著者

白石 太一郎

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.80, pp.73-95, 1999-03

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墓室の内部の壁画や彫刻などが,何らかの意味でその墓を造営した人びとの他界観・来世観を反映していることはいうまでもない。この小論は,九州の装飾古墳を取り上げ,そこに表現されている絵画や彫刻の意味を追究し,その背景にある人びとの他界観を追究したものである。北・中九州の装飾古墳は,石棺系,石障系,壁画系の順に展開する。このうち5世紀代に盛行する石棺系や石障系の装飾古墳の中心となる図文は,魂を封じ込めたりまた悪しきものから被葬者を護る辟邪の機能をもつと考えられた直弧文と鏡を表わす同心円文である。やがてこれに武器・武具の図文が加わるが,これも辟邪の意味をもつものであった。また直弧文はその弧線の部分を省略した斜交線文となり,その後の装飾古墳で多用される連続三角文へと変化して行く。6世紀になると墓室内部に彩色壁画を描いた壁画系の装飾古墳が出現する。そこでも基本的なモチーフは5世紀以来の辟邪の図文であるが,新しく船や馬の絵が加わる。船のなかには大洋を航海する大船もみられ,舳先に鳥をとまらせたり,馬を乗せたものもみられる。この船と馬は死者ないしその霊魂を来世に運ぶ乗り物として描かれたものであり,海上他界の思想がこの地域の人びとの間に存在したことを物語る。6世紀後半には,一部に四神の図や月の象徴としてのヒキガエルの絵など高句麗など東アジアの古墳壁画の影響もみられるが,それは部分的なものにとどまった。一方,南九州の地下式横穴には,この地下の墓室を家屋にみたてた装飾が多用される。これはこの地域の人びとの間に地下に他界を求める思想があったことを示すものであろう。同じ九州でも北・中部と南部では,人びとの来世観に大きな相違があっことが知られるのであり,北・中九州の海上他界の考えは,海に開かれ,また東アジア諸地域との海上交易に活躍したこの地域の人びとの間で形成されたものと理解できよう。No one doubts that paintings and sculptures in a burial chamber would be a reflection of the views on death and the other world believed in by people who constructed the tomb. In this essay, I intend to discuss the meaning expressed in the paintings and sculptures of decorated tombs in Kyushu. Ultimately, I hope to approach the philosophy on death and the other world that is behind these art pieces. I will show that such philosophy was quite distinct between northern and middle Kyushu and southern Kyushu. In northern and middle Kyushu, while the ways in which tombs were decorated changed over time, the basic philosophy remained the same.The decorated tombs in northern and middle Kyushu evolved from ones characterized by decorated stone coffins, and then to those featured by a decorated stone partitioning wall inside a burial chamber, and finally to those with mural paintings.In the fifth century when decorated stone coffins and partitioning walls were prevalent, the most dominant subjects were chokkomon (combination of straight lines and arcs) and concentric circles. The former is considered to have the function of quelling the evil to confine the soul into the burial chamber and to protect the dead against evil spirit. The latter probably symbolized a mirror. As time passed, designs of weapon and armor were added to the subjects, and these also had the function of quelling the evil. Chokkomon evolved into diagonally intersecting straight lines, losing the arcs. This eventually developed into a pattern of series of triangles that would become common in later decorated tombs.In the sixth century, tombs with mural paintings appeared. The basic motif of the paintings remained that of quelling the evil. At the same time, boats and horses were adopted as subjects. Some of the boats were so large that would be appropriate to sail on the ocean. Birds perched at the bows and horses were on board. These boats and horses were meant to be a vehicle for carrying the soul to the other world. This further suggests that people in the sixth century maintained a view that the other world was located far away over the ocean.In the late sixth century, four directional deities and a toad, which was the symbol of the moon, were adopted to the subjects. The adoption was under the influence of the Asian continent, including Koguryo, but it was minor. However, the attention of the people in northern and middle Kyushu to the ocean in pursuit of their world after death probably resulted from their international interactions.In southern Kyushu underground tunnel tombs were constructed. The underground burial chambers were decorated so that the chambers looked like a residence. People in southern Kyushu sought their world after the death underground.

著者

井上 寛司

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.148, pp.193-238, 2008-12

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本稿では、筆者がかつて提起した「二十二社・一宮(いちのみや)制(王城鎮守(おうじょうちんじゅ)・国鎮守(くにちんじゅ)制)」に対する批判として提起された諸氏への反批判という観点から、①中世後期長門(ながと)国一宮制の変質・解体過程を史料に基づいて具体的に論じるとともに、②中世諸国一宮制の成立から解体に至る過程の概要を示すことを通して、中世諸国一宮制の歴史的な構造と特質とは何かについて論じた。その結果、およそ次のような点が明らかになったと考える。(1)長門国の場合、守護(しゅご)大内氏による国衙(こくが)権力機構の掌握と再編成にともなって、一宮制のあり方は大きく変化し、一宮中心の祭礼構造から府中二宮(ふちゅうにのみや)を中心とする一・二宮両社合同の祭礼構造への転換、及び国衙権力を代表して祭礼の執行に当たる神事行事武久(しんじぎょうじたけひさ)氏の登場という形で、それは現れることとなった。(2)守護大内氏の戦国大名(せんごくだいみょう)化と戦国大名毛利(もうり)氏の登場にともなって、長門国一宮制は解体期を迎えることとなるが、それは国家的神社制度の一環を構成する国鎮守の解体として評価できるものであり、そこに中世諸国一宮制の歴史的な本質が示されているということができる。(3)これを、他の諸国の事例と合わせ考えるとき、中世諸国一宮制が国家的神社制度としての本質を持つことは疑う余地のないところであり、中世国家論の観点を正しく組み込んだ一宮制分析が今後の重要な課題とされなければならないということになろう。This paper discusses the historical structure and characteristics of the ichinomiya system in provinces in the medieval period in response to criticism received from various scholars concerning the author's support of the" 22 shrine and ichinomiya system (imperial palace tutelary and provincial tutelary system)." The paper uses historical documents to discuss in detail the process of change and the demise of the ichinomiya system in Nagato Province in the latter part of the medieval period. It also outlines the process of the establishment through to the demise of the ichinomiya system in Japan's provinces during the medieval period.The subsequent findings have brought to light the following points. First, in the case of Nagato Province, the ichinomiya system changed greatly accompanying the control and reorganization of the mechanism of authority of the kokuga (provincial government office) by the Ouchi clan which held the position of shugo (military governor). The religious structure was changed from one that centered on ichinomiya shrines to a joint structure of ichinomiya and ninomiya shrines centering on ninomiya shrines at provincial offices. The Takehisa clan emerged to perform religious rites and festivals as a representative of the authority of the kokuga.Second, the ichinomiya system in Nagato Province began to disintegrate when the Ouchi clan, the shugo, became Sengoku daimyo and Sengoku daimyo from the Mori clan appeared. This can be seen as the disintegration of the provincial tutelary that formed part of the state Shinto system, which illustrates the historical essence of the provincial ichinomiya system in the medieval period.Third, when this is considered together with examples from other provinces, there can be no doubt that the provincial ichinomiya system constituted the essence of the state-instituted shrine system. Moreover, it is important that there be further study of the ichinomiya system that rightly includes the perspective of the theory of a medieval state.

