著者

田島 公 山口 英男 尾上 陽介 遠藤 基郎 末柄 豊 石上 英一 藤井 譲治 金田 章裕 西山 良平 坂上 康俊 西本 昌弘 本郷 真紹 加藤 友康 武内 孝善 田良島 哲 渡辺 晃宏 石川 徹也 石川 徹也 山口 和夫 藤原 重雄 稲田 奈津子 遠藤 珠紀 三角 洋一 月本 雅幸 吉川 真司 小倉 慈司 綾村 宏 杉橋 隆夫 桃崎 有一郎 島谷 弘幸 猪熊 兼樹 馬場 基

出版者

東京大学

雑誌

学術創成研究費

巻号頁・発行日

2007

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禁裏(天皇家)や主要公家文庫収蔵史料のデジタル画像約100万件、東山御文庫本・伏見宮家本の1画像毎の内容目録約20万件を作成し、編纂所閲覧室での公開準備を進めた。木簡人名データベースと漢籍の受容を網羅した古代対外交流史年表を公開した。『禁裏・公家文庫研究』3・4、研究報告書4冊等を刊行し、禁裏・主要公家文庫の家分け蔵書目録を公開した。「陽明文庫講座」「岩瀬文庫特別連続講座」等市民向け公開講座を約百回開催し講演内容の一部を一般向けの本として刊行した

著者

西本昌弘編

出版者

勉誠出版(発売)

巻号頁・発行日

2023

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

関西大学博物館

雑誌

阡陵 : 関西大学博物館彙報 (ISSN:09131906)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.82, pp.2-3, 2021-03-31

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

関西大学史学・地理学会

雑誌

史泉 (ISSN:03869407)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.125, pp.1-3, 2017-01-31

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

関西大学東西学術研究所紀要 (ISSN:02878151)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.A1-A23, 2005-04-01

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The original Portraits of the Five Patriarchs of the Shingon Buddhism that Kukai brought back from Tang have been handed down in Toji Temple. With the portraits of Ryumo and Ryuchi newly added in Japan in the 12th year of Konin (821), the portraits of the seven patriarchs were completed. It is generally believed that the inscriptions on the seven portraits were handwritten by Kukai, but there were some doubts about it in the old days. In this paper, based on the study of the historical research works, we support the opinion that the biographies on the four patriarchs (Ryumo, Ryuchi, Zenmui, and Ichigyo) out of the seven were not written by Kukai. On the other hand, in the collection of Kukai's letters, 'the Koya Collection of Letters', is the letter concerning the restoration of the Portraits of the Five Patriarchs. The letter addressed to the Left Chief of the Guards (Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu) is the one. It has been believed that the letter was written around the 6th year of Konin (815), but based on our study, it has been made clear that it was written around the 12th year of Konin. In this letter, Kukai requested Emperor Saga to restore the Portraits of the Five Patriarchs, and at the same time, he requested the emperor to write the biographies on the Portraits of the Five Patriarchs following the historical fact about the Emperor of Tang Dynasty. It is highly possible that the Emperor wrote them to reply to Kukai's request. So it can be considered that the inscriptions on the fourpatriarchs, in a different handwriting from Kukai's, should have been written by Emperor Saga.

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

関西大学東西学術研究所

雑誌

関西大学東西学術研究所紀要 (ISSN:02878151)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.A1-A23, 2005-04-01

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The original Portraits of the Five Patriarchs of the Shingon Buddhism that Kukai brought back from Tang have been handed down in Toji Temple. With the portraits of Ryumo and Ryuchi newly added in Japan in the 12th year of Konin (821), the portraits of the seven patriarchs were completed. It is generally believed that the inscriptions on the seven portraits were handwritten by Kukai, but there were some doubts about it in the old days. In this paper, based on the study of the historical research works, we support the opinion that the biographies on the four patriarchs (Ryumo, Ryuchi, Zenmui, and Ichigyo) out of the seven were not written by Kukai. On the other hand, in the collection of Kukai's letters, 'the Koya Collection of Letters', is the letter concerning the restoration of the Portraits of the Five Patriarchs. The letter addressed to the Left Chief of the Guards (Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu) is the one. It has been believed that the letter was written around the 6th year of Konin (815), but based on our study, it has been made clear that it was written around the 12th year of Konin. In this letter, Kukai requested Emperor Saga to restore the Portraits of the Five Patriarchs, and at the same time, he requested the emperor to write the biographies on the Portraits of the Five Patriarchs following the historical fact about the Emperor of Tang Dynasty. It is highly possible that the Emperor wrote them to reply to Kukai's request. So it can be considered that the inscriptions on the fourpatriarchs, in a different handwriting from Kukai's, should have been written by Emperor Saga.

