At the same time as being inextricably linked to the concept of the medieval state and territory of that period, the belief in the shogun jizo came to have a considerable influence over later periods.

著者

段上 達雄

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.161, pp.353-401, 2011-03

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福岡県と大分県にはジンガとジガンと呼ばれる祭祀者、そしてジガン座と呼ばれる宮座が存在する。本稿では、その分布と内容について具体的事例をあげながら、その意味について考察する。ジガンは大分県杵築市(国東半島東部)と中津市(山国川流域)、福岡県京築地域(福岡県旧豊前国東部)に広がり、ジンガは福岡県筑豊地域と旧筑後国東部地域に分布し、大分県別府市に飛び地のように存在する。また、宮座呼称は福岡県旧筑前国地域に分布する。ジガンは神元・地官・神願・地願・氏神・仕官・侍官・次官、ジンガは神家・神和・神課・神裸などと表記し、定まったものはない。本来、ジガンは専門職としての神職とは違う地付きの祭祀者を意味し、ジンガは神と関わりのある家としての意味性が強く出ているものと考えられる。また、宮柱と呼ばれる一社一家の特別な祭祀者とジガンとの関係をもつ所もあり、北部九州の神社祭祀組織は単純ではない。このジガンやジンガによる祭祀組織は本来は株座であり、当屋制度をとる所が多い。また、その家筋は土地の草分けとか本家筋と呼ばれることが多く、神社の勧請に関わった家だとか、中世までその家筋が遡れるという伝承をもつ所もある。しかし、特権的祭祀集団であった株座は、近代になると地域全体の家が参画する村座へと変貌をとげた所が多い。このジガンやジンガ等の祭祀組織が行ってきた祭りの中には、杵築市の白鬚田原神社の「どぶろく祭り」や、国東市や豊前市等の「山人」「山人走り」の神霊を運ぶ神事などのように特色ある祭祀が存在する。In Fukuoka Prefecture and Oita Prefecture, people known as jinga and jigan, and miya-za called jigan-za perform religious services. This article focuses on specific examples to study the distribution, the contents, and the meaning of such services. Jigan is seen in Kitsuki City ( eastern part of Kunisaki Peninsula) and Nakatsu City (area of Yamakuni River) in Oita Prefecture, and the Keichiku area in Fukuoka Prefecture ( eastern part of former Buzen-no-kuni in Fukuoka Prefecture) , and jinga spreads in the Chikuho area and the eastern area of former Chikugo-no-kuni in Fukuoka Prefecture, and also in Beppu City in Oita Prefecture like an enclave. The miya-za is seen in the area of former Chikuzen-no-kuni in Fukuoka Prefecture. Jigan and jinga have various and unfixed forms of notation with kanji characters. Originally, jigan means a native person assuming religious services different from a Shinto priest as a specialist, and jinga has a stronger relationship with a god as a house. There is also a place called miyabashira with a relationship between a special person from one house assuming religious services in one shrine and jigan. Thus, organizations for religious services in a shrine in northern Kyushu are not simple. The organizations for religious services assumed by jigan and jinga are originally Kabu-za, and many of them adopt the to-ya system. The family lines of them are often called a pioneer of the region or a head family line, and there are also some legends that some families were involved with kanjo ( transfer of a divided divine spirit to other shrine) , or some family lines date back to the Middle Ages. Kabu-za was a privileged group assuming religious services. However, most of them were transformed into mura-za ( where all houses of the region were members) in the modern period. Among the festivals conducted by such organizations for religious services of jigan, jinga, etc., there are unique festivals such as the" Doburoku Festival" of Shirahige Tawara Shrine in Kitsuki City, and rituals to carry the divine spirit of" Sanjin" and" Sanjin Hashiri" in Kunisaki City and Buzen City.