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.133, pp.85-108, 2006-12

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古代の御厨における漁撈活動の実態を解明するためには,「湖沼河海」の各々の御厨を取り巻く自然環境の分析が不可欠である。自然環境の分析には,地形・気候的条件とともに,その上に展開する「生態系」,特に魚類を中心とした生物相の考察が含まれる。魚類の生態と行動(生活史・食性・場所利用など)は,古代にも遡及しうるものであり,当時の地形と漁撈技術段階との照合によって,魚種ごとの捕獲原理や漁獲時期が推定可能となる。このようにして各御厨で行われた漁法が明らかになれば,「湖沼河海」の御厨ごとの漁撈活動と,贄人の生活形態の相違が浮かび上がってくるはずである。本稿では,古代の琵琶湖に設けられた筑摩御厨を対象として,当時の地形・生息魚種の生態・漁撈技術段階を照合し,その生活実態について検討した。筑摩御厨では,春の産卵期に接岸してくるフナと,春~初夏に琵琶湖から流入河川に遡上してくるアユを漁獲対象としており,贄人の漁撈活動は,地先水面での地引網漁+上り簗漁というきわめて定着的な漁法によっていたことがわかった。御厨現地での生活実態としては,水陸の移行帯において漁撈と農耕が分かちがたく結びついた「漁+農」複合型の生業形態であったと推定される。琵琶湖岸の古代の御厨においては,漁撈のみに尖鋭化した特権的専業漁民の姿は認めがたく,古代の贄人の生活実態は,網野善彦が提起した「船による移動・遍歴を生活の基本とする海民」像とは,異なるものといえる。生業を指標とする集団の考察には,現地の環境条件との照合が不可欠であり,網野の提起した「非農業民」概念もこのような視点から再検討されるべきと考える。A study of the natural environment surrounding various mikuriya (originally cooking structures used to prepare offerings to the Emperor or deities) on the shores of lakes, rivers and the sea is indispensable when shedding light on fishing activities that took place in mikuriya from the Ancient period. In addition to topographical and climatic conditions, a study of the natural environment also includes an examination of eco-systems that developed at these sites, especially biota, with a focus on fish. Since fish ecology and its behavior (eating habits, use of places, etc) can be studied retrospectively for the Ancient period, it is possible to extrapolate fishing seasons and the principles behind the catching methods adopted for each type of fish by cross-checking the topography of the time with fishing technique stages. If this clarifies the fishing methods used at each mikuriya, a picture should emerge of fishing activities at each waterside mikuriya and differences in the lifestyles of fishermen.This paper examines the way of life in the Ancient period by cross matching the topography, the ecology of populations of fish species and the stage of fishing techniques of the time for Chikuma mikuriya erected on Lake Biwa in the Ancient period. This study revealed that Chikuma mikuriya caught crucian carp, which gathered alongside the lakeshore during the spring spawning period, and ayu, which swam from Lake Biwa up rivers flowing into the lake from spring to early summer. It also found that fishermen caught fish using a combination of dragline fishing from the site water surface and fish traps, which were extremely well established fishing techniques. As for the type of lifestyle of the people living in these mikuriya, it is surmised that they used resources of the littoral zone, leading a way of life that combined fishing and agriculture in which it was difficult to separate fishing from farming. It is difficult to find any trace of fishing people who specialized in fishing and only honed methods of catching fish. This differs from Yoshihiko Amino's portrayal of fishing people from the Ancient period, according to which "they were people who moved by boat and led an itinerant lifestyle." When studying groups to find what occupations they engaged in it is essential to validate the environmental conditions of their locations. Consequently, this perspective should be adopted for a reexamination of the concept of "non farming people" as proposed by Amino.

著者

山折 哲雄

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.49, pp.p195-208, 1993-03

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近松門左衛門の「曽根崎心中」は、元禄十六年(一七〇三)の四月七日に、大阪梅田の曽根崎天神で実際におこった事件をモデルにしている。ところがそれ以後、心中事件が多発するようになり、二十年後の享保八年(一七二三)になって心中取締令がだされた。そのうえ心中者の死骸は心中現場に近い墓所に取り捨てるべきことが申しわたされていた。なかでも道頓堀墓所には多くの心中者の遺骸がかつぎこまれ、その方面での筆頭格であった。そのためこの地域には大勢の乞食女郎非人たちが入りこみ、そこで餓死したり行き倒れたりする者があとを絶たなかった。この近世の道頓堀墓所をめぐる死体処理・死者儀礼の景観は、ある点でインド・ベナレスにおけるそれを想わせる。死者の処理をめぐって都市がどのような変貌を示すのかという点でも、その両者のあいだには不思議な照応がみられるのである。なぜなら肉体の焼尽と魂の昇天という転換の位相が、そこでは墓地を仲立ちとする半ば様式化した空間構成を通してあらわされているからである。そしてその空間構成の輪郭を明らかにするために、小論では近松の「曽根崎心中」の冒頭に掲げられている「観音廻り」の場面と、その終結部分に登場する「道行」の場面に分析を加えている。この近松の「観音廻り」と「道行」の場面が、二種の巡礼のパターンを象徴しているということに注目しよう。第一のパターンが、いわゆる霊地霊場廻りを中心とする巡礼である。この場合は「観音廻り」がそれにあたるだろう。これにたいして第二のパターンが、永遠の再生(昇天)を願う死出の旅という最後の巡礼行である。ここではそれが「道行」の場面にあたる。そしてこのような二種の巡礼のパターンがそのままベナレスにおける死者儀礼のなかにもみられることに私は着目したのである。小論はその両者を結び合せる比較研究の試みである。"Sonezaki Shinjū (The Love-Suicide at Sonezaki)" of Chikamatsu Monzaemon was modeled after an affair which actually happened at Sonezaki Tenjin (shrine dedicated to the deified spirit of Sugawara-no-Michizane), in Umeda, Ōsaka, on April 7 of Genroku 16 (1703). Thereafter, love-suicides came to occur frequently, and twenty years later, in Kyōhō 8 (1723), a Prohibitory Decree on Love-Suicide was issued. Furthermore, the order was given to abandon the bodies of love-suicides in a cemetery near the site of the suicide. The bodies of many love-suicides were carried into the Dōtonbori Cemetery, which ranked top in this respect. Because of this, a large number of beggars, prostitutes, and untouchables entered this area, and there was no end to those who died of disease or collapsed on the street.Scenes of the disposal of the body and the services for the dead in this pre-modern period remind us of the scene of Benares, India, in some respects. There can be seen a strange correspondence between them in the way the city underwent a transformation connected with the disposal of bodies, because the phase of transition between the destruction of the flesh by fire, and the ascension of the spirit, was expressed in a semi-stylized space structure through the mediation of the cemetery. To clarify the outline of the space structure, the author, in this paper, analyzes the scene of the "Pilgrimage to the Kannon" at the beginning of Chikamatsu's "Sonezaki Shinjū", and the scene of the "Lovers' Trip" at the conclusion of the piece.Let us pay attention to the fact that these scenes, the "Pilgrimage to the Kannon" and the "Lovers' Trip" by Chikamatsu, symbolize two types of pilgrimage. The first type is a pilgrimage centering on visits to so-called sacred places or sites; in this piece, the "Pilgrimage to the Kannon". The second type, on the other hand, is the final pilgrimage, that is the suicide trip of lovers who hope for eternal resurrection (ascension to Heaven); in this piece, the scene of the "Lovers' Trip". The author also notes that these two types of pilgrimage appear in exactly the same form, in the services to the dead in Benares. This paper is an attempt at a comparative study that links these two.

著者

坂本 稔 今村 峯雄 一色 史彦 若狭 幸 松崎 浩之

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.176, pp.129-140, 2012-12

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茨城県牛久市に所在する観音寺(茨城県牛久市久野町2976)は,嘉禄2年(1226),十一面観音を祀る堂として建立されたと寺伝にあり,その後大永5年(1525)に再興され,現在の本堂は宝永4年(1707)の再建によるものと考えられている。本研究では,観音寺本堂および仁王門の保存修復工事等に伴う旧部材等の保管資料の炭素14年代測定を行った結果について,棟札などの文字資料から推察されてきた建立あるいは修復時期などとの関連を比較検討した。仁王門の保存修復工事で得られた本堂側廻りの旧柱材(ケヤキ)2本の最外層の年代は炭素14-ウィグルマッチ法(¹⁴C-wiggle-matching)によりいずれも13世紀後半か,14世紀初頭に伐採された材と見られた。建立期の嘉禄2年(1226)より新しいが,再興されたとする大永5年(1525)よりはかなり古い年代となっており,「宋風彫刻」とされる十一面観音の鎌倉後期~室町期の年代と整合している。観音寺本堂の細部様式による建築時期の年代認識(鎌倉期)とも矛盾しない。また十一面観音の寄木構造の固定保持のため用いられていた竹釘(昭和の本堂保存修復時に得られ保管),同じく観音像の着衣部分の塗装面の布(麻)の年代は,寛永7年(1630)の十一面観音修理の時期に符合する結果となった。The Kannon-ji temple in Ushiku, Ibaraki Prefecture (2976 Kuno-cho, Ushiku City, Ibaraki Prefecture) was founded, according to temple legend, in 1226 as a hall to house an Eleven-Faced Kannon statue. It was rebuilt in 1525, and the present main hall is believed to date from a 1707 reconstruction. In this research, radiocarbon dating of the preserved materials such as old lumber was done in conjunction with the restoration work on the temple's main hall and the Nio Gate, and the results were compared in terms of their relationships with the construction and repair periods assumed from written records such as on the ridgepole signs.The age of the outermost layer of the two old pillars (made from Keyaki [Zelkova serrata]) from around the main hall obtained during restoration work on the Nio Gate was seen using 14C-wigglematching to both be from trees harvested around the latter half of the 13th century or the start of the 14th. They are newer than the 1226 founding of the temple, but also considerably older than the 1525 reconstruction, and instead match the late Kamakura or Muromachi date of the Eleven-Faced Kannon, which is considered to be in the Song dynasty style. The era suggests by the style of the details of the temple's main hall (Kamakura) does not contradict this either. In addition, the bamboo nails used to fix the different wooden parts of the Eleven-Faced Kannnon statue together (which were stored separately after the Showa-period restoration of the main hall) and the age of the cloth (hemp) covering the clothing parts of the Kannon statue both point to the 1630 restoration of the statue.