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

勉誠出版

雑誌

アジア遊学

巻号頁・発行日

no.245, pp.116-134, 2020-03

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

大阪歴史学会

雑誌

ヒストリア = Historia : journal of Osaka Historical Association (ISSN:04392787)

巻号頁・発行日

no.285, pp.1-26, 2021-04

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

公益財団法人 史学会

雑誌

史学雑誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.118, no.11, pp.1939-1963, 2009-11-20 (Released:2017-12-01)

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This article introduces a complete description of the Kamuimake 神今食 ceremony as quoted in the Kujo Family version of Kamuimake Shidai held by the Imperial Household Agency's Department of Archives and Mausolea, in order to establish the date of the completion of the handbook on inner palace decorum (Dairigishiki 内裏儀式), explain the meaning of bedding in the ceremony and discuss the supporting role played by the empress. The author's investigation yields the following conclusions. 1. This new fragment of the Dairishiki not only 1) utilizes Tang Chinese names for various palace gates, which were officially adopted in the ninth year of the Konin 弘仁 era (AD 818), but also 2) records such dates as the sixth year of Konin and "during" the Daido 大同 era (806-810) and 3) mentions the ritual of haimu 拝舞 (praying and dancing), which seems to have been officially adopted in Konin 8. Therefore, the content of the fragment and the Dairishiki itself can be dated before Konin 9. 2. Turning to the Kamuimake ceremony itself, in which the Emperor "entertains" the god for the night, the fragment states, "The Imperial Clothiers supply the bedding and the emperor uses it," which has been noted as an important insight into the true nature of the first fruits ceremonies (Niinamesai 新嘗祭, and Daijosai 大嘗祭), but interpreted as a ceremony in which the emperor wraps himself in a futon coverlet, assumes the spirit of his ancestors, in a ritualistic consummation of marriage with his hand maidens (uneme 采女 and empress. However, the new fragment states that the emperor places the coverlet on the seat reserved for the god. Also, in the mythological origins of Kamuimake reflected by the story of Umihiko-Yamahiko, the gods who have come from afar are seated on mats piled eight high, feasted, and then married to their guests' daughters. Therefore, the Kamuimake ceremony of the Dairishiki should be understood as a divine marriage ceremony between the god and the imperial hand-maidens. 3. The research to date has been divided over the question of empress' involvement in such ceremonies as Kamuimake and Niiname. The new fragment clearly states that on the occasion of the Niiname ceremony of Konin 6 (815), Emperor Saga's empress Tachibana-no-Kachiko was transported to the ceremony hall (Sai'in 斎院). In the second month of Konin 11, a white silk garment was determined as the gown to be worn by the empress while she was assisting in ritual affairs, and the Engishiki 延喜式 revisions of the ritsuryo codes contain provisions for preparing futon coverlets and straw mats for use by the empress (Chugu 中宮) in the Kamuimake ceremony. These facts suggest that 1) the empress was outfitted personally for such ceremonies as Kamuimake and Niiname, 2) she attended the ceremony along with the emperor while he served wine and food to the gods and 3) assisted him in the prayer rituals. Therefore, the author argues that the Kamuimake ceremony did not symbolize the emperor assuming supernatural powers and ritually consummating marriage with his female staff. Rather, it involved inviting terrifying, potentially dangerous gods to seats of honor to enjoy the kingdom's fruits and the companionship of the emperor's "daughters," in prayer for the security of the state and the prosperity of its subjects. It has been generally accepted that the empresses of ancient Japan performed ceremonial functions along side the emperors, but doubts have been raised as to whether they so participated prior to the Heian period. The author is of the opinion that is was only during the early Heian period that empresses became involved in rituals in the manner indicative of their participation in the Kamuiwake ceremony. It was Emperor Saga who initiated the custom of empress participation in order to heighten the prestige of Empress Tachibana and thus legitimize of the succession of her son to the throne.

