著者

岸見 太一

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.2_252-2_273, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)

参考文献数

57

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In this article, I reconsider legitimacy of selective immigration policy from the standpoint of political philosophy. Today states have unilateral discretion over entry policy, therefore prospective immigrants have no voice in the policy making process. However, legitimacy of those policy practices partly depends on underlying normative reasons. By focusing on individual liberty, I indicate the policy practice is illegitimate.   The issue of legitimacy of selective immigration is concerned with “democracy's boundary problem,” that is, of deciding who should be included in the democratic decision procedure. In this article, I take the lawful coercion approach to this problem among others. There is some disagreement within this approach: Thomas Nagel and David Miller argue that the current policy practices are legitimate and on the other hand, Arash Abizadeh argues that they are not. Their debates apparently focus on the conceptions of “coercion”. However, “liberty” is actually the key to their arguments. In this connection, the present article proceeds as follows: firstly I try to reconstruct their arguments by introducing two conceptions of liberty, freedom as option-availability and freedom as independence. Secondly, I critically examine these theorists and argue for Abizadeh. Finally, I briefly show the policy implications of Abizadeh's position.

著者

武者小路 公秀

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.145-180, 1970-05-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

51

著者

半沢 孝麿

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.204-250,en5, 1965-11-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

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Anyone who takes a glance over the whole history of Burke studies from his death up to the present should certainly be struck at various and sometimes mutually inconsistent interpretations. We now have many Burkes, such as great statesman Burke, romantist Burke, utilitarian Burke, democrat Burke, Burke the prophet of Conservatism, Burke the natural law theorist in Thomistic tradition and so forth.The writer thinks, however, all such Burkes come from quite the same premise; the premise that we can have a political philosopher Burke free from theoretical contradictions. This article argues that it is necessary to change such a premise.The writer does not wish to describe what political philosophy Burke advocates. All that the article wishes to make clear is how he recognized the nature of the world of politics, through the inspection of his whole treatises and letters before and after 1765. At the same time, since Burke is not only an ordinary politician but also a literary man fond of talking about history and literary criticism (especially before his entrance into Parliament in 1765), the writer also tries to draw some parallelism among his ideas of political, aesthetic and historical knowledges.First. Burke's basic view on historical and aesthetic world is very near to that of his contemporary Hume. He is agnostic of the essential existence. He tries to secure the certainty of his knowledges through reducing every sensible object to the utmost of its simplicity. But, notwithstanding that method, he always has a desire, consciously or unconsciously, to know the world in the wholeness. Hence method and desire contradict each other. The result is that, for instance, his idea of the “necessity” of historical world is divided into two in its meaning; one, the necessity of mechanism composed of cognitive elements, and the other, that of transcendental will of the doers.Second. Of politics; The letters in his earlier life in Parliament show that he strongly feels that the room for choice in politics is very small to him. Very important to the writer is the fact that he extends the conclusion derived from this personal experience to the idea of the world of politics in general and says that the nature of politics is also a mechanistic necessity. Since, for instance, he sees the theory of Lockian social contract not from the side of free choice of régime by its members, but from the side of irreversibility of the state of nature, or inconveniences of the dissolution of governments.But, if it be true that the method of analysation into the ultimate elements is the only systematic way to know the nature of political world, is it also true that this nature is necessarily a mechanistic necessity? Firstly, the element of the “spirit (or temper) of people” which he often mentions always lacks concreteness in its contents. Secondly, the element of “Burke himself” is also uncertain, because, according to him, the knowledge of himself is always post facto. Thus, it is no wonder that he was “never forward in his speculation” in practical affairs.However, Burke is a flexible thinker. Through the difficulties of his party and himself at the time of the American Revolution, he gradually modifies his earlier ideas on the nature of politics, and the result appears before 1782 in the following ways. Firstly, his letters in 1778 addressed to his intimate friends emphasize the importance of the unity of his party members and the consistency of the principle. The aim is to secure the firmness of leadership in politics. This firmness will produce the cognitive element. Secondly, the same letters insist upon the necessity of “identifying with” and “inclining towards” the spirit of people as such. This assertion means that we ought to know the indefinite “elements” in politics as indefinite.