著者

吉田 憲司

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, pp.181-195, 1995-01

著者

岩本 通弥

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.132, pp.25-98, 2006-03

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本稿は柳田國男「葬制の沿革について」に対して示された,いわゆる両墓制の解釈をめぐって,戦後の民俗学が陥った「誤読」の構造を分析し,戦後民俗学の認識論的変質とその問題点を明らかにし,現在の民俗学に支配的な,いわゆる民俗を見る視線を規定している根底的文化論の再構築を目的とする。柳田の議論は,この論考に限らず,変化こそ「文化」の常態とみた認識に立っており,その論題にもあるように,葬制の全体的な変遷を扱うものであった。ところが戦後,民俗を変化しにくい存在として捉える認識が優勢になると,論題に「沿革」とあるにも拘らず,変遷過程=「変化」の議論と捉えずに,文化の「型」の議論と読み違える傾向が生まれ,それが通説化する。柳田の元の議論も霊肉分離と死穢忌避の観念が超歴史的に貫徹する,あたかも伝統論のように解釈されはじめる。南島の洗骨改葬習俗と,本土に周圏論的に分布する両墓制を,関連のある事象として,これを連続的に捉える議論や解釈・思考法は,1960年代に登場するが,一つの誤読を定説化させた学史的背景には,民俗を変化しにくい地域的伝統と見做す,こうした根底的文化論が混入したことに尽きている。このような理解を生み出す民俗あるいは文化を,伝統論的構造論的に把捉する文化認識は,いわゆる京都学派の文化論を介して,大政翼賛会の地方文化運動において初めて生成された認識であるが,加えて戦後のいわゆる基層文化論の誤謬的受容によって,より強固に民俗学内部に浸透,定着化する。基層文化論は柳田の文化認識に近似していたナウマンの二層化説を,正反対に読解して受容したものであり,その結果,方法的な資料操作法のレベルにおいても,観察できる現象としての形(form)を,型(type)と混同して,民俗資料の類型化論として捉えられていく。In this paper, I explain the epistemological transformation of folklore in Japan following the Second World War and the issues it raises through a study of the structure of the "misreading" by Japanese folklore surrounding the interpretation of the so-called dual grave system demonstrated in response to Kunio Yanagita' s "A History of the Burial System." The paper' s aim is to reconstruct the theory of underlying culture that prescribes the approach to folklore and dominates folklore studies at the present time. Yanagita' s argument is not limited to this discussion for it is based on the recognition that the normal state of "culture" is none other than change itself, and as suggested in the title he covered the general changes in the burial system. However, when the perception that it was difficult to change folk customs gained ascendancy following the Second World War, despite the inclusion of the word "history" in the title, the argument that the process of transition equals "change" was not understood. This gave rise to the tendency to misinterpret his argument as one concerning the "type" of culture, which became accepted. Yanagita' s primary argument began to be interpreted as a kind of theory of tradition where the concepts of the separation of the soul and body and the avoidance of the defilement of death transcended history. The debate, interpretation and school of thought that viewed the custom of reburial following washing of the bones in Japan's southern islands and the dual grave system that spread in mainland Japan following the theory that customs spread by radiating outward from Kyoto as continuous and related phenomena emerged in the 1960s. The situation where one misinterpretation was allowed to become established theory was set against an academic backdrop that mixed in the theory of underlying culture, according to which folk customs are regarded as regional traditions that do not easily change. The perception of culture that interpreted the folklore and culture responsible for this kind of understanding as traditional and structural is a perception that was first generated among the movement for regional culture promoted by the Taisei Yokusankai (The Imperial Rule Assistance Association) by way of the Kyoto school of cultural theory. On top of this, the erroneous acceptance after the war of the so-called theory of underlying culture permeated right through to the inner echelon of folklore studies and became established theory. This theory of underlying culture led to the converse interpretation and acceptance of Naumann's dual-layer thesis, which resembled Yanagita's perception of culture. The result is that even at the level of methodic approaches for manipulating data there is confusion between the form and type of observable phenomena, which continues to be used in the classification of folklore materials.

著者

岩本 通弥

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.141, pp.265-322[含 英語文要旨], 2008-03

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本稿は日本近代の産育儀礼の通史的展開として、その一大転機と位置付けられるであろう民力涵養運動期における「国民儀礼」の創出について、民俗学的観点から分析する。第一次大戦の戦後経営ともいえる民力涵養運動は、日露戦後の地方改良運動の延長と見做されたためか、近代史でも地方改良運動や後続の郷土教育運動・翼賛文化運動に比べ、研究蓄積はさほど厚くないが、民俗学的にみると、その史料には矯正すべき弊習として従前の暮らしぶりも描写されるなど、実に興味深い記述が多い。この運動は形式上、内務省の示した「五大要綱」に応じた、各県・各郡・各町村の自己変革であるため、その対応は地方毎であるが、列島周縁部では、例えば岩手県では敬神崇祖の強調で伊勢大麻を奉祭する「神棚」設置が推進され、鹿児島県では大島郡に対し、「神社ナキ地方ハ我カ皇国ノ不基ヲ定メ賜ヒタル…先賢偉人ノ神霊ヲ奉祀スヘキ神社ヲ建立スルコト」と命じるなど、一九四〇年代の神祇院体制への土台として地域的平準化が図られており、従前の竈神や納戸神・便所神などへの素朴で個別的な民間信仰は、天照の下に統合され、家内安全も豊作・安産祈願も「天照のお蔭」と思わせるような換骨奪胎過程が見てとれる。そのほか各地の記事を通覧すると、門松や注連縄、初詣や七五三、神前結婚式の普及を推奨したり、礼服規定で喪服を黒に統一するなど、今日日本で「伝統」と見做される「国民儀礼」の多くは、この期の運動によって成立するが、それまで地方毎に多様だった民俗文化を平準化し、「文化的ならし」を図る一方、自治奉告祭や出征兵士の送迎、三大節など、地域共同体に何かしらの出来事があれば、「氏神」に参集させ、新たな形式の「集団参拝」を強要するなど、私的で人的であった習俗を、公的で外部からも見える可視的な社会的儀礼へと変換させた。それは地域内階層差や初生児優遇の儀礼を平等化する一方、忠君愛国へ向けた儀礼の全国的画一化の端緒ともなった。This paper adopts a folklore perspective to examine the emergence of "national rites" during the period of the Movement for the Cultivation of National Strength (Minryoku Kanyo Undo) , which can be called one of the major turning points of Japan's modern period, in the context of the development of children's rites during that era. The Movement for the Cultivation of National Strength, which operated following the First World War, has been regarded as an extension of the Movement for Local Improvement (Chiho Kairyo Undo), which occurred after the Russo-Japanese War. This is perhaps the reason why the study Japan's modern history contains relatively little on the Movement for the Cultivation of National Strength compared to the Movement for Local Improvement or the Movement for Homeland Education (Kyodo Kyoiku Undo) and the Cultural Assistance Movement (Yokusan Bunka Undo) that followed. When the Movement for the Cultivation of National Strength is viewed from the perspective of folk studies we find many interesting descriptions, such as materials containing depictions of existing lifestyles with bad customs that should be remedied. Because the movement consisted of voluntary reforms by villages, towns, counties and prefectures throughout Japan in accordance with the Five Major Guidelines advocated by the Home Ministry, the response differed from region to region.In Iwate Prefecture, for example, due to the emphasis placed on worshipping Shinto deities and one's ancestors, people were encouraged to put up "kami-dana" dedicated to Ise Taima. In Oshima-gun in Kagoshima Prefecture, the local populace was told that places that did not have shrines were disloyal to the Japanese empire and were ordered to build shrines where the spirits of great people could be worshipped. In this way, regional standardization took place which laid the foundation for the Jingi-in of the 1940s which controlled shrines. Simple and separate folk beliefs such as belief in the "kamadogami" (tutelary deities of the hearth) and "nandogami" and "benjogami" (deities of the closet and toilet) were united under a belief in Amaterasu, the Sun Goddess. Safety within the home and prayers for an abundant harvest and for safe childbirth were also recast so that people felt indebted to Amaterasu. A survey of articles from other areas throughout the country reveals that people were encouraged put up New Year decorations such as "kadomatsu" and "shimenawa", visit a shrine on New Year's Day, take part in the Shichi-go-san children's festival and get married in a Shinto ceremony. Rules governing formal wear prescribed that all mourning dress be black. Thus, many of the "national rites" that are regarded as "traditions" in present-day Japan came about as a result of this movement, which developed "cultural practices" by standardizing folk culture that had varied widely from region to region. At the same time, the movement transformed private and individual rites to public rites that were social rites visible from the outside. For example, customs practiced by a community such those for informing deities festival, sending off and welcoming home soldiers and the celebration of the three big national holidays became occasions for gathering at ujigami shrines where a new style of "group worship" was demanded. While on the one hand this brought equality with respect to class differences within communities and rites that gave preferential treatment to the firstborn, on the other hand it can also be said to have been the beginning of the nationwide standardization of rites that paved the way for "loyalty and patriotism".