著者

加部 二生

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.82, pp.1-45, 1999-03

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群馬県内の終末期古墳では普遍的に存在する,横穴式石室の前面に広がる前庭構造について,従来は,古墳時代後期に群馬県地域で独自に土着した構造であると解釈されていた。しかし,近年の研究では,全国各地に所在することが明らかとなり,その起源については,古墳時代前期に高句麗地域で成立していることが明確に解ってきた。高句麗では,前庭構造が王陵に採用され,渤海に取って変わった8世紀終末まで連綿と構築されている。一方で,北部九州地方に導入された初期の横穴式石室にも前庭が付されたものがあり,前庭を持つ古墳は,百済,新羅,伽耶地域では認められないことから,これら初期横穴式石室の構築は高句麗の影響化に成立していることが明らかになった。横穴式石室の浸透に伴って前庭が日本各地に拡散していくにもかかわらず,これらを頑なに拒み続けているのが畿内中枢部の大和地域である。おそらく,当時の畿内大和勢力は,外交をはじめとして百済との結び付きを重視しており,こうした状況は,敵対する高句麗との間に一線を画していた結果を反映していると推定される。これに対して,九州で受容された前庭は,その「ハ」の字形に開いた形状が横穴式石室の羨道部の形態に影響を及ぼし,変質を遂げた形で日本各地へと拡散していく。また6世紀代になって美濃,上野周辺地域には九州とは別系譜で導入されると見られ,定着して墓制の主流となっている。埴輪祭祀が終焉した7世紀代の上野地域では,3000基以上の古墳に前庭が構築され,墓前祭祀が営まれていたと考えられる。これらに関与した造墓集団は後に,東国経営に関連して,東北地方へと赴き,任地で古墳が消滅するまで同様の墓造りに勤しんだものと思われる。A frontal platform structure of the tunnel burial chamber was widely constructed during the final Kofun period in Gunma prefecture. The traditional view accounts that this platform structure was autochthonously developed at the end of the Kofun period in the Gunma region. However, recent archaeological surveys reveal that it is distributed over a wide geographic area throughout Japan. Moreover, its origin may go back to the beginning of the Kofun period in the Kōkuri state of the Korean peninsula.The royal graves equipped with the frontal platforms have been built in the Kōkuri state, and their construction continued up to the end of the eighth century in the state of Bokkai. When the tunnel burial chambers were first introduced to northern Kyushu in Japan, some burials were made in this Kōkuri style. This specific burial structure has not been found in the other Korean states, such as the Kudara, the Shiragi nor the Kaya. Therefore, it is safe to say that these early tunnel burial chambers in Japan developed under the influence of the Kōkuri state.Although the tunnel burial chambers with frontal platforms gradually spread into other regions of Japan, they had never come into the Yamato region. This is because the powerful clans in the Yamato region had an alliance with the Kudara state, which was against the Kōkuri state. This political climate inhibited the adoption of the Kōkuri style burials in the Yamato region. In the Kyushu region, on the other hand, the fan-shaped frontal platforms were introduced without resistance. And the tunnel burial chambers with variably modified entrance corridors began to diffuse over the other areas of Japan from Kyushu.The adoption of burial structures from the Korean state has occurred at multiple times through a different route, In the Mino and the Kouzuke regions, the platform structure was first introduced in the sixth century from a route other than the Kyushu, and flourished thereafter. In the Kouzuke region, more than 3,000 burial mounds with frontal platforms were constructed in the seventh century, when the haniwa rituals had already been abandoned. These frontal platforms were possibly made for the internment ritual. As the Yamato state extended its political boundary, the mound builders in the Kouzuke region moved into northern Japan, where they constructed the burials with a similar structure.