著者

乙部 延剛

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, no.2, pp.236-256, 2015

著者

大西 楠テア

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.2_42-2_59, 2022 (Released:2023-12-15)

参考文献数

39

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北ドイツ連邦およびドイツ帝国において、外交権は連邦に一元化されず、部分的に邦の外交権が留保された。これはアメリカ合衆国やスイスが邦の外交活動を禁じたのと対照的である。 北ドイツ連邦憲法の成立過程においては、可能な限り邦の主権を維持する形式での統一が目指され、邦が外交使節を派遣し、接受する権限は廃止されなかった。そのため、北ドイツ連邦およびドイツ帝国においては連邦と邦の複線的な外交ルートが存在し続けた。 帝政期の国法学説においては、連邦と邦の外交の複層性をいかに理解すべきかという点が論点となり、連邦国家論との関連で広く議論された。特に連邦外交に抵触する邦の行為をいかに阻止するかが問題となるが、ほとんどの学説が帝国の監督権を認めている。

著者

稲吉 晃

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.2_79-2_97, 2022 (Released:2023-12-15)

参考文献数

32

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本稿は、開港場行政を日本と列国の合意によってのみ有効となる「行政規則の束」と捉え、そうした行政が如何に成立したのか、「港規則」の内容の変遷を検討することで明らかにする。和親条約が結ばれた1854年から明治維新直後の1870年までの「港規則(案)」の内容を検討した結果、初期には水域における船舶にかんする内容のみならず、陸上における乗組員の行動や治安維持にかかわる内容が含まれていたが、時代が下るにつれて徐々に水域の規則に内容が絞り込まれていくことが明らかになった。切り離された陸上部分については別に規則を定める努力がなされたが、日本と列国の交渉が成立しなければ規則は実効性をもたなかった。その結果、各開港場では行政規則が成立している行政領域と、成立していない行政領域がまだら状に存在することになったのである。交渉が難航した行政規則は、地方レベルから国家レベルへと交渉の場が移され、それはその後の条約改正交渉の主要な一部を占めていく。本稿の成果により、開港場行政のあり方が条約改正交渉を複雑化させるひとつの背景となったとみとおすことができる。

著者

芝崎 厚士

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1_138-1_169, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)

参考文献数

50

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This paper is designed to present a speculation of the future of the study of international relations from the birds-eye-view analysis of IR by pointing out the “theoretical aporia”, which emerges from ignoring the crucial relationship between “theory” and “domain”. Recent literatures on analysis of the present status of IR converge on two pluralisms: one is on theory and the other is on domain. Both of them basically welcome for IR to get more plural in each aspect but both of them are in a sense nothing but a ‘whishing for the moon’, in that they are not aware of the importance of the interaction between theory and domain in the process of making a discipline. This paper shows that interaction in general and how that process was overlooked in the disciplinary history of IR, and insists that all disciplinary aporias in IR comes from it. Based on those explorations, this essay concludes that in order to get out of those aporias, IR, and study of international relations in general has to become the study of global relations, which deals with all the transboundary phenomenon on this globe, based on the purpose of how the human-being to survive.

著者

山本 吉宣

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.203-226,en9, 1977-03-31 (Released:2009-12-21)

