著者

福原 敏男

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.57, pp.p1-23, 1994-03

被引用文献数

1

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筆者はこれまでに、祭礼芸能である一つもの・細男について考察し、これを平安末期に成立した田楽・王の舞・獅子舞・十列・巫女神楽・競馬・流鏑馬・神楽・舞楽・神子渡等からなる一連の芸能として位置づけた。京都・奈良の古社の祭礼において、「日使」と称する役が、上記の諸芸能とともに、祭礼に参加する事例がある。従来の日使に関する先行研究は、春日若宮祭礼に限られ、ここに神聖性が指摘された。日使は黒袍表袴に長い裾をひいた姿で、奉幣を主な役割とし、芸能的所作がないからであった。本稿では、春日祭・春日若宮祭礼、東大寺八幡宮転害会、大山崎離宮八幡宮の日使神事、山城宇治田原三社祭に参加する日使を対象にした。史料と絵画に基づく検討の結果、日使の成立を楽人の風流に求めた。日使が伝播した地における宗教性は、その所役を荷った人々の階層の問題である。Up until now the writer has studied Saino-o, one of the ritual arts, and has ranked it as one of the series of arts that came into existence in the later Heian Period and was comprised of Dengaku, Ō-no-mai, Shishimai, Totsura, Miko-Kagura, Kurade-uma, Yabusame, Kagura, Bugaku, Mikowatashi, etc. In the festivals of the ancient shrines of Kyōto and Nara, there are instances where a character named 'Hinotukai' participates in the festival together with those named above.Preceding research into the Hinotsukai has been confined to the Kasuga Wakamiya Festival, in which its sanctity has been pointed out. This is because the Hinotsukai, dressed in a formal black overgown (Ho) and long trailing hakama, played a major part in the offering, and showed no artistic behaviour. This paper deals with the Hinotsukai participating in the Kasuga Festival, the Kasuga Wakamiya Festival, the Tōdaiji Hachimangu Tegaie, the divine services of the Ōyamazaki Rikyū Hachimangu, and the Yamashiro-Uji-Tahara Triple Shrine Festival. The results of a study based on historical materials and folklore show that what the Hinotsukai in each case share in common is that a line can be drawn between this and the other artistic, elegant dancing; and that while it has become more refined, the religious element can be strongly felt.

著者

菊地 暁

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.165, pp.141-172, 2011-03

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従来の「民俗学史」が抱えてきた「柳田中心史観」「東京中心史観」「純粋民俗学中心史観」ともいうべき一連の偏向を打開すべく、筆者は「方法としての京都」を提唱している。その一環として本稿では国民的辞書『広辞苑』の編者・新村出(一八七六―一九六七)を取り上げる。新村は柳田国男と終生親交を結び続けたが、その学史的意義が正面から問われたことはこれまでなかった。その理由の一端は、両者の交流を跡づける資料が見つからなかったことによるが、筆者は、新村出記念財団重山文庫ならびに大阪市立大学新村文庫の資料調査から、柳田が新村に宛てた五〇通あまりの書簡を確認した。これらは便宜的に、a)研究上の応答、b)資料の便宜、c)運動としての民俗学、d)運動としての方言学、e)交友録、に区分できる。これらの書簡からは、明治末年から晩年に至るまで、語彙研究を中心とした意見交換がなされていること、柳田の内閣書記官記録課長時代に新村が資料閲覧の便宜を得ていること、逆に柳田が京大附属図書館長の新村に資料購入の打診をしていたこと、柳田が「山村調査」(一九三四―一九三六)の助成金獲得にあたり、新村に京大関係者への周旋を依頼していること、一九四〇年創立の日本方言学会の運営にあたって、研究会開催、学会誌発行、会長選考、資金繰りなど、さまざまな相談していること、等々が確認される。こうした柳田と新村の関係は、一高以来の「くされ縁」と称するのが最も妥当なように思われるが、その前提として、「生ける言語」への強い意志、飽くなき資料収集、言語の進歩への楽観、といった言語認識の基本的一致があることを忘れてはならない。さらには、二人の関係が媒介となって、京大周辺の研究者と柳田民俗学との交流が促進されたことも注目される。This article proposes "Kyoto as a method" in order to challenge a series of biased views such as "Yanagitacentric historical view," "Tokyo-centric historical view," and "pure folklore-centric historical view" that exist in conventional "history of folklore studies." This article examines Izuru Shinmura (1876 - 1967), who was an editor of the national dictionary "Koujien." Shinmura continued to be a friend of Kunio Yanagita for life, but the meaning of this friendship in the history of studies has not been fully discussed. One of the reasons for this is that no materials that evidence the exchanges between them had been found. However, the author of this article found more than fifty letters from Yanagita to Shinmura during research on materials in Chozan-bunko Collection of Shinmura Izuru Foundation and Shinmura-bunko Collection of Osaka City University. For convenience, the letters may be classified into a) responses for research, b) favors for materials, c) folklore studies as a movement, d) dialectology as a movement, and e) records of friendship. From these letters, the following facts have been confirmed: they exchanged opinions mainly on vocabulary studies from the late Meiji period to their last years; Shinmura obtained permission of reading materials by favor when Yanagita was the chief of the record section of the Secretary to the Cabinet; Yanagita consulted Shinmura who was the director of Kyoto University Library about the purchase of materials; Yanagita asked Shinmura to introduce him to persons concerned of Kyoto University for the grant for "Survey on Mountain Village" (1934 - 1936); for the management of the Society of Japanese Dialects founded in 1940, Yanagita consulted about various things such as study meetings, publication of the journal of the Society, selection of chairman, financing, etc. Such relationship between Yanagita and Shinmura may be considered an "inescapable relationship" since the time at Daiichi High School. However, we should remember that their relationship was based on their basic agreement on language recognition such as strong will toward "living language," insatiable collecting of materials, and optimism for progress of language. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that their relationship promoted exchange between researchers around Kyoto University and the folklore studies of Yanagita.