著者

蒲池 勢至

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.49, pp.p209-236, 1993-03

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これまで民俗学における墓制研究は、「両墓制」を中心にして進展してきた。「両墓制」は「単墓制」に対しての用語であるが、近年、これに加えて「無墓制」ということがいわれている。「無墓制」については、研究者の捉え方や概念規定が一様でなく混乱も生じているので、本稿ではこの墓制が投げかけた問題を指摘してみたい。さらに、「無墓制」が真宗門徒地帯に多くみられることから、真宗における「墓」のあり方を通して「石塔」や「納骨」といった問題を考えようとするものである。まず、全国各地の事例を整理してみると、これまでの報告には火葬と土葬の場合が区別されずにいたり、あるいは「墓がない」というとき「墓とは何か」が曖昧であった。それはまた、両墓制における「詣り墓」(石塔)とは何かが曖昧であったことを示している。「無墓制」の実態は、火葬したあとに遺骨を放置してしまい、石塔を建立しないものであるが、この墓制は両墓制研究の中で、いま一度、遺体埋葬地や石塔の問題、土葬だけでなく火葬の問題を検討しなければならないことを教えている。真宗門徒になぜ「無墓制」が多いのかについては、真宗信仰が墓をどのように考えていたのか歴史的に考察する。現在の真宗墓地にみられる石塔の形態や本山納骨の成立過程をみて、真宗の墓制観や教団による規制との関係を論じる。そこには、遺体や遺骨を祭祀することは教義的に問題があった。中世においても、真宗は卒塔婆や石塔に否定的であって、このような墓や石塔に対する軽視観は近世を通じて今日まで至り、火葬のあとに遣骨を放置したまま石塔も建立しない習俗が残存したのである。また、真宗は墓としての石塔は否定したが、納骨儀礼は認めて、近世教団体制の確立する段階で中世的納骨儀礼を近世的な形で継承したのであった。Conventional folklore study on the grave system has progressed centered on the "double grave system". The "double grave system" is a term used in opposition to the "single grave system". Recently, in addition to the above, the "no-grave system" has come under discussion. The author wishes to point out the questions posed by the latter grave system, since there is no common understanding nor a conceptual standard among researchers, and this leads to confusion. Furthermore, since the "no-grave system" is frequently seen among believers of the Shin-Buddhism, the author wishes to consider the questions of "tombstones" and the "laying of ashes to rest" through the accepted idea of "graves" in the Shin-Buddhism.Putting in order examples from all over the country, the author finds that previous reports did not distinguish between cremation and inhumation, and that reports that "there were no graves", gave no clear definition of what was meant by a "grave". He also shows that the definition of a "visiting grave" (tombstone) in the double grave system was ambiguous. What really happens in the "no-grave system" is that the ashes are left as they are after cremation, without erecting a tombstone. This grave system tells us that we must reexamine not only the problem of where the body was buried, the question of the tombstone, and the problem of inhumation, but also the question of cremation.As to the reason why the "no-grave system" was prevalent among Shin-Buddhism believers, the author examines, from the historical viewpoint, how the Shin-Buddhism faith regarded the grave. Looking,at the farm of tombstones seen in present Shin-Buddhism cemeteries, and the process of the establishment of the custom of the placement of ashes in the head temple, the author discusses the concept of the grave system in the Shin-Buddhism, and its relationship with the restrictions by the religious order. It was a problem from the doctrinal point of view, to hold religious services for bodies or ashes. In the Middle Ages, the Shin-Buddhism took a negative attitude towards stupas and tombstones. This contemptuous view of graves and tombstones continued throughout the modern period until the present day, so that the custom remained of leaving ashes after cremation, without erecting a tombstone. Also, the Shin-Buddhism gainsaid the tombstone as a grave, but accepted the ceremony of laying ashes to rest, and inherited the medieval ceremony of laying ashes to rest in modern form, at the establishment of the modern religious order.