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

関西大学東西学術研究所

雑誌

関西大学東西学術研究所紀要 (ISSN:02878151)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, pp.1-23, 2010-04-01

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In the academic circles of ancient Japanese history, the Tokharians, who drifted to the Japanese shores in 654 and 657, were thought to be the Dvaravatians who lived in a region that is now part of Thailand. Some believed that they were from Persia or the Tokhara Islands. However, in Chinese historical documents, including Buddhist texts, Tokhara was only used to refer to the Tokharians in the Western regions and thus, distinguished them from Dvaravati in Thailand and Persia. It is difficult to believe that the ancient Japanese did not know this.The Tokharians lived in the upper and middle valleys of the Amu, a region now part of northern Afghanistan. In the first half of the seventh century, the West Turk ruled Tokhara, and the Ashina royal family lived in the Katsu (near Kundus) and governed it. After 628, an insurrection erupted in West Turk and Islamic movements closed to Tokharistan in around 650. Around this time, the Ashina started to aggressively approach Tang. Tokhara vigorously approached Tang in the 650s.Caravans of Tokharian merchants traveled to Tang with the visit of the Tokharian delegate. The Tokharians who reached the Japanese shores are assumed to be some of them.

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

吉川弘文館

雑誌

日本歴史 (ISSN:03869164)