著者

井原 今朝男 國學院大学院生ゼミグループ

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.160, pp.207-228, 2010-12

著者

平山 昇

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.155, pp.151-172, 2010-03

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本稿は、明治期から昭和初期までの西宮神社十日戎の変容過程を、鉄道の開業による参詣行事の変化、および神社と鉄道会社との関係に着目しながら検討した。もともと西宮神社十日戎はエビス神を信仰する農漁村民や都市商人たちを中心とする参詣行事であったが、「汽車」の開通によって徐々に都市部から行楽がてらに参詣する「普通の参詣人」が訪れるようになった。神社側もこの層を呼び込むべく自ら新聞を通じて都市部に向けて広報をするようになった。だが、もっとも重大な影響をもたらしたのは阪神電車の登場であった。この電鉄は、長らく寂れていた新暦十日戎を新たに「開拓」するなど種々の戦略によって参詣客の劇的な増加をもたらすという、沿線ディヴェロッパーとしての性格が強い鉄道会社であった。一方、阪神電車の大々的な乗客誘引によって都市部からの参詣客が大幅に増加していく状況を目の当たりにして、神社側も電鉄会社の強力な集客力を利用して都市部からの参詣客の増加を図るようになる。西宮神社の参詣行事は、もはや電鉄会社との協調関係抜きには考えられないものとなっていったのである。しかし、両者の関係は常に協調ばかりというわけにはいかなかった。電鉄にとっては運賃収入が増えればそれでよいが、神社にとっては伝統を厳守することも決してゆるがせにできなかった。そのため、時として両者の間で齟齬が生じることもあった。このように神社と電鉄会社の間に協調と駆け引きがせめぎあう中で、十日戎は今日の姿へと落ち着いていった。以上の検討から、日本近代の大都市における社寺参詣の変容過程を理解するためには、①鉄道の登場による変化、特に明治末期以降のディヴェロッパー志向の鉄道会社による変化、②もっぱら都市部からの参詣客の増加を志向する鉄道会社と伝統の維持も重視する神社との間に生じた協調と駆け引きがせめぎあう関係、という二点に注目することが有用であると結論づけた。This article aims to examine how Toka Ebisu Festival - an annual prayer event held at Nishinomiya Jinja between January 9 and 11 - changed during the period from the Meiji era to the beginning of the Showa era, mainly focusing on the changes caused by the opening of a railway and the relation between the railway company and the shrine.Soon after the dawn of the Meiji Period, due to the opening of a state-run railway, more and more urban dwellers joined the festival, which made the shrine interested in attracting them. However, what played a decisive role was Hanshin Electric Railway (HER) , a private railway company which opened toward the end of the Meiji era. HER not only made the shrine more accessible to urban dwellers, but also, by making various attempts to attract as many people as possible, rendered the event dramatically more popular than ever before, which means HER was a developer as well as a transportation enterprise. In response, the shrine began to seek to be more prosperous in cooperation with HER.However, the shrine and HER were not always on good terms because the former regarded both its prosperity and the preservation of its traditional rituals as essential, while all the latter hoped for was to increase its revenue. Thus there sometimes occurred a conflict between them.Having the process above in mind, the author concludes that, in order to analyze the process in which annual prayer events in and around urban cities changed into the way they are at present, it is essential to focus on the following two aspects - ( ⅰ) changes caused by the opening of a railway company, especially one which not only offered better access to shrines but also acted as a developer producing or arranging annual events. ( ⅱ) the cooperation / conflict relation between a shrine and a railway company, the former trying to preserve tradition and the latter only seeking to be economically successful.

著者

藤井 隆至

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.p45-71, 1991-03

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This research is concerned with Kunio Yanagita in his infancy and childhood as a key to understand his critical mind that queried 'Why are the peasants so poor?' which is said to have motivated him to found Japanese folklore later.Yanagita spent his infancy and childhood in Tsujikawa-mura, Kanzaki-gun in Hyogo Prefecture. What bearing did the days in Tsujikawa have on him in forming his later ideas?Bunzo Hashikawa, as one of the attempts to identify the type of bearing, focus in his research on Yanagita's particular "experience" he had in his infancy and childhood. Hashikawa asserts that Yanagita's unusual "experience" had a significant meaning on the formation of Yanagia's folkloristic inclination.Different from the standpoint taken by Hashikawa, this research takes the standpoint of Yanagita's "routine life" in his infancy and childhood as more significant for molding his patterns of thought, and thus focus on the economic aspect of his household.Analysis was first made on his father's professional life, revealing that it was his father's main concern that he should maintain the "survival of his family" on his meager income from his occasional jobs as a temporarily-employed school teacher. Investigation then was made on the life of Yanagita's elder brother, whose main concern was the "rebuilding of his family." He had first served as a local school principal but, because of the income problem, later became a doctor and finally spent his later years on education of his brothers.Final analysis was made on Yanagita's position as a "marginal man"; he was the second son but also acted like the first son in the poor household for which his brother had to work early, and he was a descendant of a farming family but was not a farmer himself in the farming village. His unique position enabled him to observe the problems of the household and the village from an objective point of view.As a conclusion, the results of research point out that Yanagita was in a position to seriously observe the poverty problems of the household as well as the village, causing him in his later years to take on the cause of poverty as his lifelong subject of research.

著者

高橋 敏

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.109, pp.1-20, 2004-03

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人々は生命の危機に曝らされ、生活共同体の存亡の局面に立たされたときどのような行動に走るのであろうか。もとより、本来生命を保護し、共同体を行政の一環として支配する体制が人々の不安を解消し得ない非日常の時空においてである。本稿は安政五年(一八五八)突如人々を襲ったコレラの脅威に人々がどのように立ち向かったのか、いやいかにしてこの災厄から逃れようとしたのかを、克明に実証しようとしたものである。安政五年は黒船という「異」の襲来と嘉永末年から安政初年にかけて連続して天地を揺がし、地を震わせた大地震・大津波の恐怖の未だ覚めやらぬ時であった。そこにコレラが襲いかかった。即死病といわれ次々と感染しては大量死に至る惨状は医療行為によって対応することは困難となり、ありとあらゆる神・仏、流行神、呪術を動員して、これに当たることとなった。本稿は、人々の動向を駿河国駿東郡下香貫村(現沼津市下香貫)と深良村(現裾野市深良)で検証する。この二つの事例を取り上げたのはもちろん動向を記録した史料に恵まれたこともあるが、共通して京都吉田大元宮の勧請によってコレラの災厄を除こうしたことに注目したからである。何故に吉田神社の勧請に走ったのか。村共同体の意志決定の過程、吉田神社の神道支配の流れに着目しつつ、コレラの非日常の時空に置かれた人々の不安とそれに立ち向かう人々のエネルギーを掘り起こしたい。吉田神社の勧請は京都往復の路銀はもちろん祈祷料、鎮札などの宗教儀礼に金がかかる。下香貫村、深良村両村とも莫大な金銭の喜捨を村人に求め、最高級の七両二分の祈祷(小箱)をお願いし、帰村後は吉田宮まで造営し、コレラはじめ災厄除けの宮を勧請している。What sort of behavior do people exhibit when their lives are at risk and the survival of their community is at stake? Of course, systems that govern a community as part of its administration whose original duty is to protect life are placed in an abnormal time and space in which they are unable to relieve the anxieties of the people.In this paper I attempt to provide detailed evidence on the cholera outbreak of 1858 that suddenly posed a threat to people's lives and how the people responded to this and how they attempted to escape from this crisis. 1858 was the year of the invasion of the black ships, or "foreigners", and was also a time when the fear of large earthquakes and large tsunami that had continued to shake the land in the early and mid 1850 s had not yet abated.It was at such a point in time that cholera made its onslaught. Said to cause instantaneous death and as a sickness that was highly contagious, there was little that medical practices could do for this condition that led to mass fatalities. Thus, every possible Shinto, Buddhist and popular deity, as well as the supernatural, was mobilized to fend off impending catastrophe.In this paper, I study the actions of the people who lived in Shimo-kanuki village, Sunto County, Suruga Province (present-day Shimo-kanuki, Numazu City) and Fukara village (present-day Fukara, Susono City). Although the existence of recorded histories detailing the actions of the villagers is incidental to the selection of these two villages for this study, the main reason for their selection is that both these villages sought to escape from the calamity of cholera by means of the transfer of deities from Yoshida Daigengu.But why did they turn to transferring deities from Yoshida Jinja Shrine? I explore this question by exposing the anxieties of these people who, as a result of the cholera outbreak, were situated in an abnormal time and space, together with the energies of these people as they faced the threat of cholera, while examining the process of decision making in the village communities and the dominance of Shinto by Yoshida Jinja Shrine.The transfer of deities from Yoshida Jinja Shrine required money, including that for religious practices such as prayer fees and chinsatsu, not to mention the costs of going to and from Kyoto. The two villages of Shimo-kanuki and Fukara demanded alms from their inhabitants amounting to enormous sums of money and requested the highest grade of prayer (kobako). After returning to their villages they went so far as to build Yoshida shrines, which they designated as shrines for preventing calamities such as cholera.