著者

白石 太一郎

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.112, pp.3-24, 2004-02

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小論は、歴博の基幹研究「地域社会における基層信仰の歴史的研究」に関連して実施した奈良県の中世以来現在まで利用が続く墓地の調査成果に基づいて、中・近世の大和における墓地の利用形態の変遷、すなわち墓地景観の変遷過程とその意味を考察したものである。奈良盆地では、現在も複数の大字、すなわち近世村が墓郷を形成し、大規模な共同墓地である「郷墓」を営む場合が多い。その多くは、墓地としては中世の中頃までには成立しており、中世後半には五輪塔などの石塔が盛んに造立された。これらの郷墓では近世初頭以降、墓郷を構成する複数の村ごとに墓域を分割するとともに、遺骸埋葬地と石塔造立地を異にする両墓制的な墓地利用が行われたと想定される。これに対し奈良盆地の東南方の宇陀地域では、墓地は現在も大字単位に営まれるのが基本であり、ごく最近まで両墓制的慣行が行われていた。またこの地域は中世墓地の発掘調査例が多いが、それら発掘例では火葬ないし土葬の埋葬を行った上に石塔が立てられており、単墓制の墓地であった。それらの多くは在地武士層の一統墓であり、豊臣政権の支配の確立とともに廃絶したものと想定される。一方現在まで継続して利用されている墓地は、ほとんどすべて近世に成立したものであり、中世から近世へ続く墓地はほとんど見いだせない。宇陀地域では、中世の在地武士層の血縁的な一統墓から近世の地縁的な村落墓地へと大きく転換しているのである。盆地部の郷墓は宇陀の中世墓地とは異なり、すでに中世の段階から地域の共同墓地であった。おそらく平安時代には成立していたと想定される地域の葬地をもとに、一三世紀頃に律宗の僧侶などによって葬送祭祀のための講の組織化が進められて「惣墓」となり、さらに新しく成立した近世村を基本的構成単位とする「郷墓」に変化したものと想定される。また盆地部でも宇陀でも、近世初頭前後に単墓制から両墓制へという大きな変化が共通してみられるが、これは遺骸の処理を村で行い、祖先祭祀のための石塔の造立を家で行うという矛盾が生み出したものにほかならない。このように大和では、中世から近世にかけて墓地の景観自体が大きく変化している。こうした墓地景観の大きな変化は、宗教的・信仰的要因、血縁から地縁へという社会の大きな変化や家の成立といった社会的要因、さらに近世的支配の成立とそれにともなう村の確立といった政治的要因などが複雑に作用した結果にほかならない。This paper considers changes in the types of use of graveyards, that is, the process of change in their appearance that occurred in Yamato during the Medieval period and Early Modern period. The study is based on the results of studies of graveyards in Nara Prefecture that have been in use from the Medieval period through to the present day carried out in relation to one of the National Museum of Japanese History's basic research themes "Historical Analysis on Basic Beliefs in Local Societies".Even today, there exist in the Nara basin many instances in which several large villages from the Early Modern period encompass a local graveyard and run it as a large communal graveyard. Most of these were established as graveyards by the middle of the Medieval period, and during the second half of the same period the erection of gravestones that were five-tiered stone monuments that symbolized the five main elements (earth, water, fire, wind and air) of esoteric Buddhism became common. It is assumed that some time after the beginning of the Early Modern period, these communal graveyards were divided into separate graveyards for each of the villages and that in the early stage of that period the adoption of a dual grave system became common whereby a distinction was made between the burial area where the remains of the dead were buried and the gravestone area. Still, it is no easy task to locate materials for examining the way in which these graveyards were used during the Medieval period.In contrast, in the Uda district in the southeast of the Nara basin it is normal even today for graveyards to be operated in the earlier form of a communal graveyard, and until very recently the dual grave system was customary. There are many examples of archeological surveys of medieval graveyards in this region, which have shown that a single grave system had been adopted whereby remains were either cremated or buried and a gravestone erected over the site. It is believed that these were family burial plots of the samurai class and that they disappeared with the rise to power of the Toyotomi regime. However, nearly all the graveyards that are in operation in the region today were established during the Early Modern period, so that virtually no graveyards that continued operating from the Medieval period into the Early Modern period can be found. In other words, a huge change took place in the Uda region as the family graves of the samurai class from the Medieval period came to be replaced by graveyards that served local villages.Communal graveyards in the Nara basin area differ from the medieval graveyards of Uda in that by the Medieval period they were already local communal graveyards. This probably is due to the creation of communal graveyards that came about with the systemization of funeral services as a result of efforts by priests of the Buddhist Ritsu Sect around the 13th century centered on local burial grounds thought to have been established during the Heian period. It is believed that these later became local graveyards that were a fundamental structural unit of Early Modern villages that became established under a new system of control Even though both the Nara basin area and Uda underwent a huge change over to the dual grave system from the single grave system around the beginning of the Early Modern period, this can only be the product of a contradiction that was created by the disposal of remains being taken care of in the village while gravestones for worshipping ancestors were built at family homes.As seen by the above, the appearance of graveyards itself was subject to huge change in Yamato from the Medieval period to the Early Modern period. In conclusion, this paper argues that these huge changes were caused by the complex interaction of factors related to religion and folk beliefs, social factors that saw a huge social change occur when groups based on blood ties were replaced by groups based on residence and the establishment of the Ie system, as well as political factors in which the formation of the regime in the Early Modern period was accompanied by the establishment of villages.