巻号頁・発行日

no.827, pp.1-18, 2017-04

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.75-91[含 英語文要旨], 2007-03

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薬子の変については、藤原薬子・仲成の役割を重視してきた旧説に対して、近年では平城上皇の主体性を評価する見方が定着しつつある。これに伴い、「薬子の変」ではなく、「平城太上天皇の変」と呼称すべきであるとの意見も強くなってきた。しかし、平城上皇の主体性を強調することと、薬子・仲成の動きを重視することとは、必ずしも矛盾するものではない。私は前稿において、皇位継承に関する桓武の遺勅が存在した可能性を指摘し、平城上皇による神野親王廃太子計画について考察を加えた。私見によると、薬子の変もこの桓武の遺勅を前提とする神野廃太子計画と一連の動きのなかで理解することができると思われる。そこで研究史を振り返りながら、平城・嵯峨両派官人の動向に再検討を加え、薬子の変にいたる原因と背景について考察した。本稿の結論は以下の通りである。桓武天皇は死去のさいに、安殿・神野・大伴の三親王が各一〇ヶ年ずつ統治すべきことを遺勅したが、平城はこれを破って、第三子の高岳親王を皇位につけようとし、神野親王の廃太子を計画した。薬子の変の遠因は神野廃太子計画にも通じるこの皇位継承問題であり、平城の即位前後から平城派と嵯峨派の両派官人の対立ははじまっていたとみられる。神野の廃太子に失敗した平城は、三年ほどの治世で譲位した。これは嵯峨が一〇ヶ年統治したのち平城が数年間復位して、高岳への皇位継承をより確実にしようとの意図からであった。しかし、嵯峨が平城のこの提案を拒絶したため、平城は譲位したことを後悔しはじめ、嵯峨側との対立をさらに深めていった。薬子の変の直前には、平城派の官人が衛府や要衝国の国司に任じ、かつて北陸道観察使であった藤原仲成らが越前方面などで平城派の勢力拡大に努めていた。このため嵯峨側は弘仁元年(八一〇)九月、平城派官人の衛府や国司の任を解き、彼らを辺遠国に左遷するとともに、自派の官人で衛府と要衝国を固めた。また伊勢・近江・美濃三国の国府と故関に遣使して鎮固し、平城側の蜂起を未然に防ぐことに成功した。薬子の変では越前・近江・伊勢方面に勢力を扶植した仲成の活動が突出しており、平城の藩邸の旧臣の多くは平城に同調しなかった。変における平城上皇の主体性は否定できないが、薬子らの父種継の復権・顕彰が図られた事実や、薬子・仲成の係累が乱後も長く許されなかった事実を勘案すると、薬子・仲成がやはり中心的な役割を果たしていたことを認めない訳にはゆかない。平城上皇や薬子・仲成にとって、王都・王統に関する桓武の構想は否定すべきものであり、それゆえその遺命を無視して、高岳立太子を実現し、平城遷都を計画したのである。薬子の変は桓武の構想を肯定するか否定するかの戦いであったといえる。In recent years, it has become accepted that retired emperor Heizei played a major role in the Kusuko Incident, which is at odds with the old theory that emphasized the roles played by Fujiwara no Kusuko and Fujiwara no Nakanari. This has even been accompanied by vociferous claims that the name of the incident should be changed from the "Kusuko Incident" to the "Retired Emperor Heizei Incident". However, stressing that Emperor Heizei played an active role and attaching importance to the actions of Kusuko and Nakanari are not necessarily contradictory. In a previous paper the author suggested that it is possible that Emperor Kammu had left a will concerning accession to the throne. The author also examined retired Emperor Heizei's plan for getting rid of Crown Prince Kamino. It is the author's opinion that the Kusuko Incident can be understood within the context of a series of events as well as the plot to remove Crown Prince Kamino, which was premised on Emperor Kammu's will.The author examined the factors that led to the Kusuko Incident and their background by looking back at the history of research on this topic and conducting a further investigation of the movements of both the faction of officials aligned with Heizei and the faction of officials aligned with Saga.When he died, Emperor Kammu willed that the three princes Ate, Kamino and Otomo should each reign for ten years. However, Emperor Heizei failed to observe this and sought to put his third son Takaoka on the throne, thereby plotting to stop Prince Kamino from becoming Crown Prince. Consequently, a remote cause of the Kusuko Incident was this problem of succession to the imperial throne, which was also related to the plan to remove Crown Prince Kamino. The confrontation between the Heizei faction and Saga faction of officials had apparently begun around the time Heizei ascended to the throne.Emperor Heizei, who had failed in his bid to remove Crown Prince Kamino, retired after reigning for about three years. He did so intending to restore himself to the throne for several years after Emperor Saga had reigned for ten years so that he could then ensure that Prince Takaoka became emperor. However, because Saga thwarted Heizei's plan, Heizei began to regret his retirement and intensified hostilities with the Saga camp.Immediately prior to the Kusuko Incident, officials from the Heizei faction were appointed as commander of the national military forces and as regional administrator of the region adjoining the capital. Together with his men, Fujiwara no Nakanari, who had at one time had been administrator of a wide area in Hokurikido, strove to increase the influence of the Heizei faction in Echizen and other areas. As a result, in September 810 the Saga camp stripped Heizei-faction officials of military and political duties, and as well as demoting them to provinces near the capital placed officials from their own faction in the positions of national military commander and regional administrator of the region adjoining the capital. In addition, by blockading the three provincial governments of Ise, Omi and Mino and former checkpoints, they succeeded in preventing an uprising by the Heizei camp.The activities of Nakanari, who had continued his influence in Echizen, Omi and Ise, played a prominent role in the Kusuko Incident and many of Heizei's attendants from the time when he had been Crown Prince did not sympathize with Heizei. It cannot be denied that Emperor Heizei played an active role in the Kusuko Incident. However, if we take into account the fact that an attempt was made to reinstate Kusuko's father Tanetsugu and the fact that Kusuko and Nakanari's sons were not forgiven long after the incident, we must acknowledge that Kusuko and Nakanari did indeed play a central role.Emperor Heizei, Kusuko and Nakanari believed that Kammu's ideas on the imperial capital and throne should be denied, and it was for this reason that they ignored the late emperor's instructions and made Prince Takaoka Crown Prince and planned to return the imperial capital to Heijo. In conclusion, the Kusuko Incident was a battle over whether to affirm or deny Kammu's ideas.