著者

田中 正明

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.165, pp.361-446, 2011-03

著者

大貫 静夫

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.151, pp.129-160, 2009-03

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挹婁は魏志東夷伝 Weizhi Dongyizhuan の中では夫餘の東北,沃沮の北にあり,魏からもっとも遠い地に住む集団である。漢代では,夫餘の残した考古学文化は第2松花江 Songhua Jiang 流域に広がる老河深2期文化 Laoheshen 2nd Culture とされ,北沃沮は沿海州 Primorskii 南部から豆満江 Tuman-gang 流域にかけての沿日本海地域に広がっていた団結文化 Tuanjie Culture に当てることで大方の一致を見ている。漢代の挹婁はその外側にいたことになる。漢代から魏晋時代 Wei-Jin Period に竪穴住居に住み,高坏を伴わないという挹婁の考古学的条件に符合する考古学文化はロシア側のアムール川(黒龍江 Heilong Jiang)中・下流域および一部中国側の三江平原 Sanjiang Plain 側に広がるポリツェ文化がよく知られている。北は極まるところを知らず,東は大海に浜するという点では,今知られる考古学文化の中ではアムール川河口域まで広がり,沿海州の日本海沿岸部まで広がるポリツェ文化が地理的にもっともそれに相応しいことは現在でも変わらない。そのポリツェ文化はその新段階に沿海州南部に分布を広げる。層位的にも団結文化より新しい。魏志東夷伝沃沮条に記された,挹婁がしばしば沃沮を襲うという記事はこの間の事情を反映したものであろう。ただし,ロシア考古学で一般的な年代観を一部修正する必要がある。最近,第2松花江流域以東,豆満江流域以北に位置する,牡丹江流域や七星河 Qixing He 流域において漢魏時代の調査が進み,ポリツェ文化とは異なる諸文化が展開したことが分かってきた。これらの魏志東夷伝の中での位置づけが問題となっている。すなわち,東夷伝に記された挹婁としての条件を考えるかぎり,やはり既知の考古学文化の中ではポリツェ文化がもっともそれに相応しく,七星河流域の諸文化がそれに次ぎ,牡丹江流域の諸文化,遺存がもっともそれらから遠い。しかし,だからといって,これらを即沃沮か夫餘の一部とするわけにはいかない。魏志東夷伝の記載から復元される単純な布置関係ではなく,実際はより複雑だったらしい。The Weizhi Dongyizhuan (Accounts of the Eastern Barbarians in the History of the Kingdom of Wei), describes the Yilou as a group living northeast of Fuyu and north of Woju in the land furthest from Wei. The archaeological culture left by the Fuyu is thought to have been the Middle Laoheshen culture that spread in the Second Songhua River basin during the Han period and the majority of opinion places Northern Woju in the Tuanjie culture that spread along the Japan Sea coast from the southern part of the Maritime Province (Primorskii krai) to the Tumangang River basin. In the Han period, the Yilou were outside these areas. From the Han period through the Wei-Jin period they lived in pit dwellings, and from the perspective of their not having pedestal bowls, the archaeological culture known to coincide with the archaeological conditions of the Yilou is the Pol'tse culture that extended from the middle and lower reaches of the Amur River (Heilong River) on the Russian side to the Sanjiang Plain that partially falls within China. With limitless land to the north and extending to the Maritime Province on the Japan Sea coast to the east, of the archaeological cultures known of today, Pol'tse culture, which spread as far as the mouth of the Amur River and to the Japan Sea coast, is still the most appropriate in geographical terms even today. At this new stage, this Pol'tse culture extended to the southern part of the Maritime Province. In stratigraphic terms as well, it was newer than Tuanjie culture. The text on the Yilou's occasional assaults on the Woju contained in the section on Woju in the Weizhi Dongyizhuan most probably reflects the situation at this time. However, it is necessary to partially modify the general view of dates in Russian archaeology. Recently, from an investigation undertaken of the Han-Wei period in the Mudan River basin and the Qixing River Basin situated east of the Second Songhua River basin and north of the Tumangang River basin, it has been discovered that cultures that were not the same as the Pol'tse culture developed in those areas. It is not easy to place these within the Weizhi Dongyizhuan. That is to say, when considering only the conditions of the Yilou as written in the Dongyizhuan, it is the Pol'tse culture which is the most fitting of known archaeological cultures, followed by the cultures of the Qixing River basin, with the cultures and relics of the Mudan River basin the most distant. However, it doesn't mean that these formed part of the cultures that succeeded Woju or Fuyo. Rather than being a simple positional relationship reconstructed from the writings in the Weizhi Dongyizhuan, it is actually far more complicated.