著者

川島 茂裕

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.p79-97, 1992-12

著者

佐藤 健二

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.51, pp.p71-102, 1993-11

著者

松村 敏

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.207-227, 2002-03

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明治期に賃織業者を主要な生産主体として発展した桐生絹織物業の抱えていた深刻な問題は、賃織業者による原料糸詐取問題であった。すなわち、織元(問屋)が前貸しした原料生糸の一部を窃取して生糸商人に売り渡すことが恒常化していたのである。これは、発注主である織元が賃織業者の生産活動を常時監視しえない問屋制固有の重大問題であり、この問題はまた日本に限らずヨーロッパ経済史研究においても注目され、工業の主要な生産形態が問屋制から工場制に移行していった一要因とみなす研究者さえいるほどである。この問題に関する最近の研究として、近世期に織元がこの不正に対処した方法として株仲間による多角的懲罰戦略(不正を働いた賃織業者に関する情報を織元仲間に周知させ、以後仲間全員がその賃織業者との取引を拒絶するという私的な規約・制度によりこの不正を防止せんとする戦略)を高く評価する見解が現れている。近代(明治期以降)のように公権力による契約履行と所有権の保証が十分でない近世期においては、商人たちが私的に契約履行と所有権を保証する必要があったというわけである。ところが、この多角的懲罰戦略が実際に有効に機能したかという検証はないし、じつは国家権力が法と裁判によってこれらを完全に保証するという建前になった明治期以降においても、桐生の織元たちは繰り返し近世以来の多角的懲罰戦略を試みていたのである。すなわち裁判に訴えるコストなどから近代においても国家権力(近代法)による所有権と契約履行の直接的な保証は、賃織業者のわずかな不正を抑止させるまでには貫徹しない。そこで織元たちは、依然同業組合による多角的懲罰戦略を試行した。しかしそれが手直しされつつ繰り返されることからもわかるように、これもまた有効ではなかったのである。本稿ではその過程を追いつつ、多角的懲罰戦略が有効に機能しなかった要因とその意味を考察した。During the Meiji era, the silk textile industry in Kiryu, which had developed with subcontracting weavers as a major production unit, suffered from the problem of the pick and steal of material yarn by the weavers. That is, they stole part of the material raw silk advanced by the putter-out and sold them to the raw silk merchants, and that was an everyday affair in those days. It was a serious problem peculiar to the putting-out system, in which the putter-out that gave an order was unable to always monitor the production activity of the subcontractors. This problem attracted the attention of researchers not only in the study of Japanese economic history but also in that of European one, and some even regard it as one of the factors for transition in the production form from the putting-out system to the factory system.For the recent study on this issue, in the early modern times, there was a view that highly appreciated the multiple punishment strategy by principals (the strategy to prevent the swindle by private rules and system prescribing that the information about the agent that committed a swindle be known to the guild of principal and that all principals refuse to trade with the agent), as a measure that principal took against such swindle. In the early modern times (before Meiji), when fulfillment of contracts and proprietorship were not sufficiently ensured by the official power, merchants had to ensure them privately. However, there is no evidence that such a multiple punishment strategy actually worked efficiently. In fact, even after the Meiji Restoration, when it was the principle that the state power should completely ensure fulfillment of contracts and proprietorship by law and trial, the textile manufacturers in Kiryu repeatedly tried such multiple punishment strategy. In other words, even in the modern times, due to the trial cost, etc., the direct assurance of proprietorship and fulfillment of contracts by the state power (modern law) did not thoroughly prevent small injustices of subcontracting weavers. So the manufacturers still continued trying the multiple punishment strategy by the trade association. However, as we have seen from the fact that it was repeated while being revised, the measure was not effective, either. This paper, following the process, considers the reason why the multiple punishment strategy did not work effectively and what it implied.

著者

千賀 久

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.110, pp.283-307, 2004-02

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日本の古墳から出土する飾り馬用の馬装具は,その系統の違いによって「新羅系」と「非新羅系」とに大きく分けられるが,その主流となるのは後者の特徴をもつ馬具である。この分類基準は,朝鮮半島の5世紀後半以降の馬具の製作地の違いを示す要素として,金斗喆氏が提示したものであり,「新羅系」馬具は主に高句麗と新羅,そして加耶の一部の馬具に見られ,「非新羅系」馬具は主に百済と加耶に集中するという傾向があるので,日本の馬装具の系譜を知る際にも有効な分類といえる。本論では,このうち「非新羅系」馬具を取り上げて,まず,日本出土のf字形鏡板付轡と剣菱形杏葉の故地の候補地である大加耶圏の馬装具の変遷のなかで,同地域で馬具の改造が頻繁に行われていたことに注目した。その多くは,「新羅系」・新羅製馬具から「非新羅系」への作り替えであり,その背景には百済地域からの強い影響が考えられ,特に高句麗との戦いで百済が一時的に滅ぼされた5世紀後半には,その難を逃れた工人を受け入れたことによる大加耶圏の工房の変容を想定した。また,剣菱形杏葉が考案された地域については,韓国での百済古墳の実年代観に議論の余地を残しているが,百済の公州地域でf字形鏡板と同時に創作された可能性のほうが強いと考えた。そして,日本列島にもたらされたf字形鏡板・剣菱形杏葉の馬装具は,百済から直接きたものと,百済製品が大加耶圏を経由してきた場合,さらに大加耶圏でそれらが模倣されたものが運ばれた場合とが想定できる。また6世紀前半には,新羅の心葉形鏡板・杏葉の馬装具が大加耶圏で改造されたものが,日本の楕円形の飾り馬具に系譜的につながると考えた。このように,5世紀後半から6世紀前半ごろまでの日本の馬装具の系譜は,まず百済に,その後は大加耶圏に求められた。これは,当時の朝鮮半島情勢のなかで,日本列島の倭と友好関係を維持していた地域を知るうえで有効な資料となる。Ornamental horse gear that has been excavated from burial mounds in Japan is broadly classified into one of two categories depending on differences in their origin. These relics are classified as either "Silla-type" or "non-Silla type", with the majority possessing characteristics found in the latter category. The criteria for these categories are based on elements indicating differences in the regions where horse gear was made on the Korean Peninsula from the second half of the 5th century, which have been put forward by Mr. Kim Doo-Chul (金斗喆). Horse gear belonging to the "Silla-type" are thought to be those from Koguryo and Silla and some parts of Gaya, while "non-Silla type" horse gear tend to be concentrated in Paekche and Gaya. These categories are most useful when determining the origin of horse gear discovered in Japan.This paper examines horse gear of the "non-Silla type", by first paying particular attention to the frequent modifications that were made to horse gear in Dae-Gaya, which has been nominated as the likely place of origin of bridles with f-shaped cheek pieces and diamond-shaped horse accessories that have been excavated in Japan. Most of this gear has been remade into the "non-Silla type" after having originally been made as horse gear fitting the "Silla-type" category. It is believed that strong influences from the Paekche region were at play here. In particular, during the second half of the 5th century when Paekche was temporarily decimated in a war with Koguryo, it is believed that the influx of craftsmen into Dae-Gaya who were fleeing the troubles there transformed the craft. Although there is ongoing debate as to the age of Paekche burial mounds in Korea, it is considered highly likely that the diamond-shaped horse ornaments were made in the Kongju (公州) region of Paekche at the same time as the f-shaped cheek pieces were made.It is assumed that the f-shaped cheek pieces and diamond-shaped accessories that were brought to the Japanese Archipelago were either brought directly from Paekche or, in the case of articles that were made in Paekche but came via Dae-Gaya, it was the imitations of these articles that were made in Dae-Gaya that were brought to Japan. It is also believed that horse gear such as heart-shaped bridles and ornaments made in Silla but modified in Dae-Gaya in the early part of the 6th century have historical links to Japanese horse gear that is cylindrical in shape.In this way, the origins of horse gear in Japan dating from the second half of the 5th century through to the early part of the 6th century are to be found first in Paekche, and then later in Dae-Gaya. These are most useful materials for learning about the regions that maintained friendly relations with the Japanese state of Wa amid the ever-changing state of affairs in the Korean Peninsular at that time.