著者

井原 今朝男

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.213-247, 2010-03

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本稿は、前近代の触穢と精進法のあり方を通じて、前近代の呪術・信仰が生業・技術や権力の動き・さらには民衆生活をどのように規制していたのかについて検討し、これまでの通説であるケガレ観念の国家的管理論や、天皇・禁裏や伊勢神宮は神聖な空間が維持され、穢多・清目・河原者には「服忌によっても禊祓によっても払拭できない穢」が集中したとする見解を実証面から批判したものである。本稿では、室町期の内裏では禁中触穢が繰り返され、天皇は四方拝や毎日拝を神事でないことを理由に穢のときでも公事として実施していた史実を指摘した。系譜上の父母である上皇・国母が死去した際には、倚廬とよぶ粗末な庵をつくり十四日間忌みこもりを行なっており、禊ぎと祓えによって死穢をキヨメる呪術的儀礼であったことをあきらかにした。ここから中世天皇や禁中が穢れと浄の混在する世界であったことを指摘した。第二に、伊勢神宮の最初の服忌令とされる「文保記」の史料検討を行い、東海地方の神官や民衆が触穢に対処する精進法の個別事例集としての性格をもっていたことを指摘し、在地の民衆知では生業を優先的に営むために、物忌みや禁忌の期間を短縮し、「斃牛馬を掃除の人、穢の限以後、別憚り無き也」との規定を作り出し、被差別民に対しても穢れは消滅するもの・払拭できるものという社会思潮を有していたことをあきらかにした。第三に、鎌倉末から南北朝期の東海地方の下層民衆は、死人の葬儀を忌避し「触穢を遁れるため」に「野棄」や「速懸」と呼ばれた死体遺棄という独自な埋葬方法を実施した。それは中世社会において「死去の不審」があったため、生きかえることを期待した民衆の行動であり、野棄・速懸は下層民衆独自の合理的な知の体系性をもった民衆知であったことを指摘した。中世天皇や禁裏は、触穢思想の枠内において機能していたが、地方の民衆知は、触穢思想を相対化し、生き抜くための生業活動を優先させていたことを指摘した。This article looks at how magic and religion in the pre-modern age regulated occupations and technology, moves of authority, and moreover, common people's lives through the ways in which shokue, touching impurity, and shojin-ho existed during that period. Then, from a demonstrative point of view, it criticizes the generally accepted theory of government control over the impurity conception and the view whereby sacred space was maintained for emperors, the imperial palace and the Ise Shrine and eta, kiyome and kawaramono built up "impurities that could not be eradicated even through bukki, mourning or misogiharae, a form of Shinto purification." In this article, I have pointed out historical evidence that shokue repeatedly occurred at the imperial palace in the Muromachi Period and that emperors carried out shiho-hai, Prayer to the Four Quarters (a Japanese imperial New Year's ceremony) and mainichi-hai, everyday prayer, as political operations even when they were impure under the excuse that these were not Shinto rituals. Whenever a joko ( a retired emperor) or kokubo ( an empress dowager) , the genealogical father or mother, passed away, a humble hermitage called Iro was made to retreat in mourning for fourteen days. I reveal that this was a magic ritual designed to lustrate the impurity of death through misogi and harae, forms of Shinto purification. As such, I have pointed out that the medieval emperors and their palace were in a world where impurity and purity co-existed.Secondly, I have examined the historical papers of "Bunpo-ki," which is regarded as the first bukki ordinance by the Ise Shrine, and point out that this was a collection of individual shojin-ho cases on how Shinto priests and common people in the Tokai area dealt with shokue. I have unfolded that through folk wisdom in the area in order to carry on occupations on a preferential basis, periods of monoimi, fasting, and kinki, taboo, were reduced, and an order that "a person who cleans dead cows and horses must not hesitate after the period of impurity" created, Additionally, social thought existed that the impurities of discriminated people could also be dissolved and eradicated.Thirdly, lower class people in the Tokai area between the end of the Kamakura Period and the Northern and Southern Courts Period recused themselves from funerals of dead people, and carried out a unique way of burying by abandoning a corpse called "nosute" and "hayagake" "in a bid to avoid shokue." This was because of "suspicion of death" in medieval society and people took this action in the hope of resurrection. I have pointed out that nosute and hayagake were folk wisdom of the lower classes based on a rational intellectual system.I have indicated that while medieval emperors and their palaces functioned within the frame of the shokue principle, regional folk wisdom made the shokue principle relative and prioritized occupations activities for survival.