著者

平川 南

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.153, pp.129-168, 2009-12

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百済の都の東北部・扶餘双北里遺跡から出土した木簡は、「那尓波連公」と人名のみを記した物品付札である。本木簡の出土した一九九八年の調査地は、百済の外椋部とよばれる財政を司る役所の南に展開する官衙と考えられる一帯であり、白馬江の水上交通を利用した物資の集積地の一角であったとされている。「那尓波」は〝難波〟を指し、当時難波は対外交流の玄関口であり、外交にたずさわる人々は、ウジ名または名に難波を好んで用いた。一般的には、「連公」は文字通り「連+公」、「公」は尊称と解されている。しかし、奈良県石神遺跡木簡は「大家臣加□」などの人名とともに、「石上大連公」と連記され、『先代旧事本紀』・『新撰姓氏録』では連にのみ公が付されていることから、「連公」のみが連に対する尊称という解釈を下すことはできない。おそらくは「連公」はのちの天武八姓(六八四年)の「連」の前段階のカバネ表記であったと考えるべきであろう。木簡の年代も、七世紀半ば頃とされる石神遺跡木簡や法隆寺命過幡「山ア名嶋弖古連公(~~)過命時幡」と同様の時期と考えられ、一九九八年の双北里遺跡の発掘調査の所見(七世紀半ば頃)と合致するものであろう。また八~九世紀に作成された史書・説話集・文書および時期は異なるが系譜書などの場合は、例外なく「連公」表記は氏姓・系譜の〝祖〟に限定されている。これらは、各氏族に伝わる旧記のようなものをもとに作成されたと考えられる。本木簡は、七世紀半ば頃の倭国と百済との密接な関係からいえば、百済の都泗沘に滞在した倭系官人が作成した木簡という可能性もありえよう。しかし、本木簡は大きくは次のような三つの特徴を有している。①古代日本に数多く類例のある名のみ記した小型の付札である。②「那尓波」の表記は『日本書紀』に収載された古代歌謡にほぼ同じ「那你婆」とある。③「連公」は、古代日本における七世紀半ば以前のカバネの特徴的表記である。以上から、倭国で作製され、調度物などに付せられた荷札が物品とともに百済の都にもたらされ、札がはずされた可能性の方がより高いであろう。いずれにしても、倭人(日本人)名を記載した木簡がはじめて古代朝鮮の地で発見されたことの意義はきわめて大きい。The wooden tablet excavated from the Hyeonnae-ri site in Paekche's northeastern capital Buyeo is a baggage tag inscribed with just the name of the person "Naniwa no Muraji-no-Kimi". The archaeological site where this wooden tablet was excavated in 1998 was a government office in an area south of the office which administered Paekche's finances, itself situated in a commercial hub which benefited from the use of the Penmagan waterways for the transport of goods."Naniwa( 那尓波)" refers to "Naniwa( 難波)". In those days Naniwa was the gateway to the outside world, and people involved with foreign diplomacy liked to use Naniwa as their first or family name.Generally speaking, the meaning of " 連公" (Muraji-no-kimi) is as the characters suggest: " 連 + 公"— "Muraji" was a name used by the Yamato royal family and "kimi" is an honorific title. However, wooden tablets from the Ishigami site in Nara Prefecture feature inscriptions of names such as "Ohoyake-no-Omi KaXX" ( 大家臣加□ ) alongside "Isonokami Oo-Muraji-no-Kimi", while for "Sendai Kuji Hongi" and "Shinsen Shojiroku", "Kimi" is only ever attributed to "Muraji", making it impossible to interpret "Muraji-no-Kimi" solely as an honorific name relating to "Muraji". It is perhaps best to consider that "Muraji-no-Kimi" was an insignia from a previous historical stage to the "Muraji" of 684. The era of the wooden tablet can also be argued to be the same period as the wooden tablet of the Ishigami site and "Meika-ban" (ancient Buddhist banner) of Horyuji Temple, which are considered to be from the middle of the 7th century, which tallies with the observation of the archaeological excavation from the 1998 Hyeonnae-ri site (that it is mid-7th century). In the case of history books, literary collections and documents produced during the 8-9th centuries, as well as genealogical documents from different eras, the "Muraji-no-Kimi" insignia relates without exception solely to the family's nominal or genealogical "ancestor", so it can be argued that it was created as a kind of record to be handed down to each clan.If one considers the close relationship between Japan and Paekche of the mid-7th century, the possibility would seem to exit that this wooden tablet was made by a Japanese official resident in the Paekche town of Sabi. However, the wooden tablet clearly exhibits the following three characteristics: 1. It is a small baggage tag with just a name inscribed on it, of which numerous other examples exist from ancient Japan. 2. The inscription "Naniwa" ( 那尓波) is more or less the same as the "Naniwa" ( 那你婆) which appears in ancient ballads collected in the "Nihon-Shoki". 3. "Muraji-no-Kimi" is a characteristic insignia of a name from before the middle of the 7th century in ancient Japan.Taking the above into account, I would argue that there is a greater probability that the tablet was made in Japan, was attached to some commercial goods as a baggage tag and brought to Paekche, and that the tag became detached after arrival.Whatever the case, there is enormous significance to the fact that for the first time a wooden tablet with a Japanese name inscribed on it was discovered at an ancient Korean site.

著者

高橋 敏

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.108, pp.149-164, 2003-10

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生命の危機にさらされたとき人々はどのようにこれに立ち向かうのか。日本歴史上人々は天変地異の大災害や即死病といわれる伝染病の大流行に直面した。文明の進歩、医学の革新等、人々の生命に関する恐怖感は遠のいたと一見思われがちの現代であるが、二〇〇三年のSARSの大騒動は未だ伝染病の脅威が身近に存在することを思い知らしめてくれた。本稿は安政五年(一八五八)突如大流行したコレラによって引き起こされた危機的状況、パニック状態を刻明に実証しようとしたものである。人々は即死病といって恐れられたコレラが襲って来る危機的状況のなかでどのようにこれに対拠したのか、本稿は駿河国富士郎大宮町(現富士宮市)を具体例として取り上げる。偶々大宮町の一町人が克明に記録した袖日記を解読することから始める。長崎寄港の米艦乗組員から上陸したコレラ菌は東へ東へ移動し次々と不可思議な病いを伝染させ、未曾有の多量死を現実のものとした。コレラに対するさまざまな医療行為が試みられるが、一方で多種多様、多彩な情報を生み出し、妄想をまき散らしていく。まさに、現実の秩序がくつがえる如く、人々を安心立命させていた精神(心)の枠組が崩壊し、人々はありあらゆる禦ぎ鎮魂の呪術を動員し救いを求めていく。コレラ伝染の時間的経過と空間的ひろがりに対応して人々の動きは活発化し、非日常の異常に自らを置く方策を腐心していく。コレラの根源を旧来の迷信の狐の仕業、くだ狐と見なして狐を払うため山犬、狼を設定し、三峯山の御犬を借りようとする動きやこの地域に特に根強い影響力を有する日蓮宗の七面山信仰がコレラを抑える霊力をもつとして登場する。極限状況の人々の動向にこそ時代と社会の精神構造があらわにされるのである。