著者

小島 美子

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.p375-388, 1991-11

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日本民謡には,一般に西物と東物の違いがあるといわれているが,私は以前に山口県と秋田県の民謡を例として,『日本民謡大観』所載の民謡を分析し,音階や旋律法などいろいろな点でこの2つにはやはり大きな違いがあることを明らかにした。本稿では,県全体としては西物の特徴をもつ山口県の民謡を,さらに日本海側の長州地方,瀬戸内海側の周防地方に分けて同じ資料を集計し直し,日本海側と瀬戸内海側では違いがないかどうかを調べてみた。その場合,前論文でもっとも鮮やかな違いが現われた音階を本稿ではとり上げた。資料の多少や,民謡の種類による音階の偏りなど,偶然的要因を考慮しても,なお違いがはっきりしていたからである。その結果,長州では周防よりも民謡音階がかなり大きい割合を占めることがわかった。そのため日本海側に隣接する島根県と,瀬戸内海側に隣接する広島県の民謡の音階を分析してみた。その結果,島根県の民謡は圧倒的に民謡音階の世界であることが明らかになった。とくに島根県の東半分にあたる出雲では,秋田県を超えるほどの高い比率で民謡音階が現われた。これに対して広島県側では,民謡音階の曲が約半数あり,律音階系の曲(律音階とその変種,都節音階とその変種を含む)が残り半分を占めていた。やはり日本海側と瀬戸内海側では大きな差が現われたわけである。これらの結果をいささか飛躍して,音階が比較的変わり難い要素であることを考え,日本音楽の起源の問題にまで広げて考えてみると,民謡音階の民謡を歌っていた人々は,日本海側の地に入り,そのまま瀬戸内海側に進むのではなく,東に進んだ可能性も考えられるし,日本海側には継続的に民謡音階の刺激があった可能性なども考えられるのではないかと思われる。またこれらの音階分析の過程で,核音とテトラコルドの存在が不明確な例が約20曲現われた。このような形はこれまでもまったくなかったわけではないが,この場合のようにまとまって現われた例は珍しく,今後音階上の問題として検討する必要があるだろう。It is generally said that there are differences in Japanese folk songs between the western group and the eastern group. I have analyzed folk songs contained in the "Complete Collection of Japanese Folk songs", taking examples from the songs of Yamaguchi and Akita prefectures, and have clarified that there is a large difference between them in the scales and melodies.In this paper, I have classified the folk songs of Yamaguchi prefecture, which have the characteristics of the western group as a whole, into those of the Chōshū region on the Japan Sea side and those of the Suō region on the Inland Sea side. I then collected the statistics of the two groups again to determine whether there was any difference between them. For the purpose of this study, I used the scale which showed the most distinct characteristic in my previous paper. The scales showed clear distinctions even after considering accidental factors, such as the volume of materials, and imbalance of scales according to the types of folk songs.My results showed that the Minyō (folk song) scales accounted for a considerably larger part of the folk songs in the Chōshū region than the Suō region. I then analyzed the folk song of Shimane prefecture, adjacent to Yamaguchi prefecture on the Japan Sea side, and that of Hiroshima prefecture, adjacent on the Inland Sea side. The results showed that the Minyō scale is found in an overwhelmingly large part of the folk songs in Shimane prefecture. In particular, in the Izumo region, which corresponds to the eastern half of Shimane prefecture, the Minyō scales appeared with a very high ratio, almost exceeding that of Akita prefecture. On the other hand, in Hiroshima prefecture, the Minyō scales appeared in about half of the songs examined, and the Ritsu-type scales (including the Ritsu scale and its variations, and the Miyakobushi <capital city melody> scale and its variations) accounted for the remaining half. A large difference has been seen again between the Japan Sea side and the Inland Sea side.Considering that the scale is an element rather difficult to change, and admitting a certain extent of logic jumping with these results in considering the problem of the origin of Japanese music, the people who sang songs with the Minyō scale entered the country on the Japan Sea side, and instead of proceeding to the Inland Sea side, they possibly proceeded to the east. Or it is possible that there was a continuous flow of people who sang folk songs with the Minyō scale to the Japan Sea side.Also in the process of this analysis, I found that the existence of nuclear notes and tetracords was not clear in about 20 pieces. Such examples existed elsewhere, but it was rare for them to appeare in such a large number as in this case. This problem will require further discussion as to how it relates to the scales.

著者

本康 宏史

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.147, pp.269-314, 2008-12

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本稿では、まず、「戦争と神社」をめぐる研究史で、さきの「資料報告書」(戦争体験の記録と語りに関する資料論的研究)の項目をも踏まえ、近代日本の戦争研究史における、神社との関係にかかわる研究蓄積・研究動向の紹介と、その中での「営内神社」研究の現状と意味を指摘する。ついで、営内神社の創建と展開―軍隊の駐留と神社―では、営内神社の沿革と諸相について簡単に触れ、「軍都」金沢の営内神社、すなわち、①歩兵第七連隊の歩七忠魂社と、②第九師団特科隊の営内神社(功久神社・工兵連隊、貴勲神社・騎兵連隊、燦勲神社・山砲連隊、輜勲神社・輜重兵連隊)の事例を紹介する。その際、「軍都」としての地方都市のさまざまなあり方を確認するためにも、金沢のほかに、豊橋(歩兵第十八連隊の彌健神社・陸軍教導学校の豊秋津神社)、福知山(歩兵第二十連隊の鎮国神社)など、営内神社の痕跡の残る都市の事例を紹介して、比較検討の視点を確保したい。さらに、営内神社の「記憶」と地域では、営内神社の系譜に関して、①稲荷信仰・八幡信仰との関係、②艦内神社と一宮の関係などを紹介したうえで、戦後の「記憶」について、記念碑や聞き取りをベースに分析する。具体的には、「歩七忠魂社の記憶」として、石川護国神社の記念碑や連隊誌の編纂などを、さらに、「輜勲神社の戦後」に関しては、戦後の引き揚げと「平和町」の誕生を背景に、功久神社、貴勲神社、燦勲神社が輜勲神社に合祀され、「平和神社」と改称(再建、再編)、維持される経緯について検証する。最後に、営内神社の系譜を「艦内神社」を含め考察し、今後の課題を整理する。As a study of the history of research on "war and shrines", the first part of this paper introduces research and research trends associated with shrines in the context of the history of research on Japan's wars in the modern period and also in relation to items in the "Report on Written Materials" published earlier. It also considers the current status and meaning of research into "military shrines".In the second part, which examines the construction and development of military shrines in association with the stationing of the military and Shinto religious beliefs, a brief outline is given of the history of military shrines and the military shrines that existed in the "military city" of Kanazawa. Namely, it introduces the examples of the Chukon-sha of the 7th Infantry Regiment and the military shrines of the special regiments of the 9th Division (Norihisa Shrine of the engineers regiment, Kikun Shrine of the cavalry regiment, Sankun Shrine of the mountain artillery regiment and Shikun Shrine of the transport regiment). In order to corroborate the various features of this provincial "military city", examples of cities where the remains of military shrines exist, including Toyohashi (the 18th Regiment's Yaken Shrine and the Military Academy's Toyoakitsu Shrine) and Fukuchiyama (Chinkoku Shrine) are introduced to provide a comparative perspective.In the third part on "memories" of military shrines and the community, the genealogy of military shrines is introduced by looking at their associations with Inari and Hachiman religious beliefs and the relationship between shrines on navy vessels and Ichinomiya shrines. A study of post-war "memories" is undertaken based on memorials and oral histories. More specifically, "memories of the 7th infantry regiment's Chukon-sha" are studied using memorials in the Ishikawa Gokoku Shrine and the compilation of regimental journals. As for the Shikun Shrine during the post-war period, an examination is made of the merging of Norihisa Shrine, Kikun Shrine and Sankun Shrine into Shikun Shrine against the backdrop of the withdrawal of the military after the war, the ensuing birth of a "town of peac" and the changing of the shrine's name to Heiwa Shrine accompanying its reconstruction and reorganization.