著者

蔵橋 純海夫

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.p213-256, 1992-12

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備後国太田荘は、永万二年(一一六六)平清盛の子重衡によって後白河法皇に寄進され院領荘園となった。その後平氏滅亡により、同荘は文治二年(一一八六)後白河法皇から高野山根本大塔領へ寄進され、以後室町時代に至るまで高野山領荘園の一として続いた。高野山施入当時の荘田面積は、約六一三町歩年貢米一八三八石余を出す大きな荘園であった。さて、紀州高野山には、備後太田荘に係わる当時の文献資料が多数伝えられており、一九〇〇年代の初め頃から今日にかけて、荘園経営や文化財等に係わる論考が諸賢によって多数発表されてきている。しかしながら、太田荘の政所寺院としての性格をもつ今高野山についての研究は、一部の文化財や天然記念物等に係わってあるのみで皆無に等しい。そこで本稿は、広島県史跡「今高野山」の興亡の歴史と住侶及び文化財等についての概観をまとめたものであるが、今高野山に関する在地の中世資料は度重なる災禍によって消滅し、勢いその解明は高野山文書や寺外に伝わる文書及び寺内に伝わる文化財等に僅かに記された刻銘や墨書、後代に書き記された寺の縁起などによってしか手がかりがつかめないため深く追求しえていない。本報告は初めに今高野山の誕生と興亡の歴史を辿り、ついで住侶についての考察、文化財の概観について述べ、終わりに今高野山の歴史年表、歴代住職一覧表、その他今高野山に伝わる古記録等を資料として収録したものである。In the 2nd year of Eiman (1166), Ota-no-Shô in Bingo Province (present Hiroshima Prefecture) was donated to Ex-Emperor Goshirakawa-In by Taira-no-shigehira, the son of Kiyomori. Later, in the 2nd year of Bunji (1186), the manor was donated by Goshirakawa-in to the Konpon-Daitôryô of Kôyasan, and remained a manor of Kôyasan until the Muromachi Period. The area of the manor's rice fields, at the time it was donated to Kôyasan, was about 613 chôbu(=approx. 1,500 acres), and the manor produced more than 1,838 koku (1 koku = about 180 liters) of rice as land rent.A large number of contemporary historical documents concerning Ota-no-shô in Bingo Province have been handed down at the Kôyasan Temple in Kishû (present Wakayama Prefecture). Since the beginning of the 1900s, many theses have been published on the management of the manor and on its cultural properties. However, few studies, except a few on its cultural properties and precious natural monuments, have been made into the Ima-Kôyasan, which was in character the administrative temple of Ota-no-shô. The author, in this paper, looks at the history of the rise and fall of the Ima-Kôyasan, which is designated as a place of historic interest by Hiroshima Prefecture, and gives a brief description of the priests who lived there, and of its cultural properties.Local document of the Middle Ages relating to the Ima-Kôyasan were destroyed in successive disasters. This being the case, elucidation had to depend on only the Kôyasan documents, other documents handed down outside of the temple, a small number of carved inscriptions or records in Chinese ink on cultural properties, and Engi (history) of the temple written later on. This scarceness of materials made a thorough investigation difficult.In this report, the author first retraced the history of the foundation, prosperity and decline of the Ima-Kôyasan, then discussed the priests living in the temple, and gave a brief description of its cultural properties. At the end of the paper are included as data a chronological table of the history of the Ima-Kôyasan, a list of successive chief priests, and other ancient records handed down at the Ima-Kôyasan.