著者

長谷川 成一

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, pp.237-255, 1995-11-30

著者

一ノ瀬 俊也

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.126, pp.119-131, 2006-01

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太平洋戦争中、補給を断たれて多くの餓死・病死者を出したメレヨン島から生還した将校・兵士たちをして体験記の筆をとらしめたのは、死んだ戦友、その遺族に対する「申し訳なさ」の感情であり、そこから死の様子が描かれ、後世に伝えられることになった。あるいは自己の苛酷な体験を「追憶」へ変えたいというひそかな願いもあった。自己の体験をなんとか意義付けたい、しかし戦友の死の悲惨さは被い隠せない、と揺れる心情もみてとれた。このように生還者たちの記した「体験」の性格は多面的であり、容易に単純化・一本化できるような性質のものではない。戦後行われてきた戦死者「慰霊」の背後には、そうした複雑な思いがあった。いくつかのメレヨン体験記を通じて浮かびあがってきたのは、「昭和」が終わり、戦後五〇年以上たってなおやまない、〈戦争責任〉への執拗な問いであった。その矛先は、時に天皇にまで及んだ。たとえそこで外国への、あるいは己れの戦争責任が問われることがなかったとしても、「責任を問うこと」へのこだわりや「死んでいく者の念頭に靖国はなかったろう」という当事者たちの文章は、戦後日本における「先の戦争」観の実相を問ううえでも、さらには戦争体験の風化・美化を進める今後の世代が前の世代の「戦中の特攻精神や飢えの苦しみは戦後教育と飽食に育った世代の理解は不可」という声に抗して「戦争体験」を引き継ぐさい、今一度想起されてよいのではないか。Former officers and soldiers who survived their time on Mereyon Island during the Pacific War, when the disruption of supplies ended in the death through starvation and disease of many in the Japanese army, have put pen to paper to record their experiences. These reminiscences contain sentiments of "apology" to their fallen comrades in arms and their families, and describe the circumstances of their deaths, which can be passed on to future generations. They also represent a hidden desire to transform their own harsh experiences into "reminiscences". They also tremble with emotion as they seek to give some meaning to their own experiences and are not able to hide the tragedy of the deaths of their fellow soldiers. In this way, the characteristics of the recorded "experiences" of these survivors are varied, and cannot be easily simplified or unified. Such complex emotions are to be found behind post-war "memorials" to the war dead.One theme that reveals itself from several records of their experiences on Mereyon Island is the persistent question of responsibility for the war, which is still asked today, 17 years after the end the Showa period and more than half a century after the war. At times, the brunt of this question is directed as high up as to the emperor. Even if foreign countries or the soldiers themselves have not been brought to task over responsibility for the war in their writings, the obsession with "asking who was responsible" and the words of the people of that time that say "Those about to die would not have thought about Yasukuni (Shrine)" question the reality of the view in post-war Japan of "the next war". Their writings should be remembered once again when inheriting "war experiences", as future generations subjected to the toning down and romanticizing of war experiences are faced with voices from the preceding generation claiming that "It is impossible for those generations educated after the war who have only known full stomachs to understand the suicidal spirit and suffering of starvation that were present during the war".

著者

長沢 利明

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.145, pp.373-412, 2008-11

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現存する農民市としては東京都内最古の存在である世田谷のボロ市は、一五七八年(天正六年)における後北条氏の市立掟書の存在によって、そのことを確かめうる重要な地位を占めているが、当初よりそれは典型的な六斎市として成立していた。北条氏の没落した近世期には年に一度の歳の市となったが、彦根藩領内にあって代官の支配・統制下に置かれることとなった。近代期には村方の運営する農民市となり、改暦によって一月・一二月の二度の市立ともなっていったが、明治期にはボロ布市・筵市として知られるようになり、大正期には植木市としての発展もみた。近代産業の勃興と交通網の整備を通じ、前近代的な商品取引はしだいに一掃され、市場商人と地元との親密で特殊な相互関係も解消されていくこととなり、第二次大戦後には暴力団系テキヤ組織の介入を許す余地を与えることとなった。それゆえ戦後の市立の民主的な改革は、それらとの対決なくして実現することができず、粘り強い努力を通じて地元民はついに一九六五年(昭和四〇年)、ついにこれを達成するに至った。この成果によって今日のボロ市の運営基盤が形作られ、市立の現代化がなされていった。今日の出店構成に関する実態調査結果からも、改革後の特色ある業種実態、出店者の広域化、地元主導型の民主的運営形態の定着といった諸傾向を、そこに明確に見い出すことができる。Setagaya Boroichi is the most famous rag fair, and the oldest peasant market in Tokyo district. It was opened at least 1528 in period of Houjou occupation. In that age, fair was held six times a month as a "Rokusai-ichi". The Houjou family had been giving the protection to a fair. After end of Houjou family's government, fair was became to ruled by Ii family which is one of feudal Daimyous in the modern ages from the 17th century. Ooba family, as a retainer of Ii clan, had been controlled during modern times. Then market day became once a year, and it was held 15th December. Most of peasants and farmers in Setagaya area went to fair, and they bought and sold the new year's decorations, various goods. Fair was held as "Toshi-no-ichi" , for preparing to new year. In 19th century in recent times, fair was called "Boroichi" that meant a rag fair. Many merchants came out to market with a large of rags and old clothes. Farmers living in and around the Setagaya produced a "waraji (straw sandals)" using it at materials. But waraji production was declined with diffusing shoes on life modernization at beginning of the 20th century. Fair turned to "mushiro (straw mat)" market or plants fair after that age. However that articles on fair lost merchantability and it was going to general merchandise market. After W. W. II, a band of thugs began to intervene to management of fair, same racketeers who ware subsidiary of gangster organization raise an act of violence. As a result of that, drove a fair into stoppage in December 1964. Afterward, inhabitants and merchants society of Setagaya united their selves firmly to corp with the gangster organization, police and administrative organ supported it. Thus , fair had been resumed in January 1965. Setagaya Boroichi recovered their composure and democratic, peaceful administration. It is growing to be a splendid market and sightseeing annual event today.