著者

福原 敏男

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.50, pp.p137-177, 1993-02

被引用文献数

1

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細男(人間が演ずる芸能と傀儡戯)は日本芸能史上の謎の一つである。従来は九州の八幡宮放生会の視点より理解され、九州より近畿に伝播したという暗黙の理解があった。それに対して本稿では、人間の芸細男は奈良・京都の大寺社における芸能構成の一つとして成立した、とみる。東大寺では九世紀末、京の御霊会では一一世紀にみられ、一二世紀には白面覆と鼓の細男が確認できる。春日若宮祭礼でも平安期より祭礼に登場している。宇佐八幡宮放生会には、近畿より人間芸細男が伝播し、元寇撃退の神威発揚を象徴する儀礼として神話的に意味付けらた。これは八幡縁起や縁起絵の変貌と軌を一にするものであった。柞原八幡や阿蘇の細男は宇佐より伝播した。大鳥社・諏訪社・杵築社へは、一宮・国衙型祭祀の一環として伝播した。一方、鎌倉期には石清水八幡宮を中心に傀儡戯の細男が確認できる。それは大山崎神人が勤める日使頭祭において演じられ、二体の傀儡(武内と高良神)の打ち合わせである。鎌倉期の宇佐放生会にも傀儡戯が存在したが、これは細男とは認識されていない。宇佐の傀儡や細男は百太夫を祀った。柞原八幡の細男は傀儡戯ではないが、ここにも傀儡の痕跡があり、善神王や武内が傀儡の神であった。細男と傀儡とは不可分の関係であり、人間芸の細男舞は傀儡神を和ませる意味をもっていたといえる。宇佐の放生会頓宮における夷社や柞原八幡の浜殿における善神王や武内大神は、放生会に立つ市・市神としての夷・夷を斎く傀儡の関係を象徴している。Sei-no-o, a dance performed by human being and marionette, is one of the riddles in the history of Japanese performing art. Conventionally, Sei-no-o has been understood from the viewpoint of Hōjōe (ceremony in which captured animals and fish are released to mountains, fields, ponds, rivers, etc. on the basis of Buddhist thought) at the Hachiman Shrine in Kyūshū, and there was an implicit understanding that it was transmitted from Kyūshū to the Kinki District. In contrast to this understanding, the author considers that Sei-no-o performed by human beings came into being as one of the artistic elements at large temples and shrines in Nara and Kyōto. Sei-no-o dates back to the end of the 9th century at the Tōdai-ji Temple, and to the 11th century at the Goryōe (ceremony to placate revengeful spirits) in Kyōto. The existence in the 12th century of Sei-no-o with a white mask and a drum has been proven. At the Wakamiya Festival of the Kasuga Shrine, Sei-no-o appeared at festivals from the Heian period on. In the Middle Ages, Sei-no-o was also seen at the Hōryū-ji Temple.The Sei-no-o performed by human beings was transmitted from the Kinki District to the Hōjōe of the Usa Hachiman Shrine, where it was given a mythological significance as a ceremony symbolizing the enhancement of divine prestige after the repulsion of the Mongol invasions. It followed the same pattern as the transformation of the Hachiman Engi (History of the Hachiman Shrine) and its illustrated history. Sei-no-o was also transmitted from Usa to Yusuhara Hachiman and Aso. It was transmitted to Ōtori, Suwa and Kitsuki Shrines as a part of the religious rites of the first-local-shrine and local-government type.On the other hand, the existence of Sei-no-o performed by a marionette in the Kamakura period centering around the Iwashimizu Hachiman Shrine can be proven. It was performed by two marionettes (Takeuchi and Korashin) at the Hinotō Festival served by Oyamazaki Jinin (subordinates at the shrine of Oyamazaki). Marionette performances also existed at the Hōjōe of Usa in the Kamakura period, but these are not recognized as Sei-no-o. The marionette performances and Sei-no-o of Usa were dedicated to Hyakudayū (guardian deity of marionette players). The Sei-no-o of Yusuhara Hachiman Shrine is not a marionette performance, either ; however, traces of marionette performance do remain, and Zenjinō and Takeuchi were the gods of marionette players. Sei-no-o and marionettes were inseparably related to each other, and it can be said that the Sei-no-o dance by human beings had the meaning of placating the gods of marionettes. The gods Zenjinō and Takeuchi Okami (the great god of Takeuchi) at the Ebisu Shrine in the Tongu (temporary shrine) of the Hōjōe of the Usa Hachiman Shrine, and at the Hamadono of the Yusuhara Hachiman Shrine, symbolize the relationship between the market established at the Hōjōe, Ebisu as the god of commerce, and the marionettes that serve Ebisu.

著者

薗部 寿樹

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

no.77, pp.27-52, 1999-03

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本論文は、文書の署判の位置に書かれた村落集団の名の下に付された判(「惣判」)や印(「惣印」)について考察したものである。村落が外部に発給した文書の署判の位置に書かれた村落名や村落集団名は、差出人特定のための地名表記にすぎない場合がある。そのために本論文では、単一の村落集団内部で文書としての機能(作成・伝達・伝来)が基本的に完結する村落内部文書に考察対象を限定した。村落内部文書の署判の位置には単なる村落名表記はほとんどなく、村落集団の名称や「定文言」、「衆議文言」が書かれる例が多い。村落集団名の署、定文言、衆議文言などの「惣中文言」は、村落集団の文書制定の意思を署判の位置で明示するものであった。惣判は、一六世紀以降、年寄衆・座衆身分の年寄が、惣中文言に単独で据えた判である。それは、中近世移行期村落の動揺に対して、年寄衆・座衆身分集団がとった村落運営維持策のひとつであった。一七世紀初頭に惣印があらわれる。惣印は、一五世紀末期の都市惣判の形成を背景に、朱印状や都市からの影響による捺印慣行の村落への浸透を直接的な要因として成立した。惣判と惣印は、いずれも惣中文言の正当性を担保するもので、両者に本質的な相違はない。一七世紀中期に惣中文言及び惣判・惣印が消滅し、かわって村落名に判や私印を加えた「村落名署判」が成立する。さらに一八世紀中期、村の名や村の役職名を印文とする「村の公印」が成立する。ただし、村の公印が作られず、村落名署判のまま近代を迎える村が多い。最後に、村落関係文書全般における惣判・惣印の検討、百姓等申状の署判と惣中文言及び惣判との関連、村落名署判へ変化する背景などの課題を提示した。This paper discusses the "Sou-han" and the "Sou-in", which are the seals imprinted under the names of a village group at the signature position in documents.Village names or village group names given at the signature position in documents, when they are issued outside the community, are often written simply to specify the sender's name. Therefore the author limits the discussion to an internal document whose functions (documentation, transmission and preservation) are complete within a village group. In case of internal village-documents, village name descriptions are scarcely observed. Instead, in many cases are found the names of the village group together with the "Sadame-mongon", or the "Shugi-mongon". The "Souchū-mongon" include signatures of the village group name, Sadame-mongon and Shugi-mongon. They were intended to stress the enactment of village documents by locating them at the position of the seal.The Sou-han, being found since the 16th century, is a seal which Tosiyori in the ranks of Tosiyori-shu and Za-shu imprinted personally in the Souchū-mongon. This procedure was one of the policies by which the group of Tosiyori-shu and Za-shu intended to maintain the village management, coping with the shake-up in the transitional periods from the medieval to the modern.The Sou-in appears in the beginning of the 17th century. It originates from the Tosi-Souhan established in cities at the end of the 15th century. The Sou-in becomes established under the direct influence of the Shuinjou and with the spread of seal use from cities to counties. The Sou-han and Sou-in are used to secure the justification of the Souchū-mongon, and there are no practical difference between the two.During the middle of the 17th century, the Souchū-mongon, Souhan and Sou-in disappear, followed by the establishment of the "Sonrakumei-shohan", which features a seal or a private seal printed with the village's name. Then in the middle of the 18th century, the "Village's official seal" appears. It includes the names of villages or the official positions. Many villages, however, arrived at the modern age without having village's official seals.Several issues remain to be discussed in the future : an examination of the Sou-han and Sou-in on village documents in general, the relation between seals on farmer's allegation documents and the Souchū-mongon and Souhan, and the background that gave rise to the change to the Sonrakumei-shohan.