著者

宇野 功一

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.145, pp.275-315, 2008-11

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都市祭礼を中核とする経済構造を以下のように定義する。①祭礼の運営主体が祭礼に必要な資金を調達し、②ついでその資金を諸物品・技術・労働力・芸能の確保に支出して祭礼を準備、実施し、③祭礼が始まると、これを見物するために都市外部から来る観光客が手持ちの金銭を諸物品や宿泊場所の確保に支出する。以上の三つの段階ないし種類によってその都市を中心に多額の金銭が流通する。この構造を祭礼観光経済と呼ぶことにする。また、②に関係する商工業を祭礼産業、③に関係する商工業を観光産業と呼ぶことにする。本稿では近世と近代の博多祇園山笠を例にこの構造の具体像と歴史的変遷を分析した。近世においては、この祭礼の運営主体である個々の町が祭礼運営に必要な費用のほとんどを町内各家から集めた。そしてその費用のほとんどを博多内の祭礼産業に支出した。祭礼が始まると、博多外部から来る観光客が観光産業に金銭を支出した。博多は中世以来、各種の手工業が盛んな都市だった。このことが祭礼産業と観光産業の基盤となっていた。祭礼産業は祭礼収益を祭礼後の自家の日常の経営活動に利用したと考えられる。観光産業も観光収益を同様に扱ったと考えられる。一方、祭礼後の盂蘭盆会のさいには周辺農村の農民が博多の住民に大掛かりに物を売っていた。このような形で、博多の内部で、そして博多の内部と外部の間で、一年間に利潤が循環していた。近代の博多では商工業の近代化と大規模化が進まず、小規模な商工業者が引き続き多数を占めていた。そのため資本・生産・利潤の拡大を骨子とする近代資本主義にもとづく経済構造は脆弱だった。明治末期以来の慢性的な不況や都市空間の変容などさまざまな要因により、町々が祭礼費用を調達することは困難になっていった。しかし小規模な商工業者たちにとって祭礼収益や観光収益が年間の自家の収益全体に占める割合は高かった。この理由で、祭礼費用の調達に苦しみつつも、博多祇園山笠はかろうじて近代にも継続された。I shall define the economic structure centered on urban festivals as follows: (1) The management body of the festival raises funds necessary for the festival; (2) it also prepares for and carries out the festival, using the funds to secure goods/techniques/workforce/entertainment; and (3) once the festival begins, tourists visiting from outside the city to watch the festival pay money for goods and accommodation. A large amount of money circulates around the city thanks to the above three stages/conditions. This is what I describe as a festival and tourism economy. Also, commerce and industry related to step (2) shall be referred to as festival industry, while those related with step (3) are tied in with the tourism industry.In this article, I analyze the complete image of this structure and its historic transition, taking examples from the Hakata Gion Yamakasa some years ago and, by contrast, the present day.Previously, each town that managed a festival would collect the funds necessary for festival management mostly from households in the town. The funds would be spent largely on the festival industry within Hakata. Once the festival began, tourists from outside Hakata would contribute money to the tourism industry. Since the Middle Ages, all kinds of handicraft industries have prospered in Hakata, becoming the basis of the festival and the tourism industries.It appears that the festival industry would spend the earnings from the festival on daily management activities after the festival. On the occasion of Urabon-e (an Obon festival), farmers from neighboring farming villages would sell goods to Hakata residents on a grand scale. In this way, profits were circulated throughout the year between Hakata and its outlying areas.In the modern era, modernization and scaling-up of commerce and industry did not happen in Hakata, and small businesses continued to constitute the majority. For this reason, there was no strong development of an economic structure based on modern capitalism whose essence was the expansion of capital/production/profit. It became increasingly difficult for the towns to raise funds, due to various factors such as the chronic depression from the end of the Meiji era, and the transformation of city spaces. However, for small businesses, profits from festivals and tourism accounted for a high proportion of their total yearly profit. This is how the Hakata Gion Yamakasa managed to continue through to the modern era, in spite of the difficulty of festival fund raising.