著者

Flache Ursula 杉原 早紀

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.148, pp.587-621, 2008-12

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本論文ではドイツ語圏の神仏分離研究の三つの側面を扱う。序論として「神仏分離」の独訳に関する問題点を述べる。第1ポイントとして,ドイツおよび欧米の日本研究におけるこれまでの神仏分離の扱いについて概略を記す。神仏分離が一般の歴史著作や参考図書で取り上げられるようになったのは最近の動きである。明治時代における神道研究では二つの傾向が見られる。一つは客観的批評する研究者(シュピナー,チェンバレン),もう一つは国家神道の視点を引き取る研究者(アストン,フロレンツ)。第二次大戦前の指導的な神道研究者(グンデルト,ボーネル,ハミッチュ)がナチスのイデオロギーに近い視点から研究結果を発表したため,戦後には神道についての研究がタブー視され,当分の間完全に中止となった。1970年代に出版されたロコバントの研究に続いて,1980・90年代にいくつかの神仏分離に関する研究文献(グラパード,ハーディカ,ケテラー,アントーニ)が発行された。最近の研究(ブリーン,サール,アンブロス,関守)ではケーススタディーや地方史が注目される傾向にある。ドイツには宗教改革時代の偶像破壊という,明治時代の日本の神仏分離と非常によく似た出来事があったために,ドイツの研究者は神仏分離に特別な関心を寄せている。そこで,第2のポイントとして,ヨーロッパにおける宗教改革と絡めて偶像破壊運動を詳しく取り上げ,ヨーロッパの宗教改革と日本の廃仏毀釈の比較を行う。共通点として両者が宗教的美術に大きな障害をもたらした改革運動であることが挙げられる。相違点としてヨーロッパにおける宗教改革が宗教的な動機をもった運動で,神仏分離が政治的な動機をもった政策であった。終わりに第3ポイントとして,簡単に筆者の個人的な意見をまとめ,神仏分離が実際どの程度「成功」したのか,そして神仏分離の今日の日本における意味を考察する。In this paper three aspects will be discussed. After an introductory remark concerning the various German translations of the term shinbutsu bunri, firstly an overview will be given on how the separation of Shintô and Buddhism has been treated in German research literature. As Anglo- American research is also widely received in Germany, selected works in English are included. It is a very recent development that the topic of shinbutsu bunri is taken up in general works on Japanese history as well as in reference works. Among the intellectuals of the Meiji period, some scholars such as Spinner or Chamberlain take a very critical position, whereas other scholars such as Aston or Florenz are closer to the official doctrine of State Shintô at the time. The point of view of State Shintô is also adopted in pre-war studies by Rosenkranz and Gundert. Because of the close relationship of Germany and Japan before and during World War II, studies on Shintô in post-war German Japanology are regarded as being related to Nazi ideology. Therefore the topic of Shintô becomes a taboo after the war. In the 1960s and 70s the topic is finally taken up again and Lokowandt publishes a detailed study of State Shintô that also deals with the separation of Shintô and Buddhism. During the 1980s and 90s several works (Grapard, Hardacre, Colcutt, Ketelaar, Antoni) on shinbutsu bunri appear. In recent studies on the separation of Shintô and Buddhism there is a tendency to focus on case studies and local histories (Breen, Thal, Ambros, Sekimori). To a German scholar of Japanology the events occurring during the separation of Shintô and Buddhism are of special interest because they have much in common with the iconoclastic movement of the Reformation in 16th-century Europe. Therefore, secondly, shinbutsu bunri will be compared to reformatory iconoclasm. Both have in common that they were reform movements that led to the destruction of countless works of religious art. However, the Reformation was fuelled by religious motives whereas shinbutsu bunri was carried out for political reasons. Thirdly, as a personal comment, the question of how successful the separation of Shintô and Buddhism ultimately was will be discussed. Although temples and shrines are separately organised even today, coexistent worship of both Shintô deities and Buddhas by the Japanese people continues.

著者

近藤 好和

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.141, pp.61-80, 2008-03

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日本の歴史のうえで重要な位置を占めている天皇の「生・老・死」つまり人生の流れを考えると、まず天皇の子息に生まれ、親王宣下されて親王となり、そのなかから選ばれて立太子して皇太子(東宮)となり、即位して天皇となる。そして、退位して上皇となり、落飾(出家)して法皇となって、崩御を迎える、というように順次進んでいく。そして、各段階で着用する装束(着衣)に大きな相違があり、装束によっていずれの段階にあるかが明瞭となる。特に顕著なのは天皇・上皇・法皇での相違であるが、それは天皇の装束が特別であるからである。本稿の目的は、こうした天皇の人生と装束との関係を確認することにある。天皇と装束の関係を考えるうえで重要な点は、装束に対応する被り物に冠(かんむり)と烏帽子(えぼし)があるが、天皇は冠しか被らず、様々な種類がある公家男子装束のなかで、天皇が着用するのは冠に対応する束帯(そくたい)と冠直衣(かんむりのうし)だけである点である。このうち束帯は天皇を含むすべての男子の正装であり、身分規定の厳格な装束であるが、その上着である位袍(いほう)の色と文様には天皇限定のものがあり、それで他と峻別された。また、冠直衣は、他とは異なる天皇の特有の着用方法があり、それを御引直衣(おひきのうし)といい、御引直衣か否かで天皇と他が峻別された。本稿は、こうした天皇の束帯や御引直衣の詳細と、絵画資料で天皇と上皇が装束によって明確に描き分けられていることを確認するものである。When we consider the birth, life and death, namely, the course of the life of Japan's emperors, who hold an important position in the nation's history, we find that it conforms to the following chronology. Born as the son of the emperor he is first an imperial prince, is then chosen to be the Crown Prince, and then succeeds his father to the imperial throne. Upon retiring from his role as emperor he assumes a Buddhist role and awaits his death.Because the dress an emperor wears is quite different for each of these stages, we can identify each particular stage of his life from his dress. The most marked differences are found between the emperor, retired emperor and Buddhist stages, which are due to the unique features of the dress worn by a serving emperor. The aim of this paper is to look at this relationship between an emperor's life and dress.One important point when considering the relationship between an emperor and his dress is headwear. While there are two types of headwear, a crown (kanmuri) and a type of formal headwear (eboshi), which are worn depending on the type of dress, an emperor wears only a crown. Although there are various types of dress worn by noblemen, the only two types of dress worn with a crown by the emperor are known as "sokutai" and "kanmuri noushi"."Sokutai" refers to formal dress worn by all males, including the emperor, and the type worn is strictly defined according to rank. There are colors and patterns for the collars of the top dress that can be worn only by the emperor, thus distinguishing him from others. The emperor also wears the "kanmuri noushi" in a unique way known as "o-hiki noushi", which also clearly distinguishes him from others.This paper provides details of these "sokutai" and "o-hiki noushi" worn by the emperor, and also shows that it is possible to distinguish an emperor from a retired emperor in illustrations due to the type of dress worn.一部非公開情報あり