著者

吉川 真司

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.134, pp.7-26[含 英語文要旨], 2007-03

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本稿は、大極殿で行なわれた儀式を素材として、日本古代史の時期区分を論じ、とりわけ四字年号時代(七四九〜七七〇)の時代相を明らかにしようとするものである。第一章では、即位儀・朝賀儀において大極殿前庭に列立された七基の宝幢について再考する。私はかつて、(一)宝幢の基礎部分は常設の美しい構築物であったこと、(二)平城宮には中央区・東区という二つの大極殿院があるが、両区ともに宝幢樹立が認められること、などを論じた。これに対して金子裕之は、吉川説は遺構解釈において重大な過誤を犯しているとし、平城宮中央区大極殿院で宝幢が立てられたこと、東区大極殿院で宝幢基礎部分が常設されたこと、そのいずれをも否定する。また西本昌弘は、中央区大極殿院の宝幢遺構は称徳朝の西宮に伴うものとする新たな解釈を提示した。これらの反論を逐一吟味したところ、ともに遺構解釈のポイントと言うべき、同位置で何度も立て替えがなされる宝幢の特異性が十分配慮されておらず、私見を改める必要はないという結論に達した。さらに宝幢と一連の荘厳施設である衛府儀仗については、その意匠が一新されたのは天平宝字二年のことと考えられ、藤原仲麻呂政権の唐風化政策との関わりから理解することができるのであって、金子の強調する桓武朝の画期性はさほど重視できない。第二章では、これまで検討が手薄であった、大極殿での仏教儀礼について検討する。平安時代、大極殿法会の中心となったのは御斎会であり、それは年頭における最勝王経講讃の儀として、称徳朝に始修されたと考えられる。御斎会の意義は、その空間構造から理解されねばならない。いくつかの復原案を取捨しつつ考察したところ、(一)天皇御座の高御座が盧舎那仏の仏座に用いられ、(二)高御座を置く方形の壇が須弥壇とされ、(三)大極殿全体が「講堂」と呼ばれる仏堂に変じ、さらに(四)朝堂院が僧房・供養所などに利用される、といった特徴が確認できた。すなわち、講堂・食堂・僧房という主要施設をもつ仮設寺院が、毎年正月の一週間、古代王宮の中枢部に出現した訳であり、法会の連動性から考えて、この仮設寺院は諸国国分寺を統括する「総国分寺」的な役割を果たしていたと評価することができる。画期的な大極殿利用法と言えようが、それは称徳朝の「仏教政治」下の異常事態ではない。平安時代にそのまま年中行事として定着することからすれば、仏教を一つの原動力とする「文明化」の到達点の表現であったと考えられる。一・二章における大極殿儀式の検討は、主たる素材と論点を全く異にしているが、時期区分論については同じ方向性を有している。それは光仁・桓武朝の画期性を強調しすぎることへの異議であり、かつその直前に位置する四字年号時代の再評価である。私見によれば、四字年号時代、特にその頂点とも言える称徳朝は「奈良時代の袋小路」ではなく、きわめて先鋭的・躍動的・創造的な時代であった。王権への権力集中、国家財政の富裕化、中国文明への没入などを伴いつつ、それまでの「文明化」過程が総括され、平安時代の政治・文化・宗教の直接の基盤がこの時期に生み出された。光仁・桓武朝も確かに小画期と認められようが、余りにそればかりを強調すると、桓武の宣揚した「王朝交替の物語」に取り込まれる結果となりかねないのである。This paper examines the classification of periods in ancient Japanese history based on ceremonies performed at the Daigokuden with the aim of clarifying the periods that existed between 749 and 770 when four-character period names were adopted in accordance with the Chinese system.The first section reinvestigates the seven decorative banners (hodo) that stood in a row in front of the Daigokuden when accession rituals and the Choga ceremony on New Year's Day were held. The author previously argued that 1) the foundations of the banners were beautiful permanent structures; and 2) although there were two Daigokuden-in in Heijo Palace ― one in the central precinct and one in the eastern precinct ― it is accepted that banners stood in both areas. Hiroyuki Kaneko has attacked this argument saying that it commits a serious error with regard to the interpretation of the ancient remains. He rejects that banners were erected at the Daigokuden-in in the central precinct of Heijo Palace and also rejects that the foundations of the banners at the Daigokuden-in in the eastern precinct were permanent structures. Masahiro Nishimoto had advanced a new interpretation that suggests that the remains of the banners at the Daigokuden-in in the central precinct are associated with the Nishinomiya during the reign of Empress Shotoku. Following a detailed examination of these criticisms, the author has reached the conclusion that there his no need to amend his opinion because they take insufficient account of the specific properties of the banners that would have been reerected time and time again on the same site. Thus, the argument rests on the interpretation of the ancient remains. Furthermore, with respect to the banners and the imperial guard units, it is believed that their design was revamped in the second year of the Tempyo Hoji era and that they can be understood in the context of their association with the Fujiwara no Nakamaro administration's policies for Chinese acculturation. Consequently, not much credibility can be given to the importance of the Kammu era attached by Kaneko.The second section examines Buddhist ceremonies held at the Daigokuden, a subject that has received scant attention to date. During the Heian period, Gosai-e ceremonies were the main Buddhist services held at Daigokuden. It is believed that it was during the reign of Empress Shotoku that they were first held at the start of the year for reading the Saisho Okyo sutra. The significance of the Gosai-e must be understood in terms of its spatial structure. The author was able to confirm the following features by looking at several plans for its restoration: 1) The imperial throne was used as the throne for the Vairocana Buddha; 2) the square platform on which the imperial throne was placed was regarded as a shumidan ― a platform on which a Buddha was seated; 3) the entire Daigokuden became a Buddhist hall called a "kodo"; and 4) the Chodo-in was used as living quarters for Buddhist monks and for memorial services. That is to say, for one week every New Year a temporary temple containing the important facilities of a hall, dining hall and living quarters appeared in the central area of imperial palaces during the ancient period. Viewed from the perspective of Buddhist services, we may regard this temporary temple as serving as the main Kokubun-ji temple for the Kokubun-ji temples located in each province. Although one would like to call this an innovative method of using the Daigokuden, it was not out of the usual within the "Buddhist politics" of the reign of Empress Shotoku. Viewed from the perspective of these same services becoming established as a yearly event during the Heian period, it represented an end point of "civilization" for which Buddhism was one of the driving forces.Even though the main materials and points of contention in the examination of Daigokuden ceremonies in sections one and two are completely different, they point in the same direction in terms of the debate on the classification of periods. They dispute the excessive emphasis placed on the epochal qualities of the Konin and Kammu eras, and, moreover, re-evaluate the period of four-character period names that comes immediately before. The author contends that this period, especially its zenith at the time of the reign of Empress Shotoku, was not the "cul-de-sac of the Nara period," but instead was a radical, active and creative period. It was during this period that along with the concentration of authority in the imperial throne, the wealth of state finances and the preoccupation with Chinese civilization that brought together the process of "civilization" up until that time created an immediate foundation for the politics, culture and religions of the Heian period. The Konin and Kammu eras should also be acknowledged as eras of some importance, but if we stress only these eras we run the risk of becoming caught up in the "Tale of the Changing Imperial Dynasties" promoted by Emperor Kammu.