著者

青山 宏夫

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.163, pp.359-362, 2011-03

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.75-91[含 英語文要旨], 2007-03

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薬子の変については、藤原薬子・仲成の役割を重視してきた旧説に対して、近年では平城上皇の主体性を評価する見方が定着しつつある。これに伴い、「薬子の変」ではなく、「平城太上天皇の変」と呼称すべきであるとの意見も強くなってきた。しかし、平城上皇の主体性を強調することと、薬子・仲成の動きを重視することとは、必ずしも矛盾するものではない。私は前稿において、皇位継承に関する桓武の遺勅が存在した可能性を指摘し、平城上皇による神野親王廃太子計画について考察を加えた。私見によると、薬子の変もこの桓武の遺勅を前提とする神野廃太子計画と一連の動きのなかで理解することができると思われる。そこで研究史を振り返りながら、平城・嵯峨両派官人の動向に再検討を加え、薬子の変にいたる原因と背景について考察した。本稿の結論は以下の通りである。桓武天皇は死去のさいに、安殿・神野・大伴の三親王が各一〇ヶ年ずつ統治すべきことを遺勅したが、平城はこれを破って、第三子の高岳親王を皇位につけようとし、神野親王の廃太子を計画した。薬子の変の遠因は神野廃太子計画にも通じるこの皇位継承問題であり、平城の即位前後から平城派と嵯峨派の両派官人の対立ははじまっていたとみられる。神野の廃太子に失敗した平城は、三年ほどの治世で譲位した。これは嵯峨が一〇ヶ年統治したのち平城が数年間復位して、高岳への皇位継承をより確実にしようとの意図からであった。しかし、嵯峨が平城のこの提案を拒絶したため、平城は譲位したことを後悔しはじめ、嵯峨側との対立をさらに深めていった。薬子の変の直前には、平城派の官人が衛府や要衝国の国司に任じ、かつて北陸道観察使であった藤原仲成らが越前方面などで平城派の勢力拡大に努めていた。このため嵯峨側は弘仁元年(八一〇)九月、平城派官人の衛府や国司の任を解き、彼らを辺遠国に左遷するとともに、自派の官人で衛府と要衝国を固めた。また伊勢・近江・美濃三国の国府と故関に遣使して鎮固し、平城側の蜂起を未然に防ぐことに成功した。薬子の変では越前・近江・伊勢方面に勢力を扶植した仲成の活動が突出しており、平城の藩邸の旧臣の多くは平城に同調しなかった。変における平城上皇の主体性は否定できないが、薬子らの父種継の復権・顕彰が図られた事実や、薬子・仲成の係累が乱後も長く許されなかった事実を勘案すると、薬子・仲成がやはり中心的な役割を果たしていたことを認めない訳にはゆかない。平城上皇や薬子・仲成にとって、王都・王統に関する桓武の構想は否定すべきものであり、それゆえその遺命を無視して、高岳立太子を実現し、平城遷都を計画したのである。薬子の変は桓武の構想を肯定するか否定するかの戦いであったといえる。In recent years, it has become accepted that retired emperor Heizei played a major role in the Kusuko Incident, which is at odds with the old theory that emphasized the roles played by Fujiwara no Kusuko and Fujiwara no Nakanari. This has even been accompanied by vociferous claims that the name of the incident should be changed from the "Kusuko Incident" to the "Retired Emperor Heizei Incident". However, stressing that Emperor Heizei played an active role and attaching importance to the actions of Kusuko and Nakanari are not necessarily contradictory. In a previous paper the author suggested that it is possible that Emperor Kammu had left a will concerning accession to the throne. The author also examined retired Emperor Heizei's plan for getting rid of Crown Prince Kamino. It is the author's opinion that the Kusuko Incident can be understood within the context of a series of events as well as the plot to remove Crown Prince Kamino, which was premised on Emperor Kammu's will.The author examined the factors that led to the Kusuko Incident and their background by looking back at the history of research on this topic and conducting a further investigation of the movements of both the faction of officials aligned with Heizei and the faction of officials aligned with Saga.When he died, Emperor Kammu willed that the three princes Ate, Kamino and Otomo should each reign for ten years. However, Emperor Heizei failed to observe this and sought to put his third son Takaoka on the throne, thereby plotting to stop Prince Kamino from becoming Crown Prince. Consequently, a remote cause of the Kusuko Incident was this problem of succession to the imperial throne, which was also related to the plan to remove Crown Prince Kamino. The confrontation between the Heizei faction and Saga faction of officials had apparently begun around the time Heizei ascended to the throne.Emperor Heizei, who had failed in his bid to remove Crown Prince Kamino, retired after reigning for about three years. He did so intending to restore himself to the throne for several years after Emperor Saga had reigned for ten years so that he could then ensure that Prince Takaoka became emperor. However, because Saga thwarted Heizei's plan, Heizei began to regret his retirement and intensified hostilities with the Saga camp.Immediately prior to the Kusuko Incident, officials from the Heizei faction were appointed as commander of the national military forces and as regional administrator of the region adjoining the capital. Together with his men, Fujiwara no Nakanari, who had at one time had been administrator of a wide area in Hokurikido, strove to increase the influence of the Heizei faction in Echizen and other areas. As a result, in September 810 the Saga camp stripped Heizei-faction officials of military and political duties, and as well as demoting them to provinces near the capital placed officials from their own faction in the positions of national military commander and regional administrator of the region adjoining the capital. In addition, by blockading the three provincial governments of Ise, Omi and Mino and former checkpoints, they succeeded in preventing an uprising by the Heizei camp.The activities of Nakanari, who had continued his influence in Echizen, Omi and Ise, played a prominent role in the Kusuko Incident and many of Heizei's attendants from the time when he had been Crown Prince did not sympathize with Heizei. It cannot be denied that Emperor Heizei played an active role in the Kusuko Incident. However, if we take into account the fact that an attempt was made to reinstate Kusuko's father Tanetsugu and the fact that Kusuko and Nakanari's sons were not forgiven long after the incident, we must acknowledge that Kusuko and Nakanari did indeed play a central role.Emperor Heizei, Kusuko and Nakanari believed that Kammu's ideas on the imperial capital and throne should be denied, and it was for this reason that they ignored the late emperor's instructions and made Prince Takaoka Crown Prince and planned to return the imperial capital to Heijo. In conclusion, the Kusuko Incident was a battle over whether to affirm or deny Kammu's ideas.