著者

横山 篤夫

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, pp.11-95, 2003-03

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本論文は、日本で最初に作られた軍隊の埋葬地、真田山陸軍墓地の沿革と、陸軍廃止後の墓地の変遷を考察したものである。第一章では先ず一八七一年に、陸軍創立の一環として真田山に兵隊埋葬地が設けられた経緯をとりあげて分析した。その際招魂社が同時に設けられたが、西南戦争後の大招魂祭が、真田山から離れた大阪城跡で開催され、以後真田山は墓地として特化した存在となり、墓域も拡大した。しかし日露戦争で予測を越える死者がでるに及んで、従来と同様の墓碑を建てるスペースが不足しはじめた。そこで合葬墓碑が階級別に建立されたものと思われる。さらに大阪市立真田山小学校が真田山陸軍墓地の敷地を一部使って建設された時、その敷地の墓碑移転に留まらず、相当大規模な墓地全体の改葬も行なわれた模様で、これが現在の景観の基本になったものと考える。その後一五年戦争が始まり、戦死者が増加すると個人墓碑ではなく合葬墓碑に一括して納骨されるようになった。そこでは階級別ではなくすべて一基の墓碑にまとめられた。その後忠霊塔を建設する運動がひろがり、真田山陸軍墓地には「仮忠霊堂」が木造で建設されたが、戦局の激化により本格的建設に至らず、そのまま「仮忠霊堂」が現在納骨堂として四万三千余の遺骨を納めている。空襲で被災はしたが、納骨堂は焼失を免れ、戦前の景観が戦後に引き継がれた。第二章では、戦後陸軍省が廃止された後の旧真田山陸軍墓地の祭祀と維持・管理を中心に、なぜ現在迄基本的に戦前の陸軍墓地の景観が保全されてきたのかを分析した。その際祭祀担当団体として組織された財団法人大阪靖国霊場維持会の変遷に注目して考察した。同時にそれとは全く別に戦後すぐに真田山陸軍墓地を舞台に、米軍機搭乗員殺害事件が憲兵隊によって惹きおこされた経過も、先行研究によって紹介した。また一九九五年度から開始された歴博の調査と研究者の呼びかけで始まった保存運動の意味にも論及した。This paper deals with the history of the first army cemetery in Japan at Sanadayama and the transitions undergone at the cemetery after the Japanese army was abolished.Chapter 1 presents an analysis of the circumstances surrounding the establishment of a burial ground for soldiers at Sanadayama in 1871 as part of an army-building strategy. On that occasion, a shrine dedicated to the spirits of the war dead (shokonsha) was also built on the same spot After the Seinan War, however, a great memorial service (shokonsai) for those killed in the war was held in a location away from Sanadayama, in the site of Osaka Castle. Since then, Sanadayama came to be regarded as being specifically a burial ground and the cemetery itself expanded over time. Nevertheless, as the Russo-Japanese War brought about an unexpected rise in the number of war dead, the cemetery began to run out of room to build the type of graves it had been building until that point. Therefore, it is thought, that communal graves according to rank were introduced. Furthermore, when the Osaka City Sanadayama Elementary School was built using some of the land belonging to the Sanadayama Army Cemetery, not only were the graves in that region transferred to other locations but a large-scale renovation of the entire cemetery, it seems, was carried out as well. This is believed to have formed the basis of the appearance we see today.Later on, as the "Fifteen-years War" broke out and the number of war dead increased even further, the remains of all of the deceased were buried in communal graves and individual graves were no longer used. These communal graves were not separated according to rank but gathered all the war dead under one grave. Still later, when it became popular to build a memorial monument for loyal war dead (chureito), a "provisional chureito" was built in wood at the Sanadayama Army Cemetery but the war situation intensified, preventing it from being rebuilt into a full-scale monument. The provisional monument serves as a repository containing the remains of over 43,000 people. Although the cemetery was struck by air raids, the repository was not burned and so the pre-war appearance was passed down to the post-war age. Chapter 2 focuses on the religious services and care and maintenance of the former Sanadayama Army Cemetery after the Department of the Army was abolished, analyzing the reasons why the appearance of the pre-war army cemetery has been preserved until now. The Osaka Foundation for the Preservation of Yasukuni Shrine was established in order to take charge of the religious services at Sanadayama. Special attention was paid to its transition.At the same time, the paper also makes reference to the process of a completely unrelated incident introduced in an earlier study, where the crew of a US plane was killed by the military police at the Sanadayama Army Cemetery, just after the war. Additional reference is made to the significance of the research on the Cemetery began in the academic year of 1995 by the National Museum of Japanese History and of the preservation movement started on the initiative of the researchers.

著者

中牧 弘允

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.49, pp.p349-379, 1993-03

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日本の会社は社葬や物故社員の追悼儀礼をおこなうだけでなく、会社自体の墓をもっているところがある。このような墓は会社墓とか企業墓とよばれ、高野山と比叡山におおくみられる。本稿は高野山の会社墓一〇三、比叡山の会社墓二三をとりあげ、その基礎的なデータを提出するとともに、今後の課題を提示することを主な目的としている。会社墓には創業者の墓や物故従業員の供養塔がたてられている。本稿では、とくに物故従業員の供養塔に焦点をあて、その歴史をあとづけるとともに、名称や形態の分析をこころみている。さらに、関西に集中する会社や組合の地域的ひろがりや、その業種にも言及している。会社供養塔には建立誌が付随することがおおい。そうした建立誌を対象に、その趣旨を七項目に分類し、分析をおこなっている。その項目とは、①建立の契機、②会社発展(先人)に対する感謝、③先人の霊供養、④会社発展に対する祈願、⑤安全祈願、⑥顧客への感謝、⑦高野山や比叡山の賛美である。会社供養塔にかかわる物故者追悼儀礼については、コクヨと千代田生命の事例をとりあげ、若干の比較をこころみている。Some Japanese companies not only hold company funerals and memorial services for their deceased employees, they also have their own graves. These graves are called company graves or corporate graves, and many of them are constructed on Mt. Kōya or Mt. Hiei. This paper looks at 103 company graves on Mt. Kōya and 23 on Mt. Hiei, and aims mainly to provide basic data on them and to indicate future questions to be answered.In the company grave compound, are usually erected the graves of the founders and monuments for the repose of deceased employees' souls. In this paper, the author focuses mainly on the towers for the repose of deceased employees' souls, and attempts to trace their history and to analyze the names and forms they take. Furthermore, this paper also refers to the area where the companies or unions that constructed these monuments are located, which is mostly the Kansai District, together with their lines of business.Since notes on the erection of the monuments are often inscribed,the author has classified the motives for their construction into seven headings, and analyzed them. These headings are: ( 1 ) Momentum behind construction, ( 2 ) Gratitude for the expansion of the company (or to the predecessors), ( 3 ) Prayer for the repose of the predecessors' souls, ( 4 ) Prayer for the expansion of the company, ( 5 ) Prayer for safety in business, ( 6 ) Gratitude toward clients, and ( 6 ) Praise to Mt. Kōya or Mt. Hiei.Concerning memorial services for deceased employees connected with the memorial monuments set up by companies, the author takes up the examples of Kokuyo Co., Ltd. and Chiyoda Mutual Life Insurance Co., and attempts to make some comparison between them.