著者

石黒 立人

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.149, pp.335-348, 2009-03

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大規模集落には三つの類型があり,中期Ⅰ~中期Ⅲにかけて集住複合型,中期Ⅳに集住単純型,後期に分散複合型が現れる。集住複合型は自然成長的にではなく,多数の自立的な単位が集合して,当初から大規模な集落として成立した。それは"諸生産"を可能にするためであり,朝日遺跡では生業・手工業生産も集約化されて構成単位の多数性も大小の区画により整序された。自立的な単位が占地する小区画が大区画によってまとまる重層的な構成は墓域のまとまりと調和しており,大形方形周溝墓を核とする規模格差による構造化は高い統合度を現わしている。朝日遺跡が10km圏を超えてさまざまな影響を与えた背景こそ,多種多様な系譜をもつ諸要素を統合し融合させたからであり,それも"諸生産"の一部であった。集住単純型は人口動態の大規模変動に対応したものである。集住複合型の解体は凹線紋系土器の波及に示される《外圧》によって引き起こされたのであり,諸集団の通過や再結集,再配置への通過点が集住単純型であった。移動の継起点ではあったが,"生と死"が結び合う集落としての自己完結性に乏しいために大形掘立柱建物を軸とする象徴空間を必要とした。分散複合型は,典型的には環濠集落群として,あるいは環濠集落と非環濠集落からなる1km圏程度のまとまりとして構成される自立的な集落の結合体であり,単体としての大規模集落ではない。中期Ⅳ以降の集団再編成の中で,集落間分業の進展と集団間の序列化の中核になった。以上の経緯をたどって推移する大規模集落とは,離合集散を続ける集団のその時々の固有の条件に対応した現れであった。There are three types of large-scale Yayoi settlements: 1) compound-type settlements that existed from Middle I through Middle III; 2) the simple clusters of dwellings of Middle IV; and 3) scattered compound-type settlements in Late Yayoi.Compound-type settlements did not develop naturally, but were large settlements from the outset that were formed by the coming together of many independent units. This was to enable "various production." At the Asahi Site, the many units that were production collectives producing daily necessities and handcrafts were also organized in blocks of varying sizes. Large blocks with a stratified structure formed by bringing together independent units occupying small blocks are consistent with the organization of burial precincts. Structuring using differences in scale centered on large rectangular tomb mounds surrounded by a ditch is a manifestation of strong integration. It is precisely due to the various influences on the Asahi Site covering more than 10 kilometers that elements with a wide variety of genealogies were integrated, and this too was part of its "various production."Simple clusters of dwellings came about in response to massive changes in population dynamics. The demise of compound-type settlements was brought about by "outside pressure" as indicated by the spread of combed-pattern pottery, and these simple clusters of dwellings were a point of transition for the passage, regrouping and relocation of various groups. Although they were sites of successive migration, because they were not self-contained settlements where "life and death" took place, they required symbolic spaces centered on buildings with large earthfast posts.Scattered compound-type settlements were typically moated settlements or a combination of independent settlements made up of a group of moated and non-moated settlements covering an area of around one kilometer. On their own they were not large settlements. When groups were being restructured after Middle IV, they formed the nucleus of advances in the division of labor between settlements and the creation of a hierarchy among groups.Large settlements, which changed in the ways described above, responded to the intermittent and inherent conditions of groups which continued to assemble and disperse.

著者

日比野 光敏

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.162, pp.271-295[含 英語文要旨], 2011-01

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ドジョウは人間にとってたいへん身近な存在である。ドジョウというと子どもたちは,丸い頭と口のまわりのヒゲ,そして丸い尻尾を描くことであろう。大人にとっても,ドジョウすくいなどで親しみ深く扱われてきた。ドジョウ鍋やドジョウ汁,あるいは蒲焼きなどとしてドジョウを食べることも,全国各地で見られた。また,めずらしいと思われるかもしれないが,ドジョウをすしにすることもあった。そのいくつかは,まだ健在である。ところが,その多くは,じゅうぶんな記録もされぬままに,消えてなくなろうとしている。本稿はドジョウずしを取り上げ,これらの正確なレシピを書きとどめることを第一目標とする。筆者はこれまでに,ドジョウ(マドジョウ)のすしを長野県佐久市,愛知県豊山町,滋賀県栗東市,大阪府豊中市,兵庫県篠山市で調査した。また,シマドジョウやホトケドジョウのすしを栃木県宇都宮市で,アジメドジョウのすしを福井県大野市,岐阜県下呂市で調査した。その結果言えることは,ひと口に「ドジョウのすし」といっても,その作り方は一様ではない。それはすしの種類からみても,実に多くの形態に及んでいることがわかった。その上で,ドジョウずしが消えてゆく理由,さらにはドジョウが語るものを考えてみる。ドジョウはほかの淡水魚に比べ,特殊な存在である。体型は,われわれが食べ慣れているフナやモロコとは違って細長い。多くの大人たちが「魚は食べるもの」という情報は知っていても,その姿かたちはフナやモロコのように「魚の形」をしているものであって,ドジョウのように細長いものではない。それゆえ,食べることには,よくも悪くも,抵抗感がある。加えて,子どもたちはドジョウを可愛らしく描く。保育園や学校では,日記をつけて観察させることもある。そんな「可愛い動物」を,なぜ食べなければならないか。ドジョウを食べることは,罪悪感まで生み出してしまう。かつては,自然に存在するものすべてが,われわれの「餌」であった。ドジョウだって同じである。ゆえに,自然に対して感謝したり恐れおののいたりする崇拝まで生まれた。だが,現在はどうか。自然に対する畏敬の念が,子どものみならず大人でさえも,なくなってしまった。結果,ドジョウは「可愛いもの」,もしくは逆に「普通の魚とは違う,異様な魚」となり,少なくとも「食べる存在」ではなくなってしまったのではあるまいか。ドジョウずしが消えてしまった原因は,あくまでも人間が作り出したものである。ドジョウは,静かにこのことを物語っているのではないだろうか。The loach is very familiar to humans. Children always draw pictures of the loach with a round head, barbel around the mouth, and round tail. The loach is also familiar to adults because of the loach scooping game, etc.Eating the loach in a pot, soup, or grilled is seen everywhere in Japan. It may seem unusual, but loach sushi is also made. Some such sushi still exists. However, many of them are about to disappear without being recorded. This article focuses on loach sushi, and the first goal is to accurately document recipes.I investigated loach sushi (Misgurnus anguillicaudatus) in Saku City, Nagano Prefecture, Toyoyamacho, Aichi Prefecture, Ritto City, Shiga Prefecture, Toyonaka City, Osaka Prefecture, and Sasayama City, Hyogo Prefecture. I also investigated spined loach sushi ( Cobitis biwae) and Japanese eight-barbel loach sushi (Lefua echigonia) in Utsunomiya City, Tochigi Prefecture, as well as Ajimeloach sushi (Niwaella delicata) in Ono City, Fukui Prefecture, and Gero City, Gifu Prefecture. As a result, it was confirmed that there are various recipes for loach sushi. Judging from the types of loach sushi, it is clear that there are so many different versions.Based on the above, I would like to consider the reason why loach sushi is disappearing, and the message conveyed by the loach.The loach is unique compared to other freshwater fish. It is long and thin unlike crucian carp (Carassius) and moroko (chub) which we are used to eating. Although we adults know that fish is something to eat, we think that the fish must have the shape of a typical fish like crucian carp and moroko unlike the loach which is long and thin. Therefore, we hesitate to eat the loach for various reasons.Furthermore, children draw endearing pictures of the loach. In some nursery schools and elementary schools, children observe the loach to write a diary. Why do we have to eat such endearing creatures? Eating the loach makes us feel guilty.Anciently, everything in nature was food for us, including the loach. Thus, we worshipped nature with a feeling of gratitude or awe. But today, not only children but also adults have lost the feeling of awe toward nature. As a result, the loach has become "something endearing," or adversely "strange fish different from common fish," and it is no longer considered as "something to eat" at least.The disappearance of loach sushi can be attributed to humans alone. I believe that this is the silent message conveyed by the loach.

著者

弓場 紀知

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.p191-218, 1985-03

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The island of Okinoshima in the Genkai Sea was an ancient place for worship from the fourth century to the tenth century. Approximately 100,000 relics were found from three excavations that took place from 1954 to 1971. The relics varied greatly: There were mirrors; steel weapons; tools; glass beads; ancient accessories such as magatama and talc stones; pottery such as sueki and hajiki; ritual implements made of steel, bronze and gilt bronze; imported gilt bronze harnesses; glassware; T'ang vases decorated in three-color glaze; and gilt bronze finials of dragon heads.The paper focuses especially on gilt bronze finials in the shape of dragon heads and studies similar relics, and how they were worshipped and imported.A pair of dragon heads was excavated from No.5 site at Okinoshima. One finial was 19.5cm. long (dragon head A) and another was 20.0cm. long (dragon head B). The two formed a pair although they were slightly different in detail.A dragon's face was carved in a curved cylinder, and there was a steel hook at the top. The opposite side of the cylinder was connected to a wooden handle. Similar dragon heads were excavated at Anap-chi Pond Site in Yǒngyu, North Kyǒngsang, and these are kept in the Hoan Art Museum (Seoul) and Kwangju National Museum. Some of these heads were attached to flag poles and others were elements of metal fittings for buildings and furniture. The dragon heads excavated at Okinoshima are just the same as the Yǒngju dragon heads and must have been made during the age of the Unified Silla. Flagpoles with dragon heads appear in the mural paintings of the Tunhuang Caves that were produced during the T'ang and Sung dynasties. In the paintings, the poles with dragon heads are placed in pairs in the temple gardens, at mountain gates and at the back of temple halls. At the sites of temples built during the age of the Unified Silla, many pillars had the same poles with dragon heads, just like the buildings in China.Imported relics that show Chinese influence during the seventh and eighth century are found at the Okinoshima site. Some were imported from China and others from Silla and many show the strong relation between Japan and Silla. These dragon heads must have been presented to Okinoshima as a result of negotiations with Japan during the age of the Unified Silla.