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.75-90, 2007-03-30

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薬子の変については、藤原薬子・仲成の役割を重視してきた旧説に対して、近年では平城上皇の主体性を評価する見方が定着しつつある。これに伴い、「薬子の変」ではなく、「平城太上天皇の変」と呼称すべきであるとの意見も強くなってきた。しかし、平城上皇の主体性を強調することと、薬子・仲成の動きを重視することとは、必ずしも矛盾するものではない。私は前稿において、皇位継承に関する桓武の遺勅が存在した可能性を指摘し、平城上皇による神野親王廃太子計画について考察を加えた。私見によると、薬子の変もこの桓武の遺勅を前提とする神野廃太子計画と一連の動きのなかで理解することができると思われる。そこで研究史を振り返りながら、平城・嵯峨両派官人の動向に再検討を加え、薬子の変にいたる原因と背景について考察した。本稿の結論は以下の通りである。桓武天皇は死去のさいに、安殿・神野・大伴の三親王が各一〇ヶ年ずつ統治すべきことを遺勅したが、平城はこれを破って、第三子の高岳親王を皇位につけようとし、神野親王の廃太子を計画した。薬子の変の遠因は神野廃太子計画にも通じるこの皇位継承問題であり、平城の即位前後から平城派と嵯峨派の両派官人の対立ははじまっていたとみられる。神野の廃太子に失敗した平城は、三年ほどの治世で譲位した。これは嵯峨が一〇ヶ年統治したのち平城が数年間復位して、高岳への皇位継承をより確実にしようとの意図からであった。しかし、嵯峨が平城のこの提案を拒絶したため、平城は譲位したことを後悔しはじめ、嵯峨側との対立をさらに深めていった。薬子の変の直前には、平城派の官人が衛府や要衝国の国司に任じ、かつて北陸道観察使であった藤原仲成らが越前方面などで平城派の勢力拡大に努めていた。このため嵯峨側は弘仁元年(八一〇)九月、平城派官人の衛府や国司の任を解き、彼らを辺遠国に左遷するとともに、自派の官人で衛府と要衝国を固めた。また伊勢・近江・美濃三国の国府と故関に遣使して鎮固し、平城側の蜂起を未然に防ぐことに成功した。薬子の変では越前・近江・伊勢方面に勢力を扶植した仲成の活動が突出しており、平城の藩邸の旧臣の多くは平城に同調しなかった。変における平城上皇の主体性は否定できないが、薬子らの父種継の復権・顕彰が図られた事実や、薬子・仲成の係累が乱後も長く許されなかった事実を勘案すると、薬子・仲成がやはり中心的な役割を果たしていたことを認めない訳にはゆかない。平城上皇や薬子・仲成にとって、王都・王統に関する桓武の構想は否定すべきものであり、それゆえその遺命を無視して、高岳立太子を実現し、平城遷都を計画したのである。薬子の変は桓武の構想を肯定するか否定するかの戦いであったといえる。

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

公益財団法人史学会

雑誌

史學雜誌 (ISSN:00182478)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.107, no.2, pp.192-218, 318-319, 1998-02-20

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Introduction and Overview of the Two-volume Set Entitled Nenchu-Gyouji in the Collection of the Higashiyama Bunko : An Existing Version of Fujiwara-no-Yukinari's Shinsen Nenchu-Gyoji

著者

西本 昌弘

出版者

関西大学

雑誌

基盤研究(C)

巻号頁・発行日

2011

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藤原行成撰『新撰年中行事』は多数の行事項目を掲載し、未知の関係史料を引用しているため、既知の年中行事書と対比検討することによって、日本古代の年中行事研究に新たな手がかりを提供する可能性を秘めている。本研究では、『新撰年中行事』と『小野宮年中行事』の記載を比較する対照一覧表を作成し、検討を進めた。両書の類似点はともに『九条年中行事』を踏まえていることに求められよう。『新撰年中行事』は弘仁式など古くに遡る史料を博捜して、行事の淵源を探る視点が強いため、『小野宮年中行事』とは大きく異なる本文をもっているものと考えられる。