著者

井原 今朝男

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, pp.17-41, 2003-03

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これまで室町期荘園制は荘園制解体過程として理解されてきた。本稿では、南北朝期から応安年間にかけて中世国家を代表する幕府と天皇権力が荘園制を再編成しようとする政策を推進し、在地からの下地中分の動向とリンクしたことによって再版荘園制が生まれ応永年間を中心に安定性をもって社会的に機能したことを主張した。第一に東国の南北朝期において天皇の綸旨によって棟別銭賦課が命じられ、それを将軍家と関東管領・守護が施行することによって強制徴収されていること、その中で寺社本所領と地頭堀内は免除されるという抵抗の論理が生きていた。しかも同じ時期に東国本所領という所領区分が存在し、そこでの年貢納入沙汰については武家沙汰として幕府権力によって強制的な保護が加えられていた。第二に、こうした地域編成区分がどのように登場してきたかを検討すると、室町幕府による建武四年から応安元年にいたる荘園政策立法によって、武家領・本所領という荘園所領の二大区分法が登場していた。しかも、幕府の荘園政策立法の推移を検討すると、延文二年令以後本所領内部に知行地をもっている武家被官の知行を公認するとともに、下地の半分を武家と本所で折半する法が強制執行されている。しかも「寺社一円之地」と「禁裏仙洞勅役料所」という新しい所領区分が登場しそこでは全面的に保護政策がとられ、武家被官と荘園領主層の両者の利益が両立するものとなっていた。応安の大法ではじめて諸国本所領という所領区分が登場しており、その延長線上に「東国本所領」とならんで「西国寺社本所領」が存在していたことをあきらかにした。この結果、院政期に荘園制が成立し室町期に衰退・解体するのではなく、室町幕府の荘園政策立法によって荘園制の枠組みも再編成されて新しい所領区分法が生み出され社会的に機能していたことを述べた。Until now, the view of the shoen system in the Muromachi Period has been one of the process of dismantling the shoen system. The thrust of this paper is that both the bakufu, that typifies the state in the years from the Nanbokucho Period through the Oan Period, and the imperial authorities, were promoting policies that were attempting to reconfigure the shoen system, and by having linked into the movement from the estate to the division into two halves, a revamped shoen system emerged, providing stability in the Oei period in particular, and playing a useful function in society.First of all, in the Togoku in the Nanbokucho period, it was the rinshi (order) of the emperor that commanded the payment of munabetsusen, and that was enforced through travel between the shogun's houses and Kanto kanryo / shugo. At the same time, there was still some ethic of resistance, with the honjoryo of temples and shrines and the jito horinouchi being exempted. Moreover, in the same period, there existed shoryo divisions called Togoku Honjoryo, and that was where the order to pay annual tributes was made in the form of a samurai order and protection applied unilaterally on the authority of the bakufu.Secondly, an investigation of how categories of regional configuration changed and emerged reveals that the establishment of shoen policy by the Muromachi bakufu from Kemmu 4 (1337) to Oan 1 (1368) , divided the shoen-shoryo into two major categories, bukeryo and honjoryo. Moreover, when the trends in the establishment of shoen policies by the bakufu are examined, from the ordinance in Enbun 2 (1357), in addition to recognizing the chigyo (possession) of the bukehikan who hold chigyo land, a law dividing half of the land between samurai and the honjo was enforced. Moreover, new shoryo divisions called "jisha ichiennochi" and "kinri sento chokuyaku ryosho" emerged, and a full-scale protective policy was taken for them. This enabled both the buke hikan and the shoen ryoshu level to gain benefits simultaneously. The shokoku honjoryo made its first appearance in the great law of Oan, and it has become clear that it was an extrapolation of this move that led to saikoku jisha honjoryo existing in parallel with the togoku honjoryo.This paper states that, as a result, it was not the case that the shoen system was established in the Insei period and declined or was dismantled in the Muromachi period. It was the establishment of the Muromachi bakufu's shoen policy that reconfigured the framework of the shoen system, producing the new shoryo category law (shoryo kubunho) , playing a role both in historical and societal terms.

著者

山田 厳子

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.54, pp.p267-294, 1993-11

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通常とは違った特徴を持つ子どもが生まれることは民俗社会の中では歓迎されざることであった。そのことは、民俗社会の中で語られるさまざまな話の中からもうかがうことができる。しかしこのような子どもが却って富をもたらすと説明する話もある。ここでは現実との関わりによって語られる、しかも事実そのものとはいえない話(世間話)を例として検討しながら通常とは違う子どもに対する「過剰な意味づけ」を問うていきたいと考えている。「歓迎される」異常児として「福子」が、「忌避される」異常児として「鬼子」が挙げられる。「福子」には自身を犠牲にして「家」の繁栄をもたらすイメージがある。一方「鬼子」には「富」とともに「他界」からもたらされるイメージと、歓待されることによって「富」をもたらすイメージがある。異常児が、富とともに他界からもたらされるというイメージは、異常児の去来によって家の盛衰が決定されるという話へとつながるであろう。また異常児の誕生という不幸によって「富」の獲得という幸福とのバランスをとろうとする家の外部の者の心意もうかがうことができる。子どもの「異常」の説明のために「富」の推移が語られ、家の盛衰の説明のために「異常児」の誕生が語られたことが推測される。その際に「異常児」は家の盛衰と密接に結びついた霊的な存在と受け取られていたといえるであろう。It can be said that a child with a distinctive feature different from the normal was an unwelcome existence in the traditional folklore society of Japan. However, there are signs that, due to the distinctive feature which part it in the minority, such a child was regarded as an existence close to the Other World, determining the ups and downs of its family.In this paper, the author takes up stories regarding children connected with "wealth" from rumors called Seken-banashi (small talk), and aims to clarify the image people had of such children.When a child different from ordinary children is favorably accepted, it is called "Fukugo" (lucky child), literally meaning a child who brings happiness. However, if we look back to the origins of this tradition, we find that the "lucky child" was thought to bring happiness to the family through the sacrifice of the child itself. On the other hand, an unwelcomed "abnormal" child was called "Onigo" (devil child). Though a devil child was detested, it seems to have been believed that people would have a devil child after they had obtained wealth, or would be able to obtain wealth by welcoming a devil child.A child born with an abnormality was thought to be sent from the Other World, together with wealth. Therefore, stories about children who were born with an abnormality and left home were stories hinting at the decline of the fortunes of the family concerned.Also, in relation to wealth, there were examples in which people regarded children born with abnormalities as serving spirits to be used for the wealth of the family ; or identified such children with a dangerous god (God of Plague) bringing wealth to the families that welcomed the child.Rumors about children born with abnormalities can be considered to have arisen in two ways as follows : One was to explain, when a child was born with an abnormality, why such a child was born : The other was to see the reason for a sudden rise or decline in a family's fortunes in the birth of the abnormal child. In the latter case, there seems to have been examples in which the "abnormality" of the child was exaggerated more than necessary. The stories of children born with abnormalities should be examined with a wider vision, with consideration also given to rumors of "Zashikiwarashi" and animal spirits.

著者

丸山 泰明

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.174, pp.309-317, 2012-03