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The aim of this paper is: (a) to review briefly the present stage of mathematical and quantitative political science; (b) to examine new directions for its future development; and (c) to discuss some caveats regarding the relevance of mathematical and quantitative political science and its proper institutional function.Mathematical political science is one of the ways in which we develop models regarding political phenomena and examine the extent to which they represent the real world. A major characteristic of such models is the use of mathematics, statistics, and symbolic logic. Given this general definition of mathematical political science, the field is, and has become, very diversified in terms of its aims, methods, and substantive problems. However, we can delineate two salient traditions in mathematical and quantitative political science. One may be called a “causal model” approach. The other is based on the use of “rational actor models.”In the causal model tradition, political phenomena are analyzed in terms of cause-effect relationships between variables. These relationships are usually represented by mathematical functions (equations). Mathematical equations in this kind of analysis (a) are used to deduce other propositions regarding political behavior at varied levels of aggregation, and/or (b) are examined against data, and through statistical techniques, to determine the extent to which they represent the referent world. Furthermore, simulation models can be utilized in such a way that logical consequences are obtained from a set of empirically tested propositions.Even though causal models are sometimes built implicitly on the assumption that actors, such as voters, are rational, we can single out a set of models that are different from causal models and which are directly built on the rationality assumption about political actors. In rational actor models, just as in causal models, the aims, styles and substantive problems are quite varied. While they are utilized to examine such normative problems as comparative study of decision rules which transform individual preferences into collective choice, many models have been constructed in order to represent and explain real political phenomena such as voting behavior, alliance maintenance in international politics, etc.Given the diversity of mathematical and quantitative political science, it is most difficult to set up fundamental dimensions by which we can satisfy the requirements of assessing its general appropriateness to the analysis of political phenomena and of forecasting its future development. However, let us propose two dimensions which may satisfy these two requirements. One dimension ranges from a mechanistic view of political phenomena to the view in which politics is considered as adaptive, an organized complexity. The other dimension is an idiographic-generalization continuum. Admitting that we need simple models in analyzing political phenomena at least at the elementary stage, it seems apparent that contemporary mathematical and quantitative political science, and methods and models thereof, tend to adopt a mechanistic, rather than an adaptive view, and intend to be general rather than idiographic. If politics is collective adaptation by human beings to both internal and external environments, a mechanistic view and models representing such a view, though not irrelevant, must be considered to be short of giving us a full understanding of political phenomena. If human beings adjust their objectives and change their purposes in responding to internal and external changes, idiographic approaches may be more important than implicitly assumed among many mathematical and quantitative political researchers.

著者

武内 進一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_108-2_128, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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Recent internal conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa have witnessed governments employing militias to complement and enhance existing national armies, or as alternative forces altogether. Use of militias in counter-insurgency operations has brought about tremendous human casualties and material damages. The paper attempts to elucidate the meaning of this particular type of violence from an empirical as well as theoretical point of view. Through four case studies of militias in Congo (Brazzaville), Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Sudan as well as through examination of the notion of militias within an African political context, it becomes evident that African militias are generally not regulated by formal law, and tend to be formed and supported from political leaders above. In conclusion, the paper also draws relationships between the militia phenomenon and the nature of post-colonial African states, which have assumed strong patrimonial characteristics. In recent conflicts, African political leaders have often preferred militias to weak national armies that have been personalized through long-term patrimonial rules.

著者

井関 竜也

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.1_267-1_291, 2020 (Released:2021-06-16)

参考文献数

42

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中央政府と地方政府の対立を憲法裁判所が規律する制度は広く採用されている。そのような制度の下で、いつ、なぜ、国は地方政府を相手どって訴訟を提起するのだろうか。本論は、国は党派性の異なる州政府に対する選挙戦略、具体的にはネガティブキャンペーンとして訴訟を提起していることを論証する。憲法裁判所の一例であり、国による訴えが認められる割合が低いにもかかわらず、国が州政府に対して多くの訴訟を提起していたイタリア憲法裁判所を事例にタイムシリーズ・クロスセクション重回帰分析を行ったところ、以下の結果が得られた。第一に、国は党派性の異なる州政府に対して、より多くの訴訟を提起している。第二に、党派性の異なる州政府に対する訴訟提起は、訴訟提起が地方選挙に及ぼす影響が大きくなると考えられる州議会選挙直前期に増加している。以上の結果は、たとえ憲法裁判所が中央政府の意向に反した行動をとりうるとしても、憲法裁判所への訴訟提起自体が、中央政府によって選挙戦略として活用されうることを示唆している。

著者

醍醐 龍馬

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.72, no.1, pp.1_132-1_154, 2021 (Released:2022-06-15)

参考文献数

28

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明治初期の日露国境問題 (樺太問題) に関する先行研究では、明治政府に対する駐日英国公使パークスの樺太放棄勧告の影響が強調されてきた。これに対し国内要因に着目した本稿では、従来思想分析の対象に留まってきた黒田清隆の樺太放棄論が、政府内の重層的な対立構造のなかで政策実現していく政治過程を跡付けた。黒田は大久保利通に推され樺太専任の開拓次官に就任すると、組織内を対露宥和路線に統一した。さらに樺太開拓使と北海道開拓使の合併後は、札幌本庁から岩村通俊を駆逐し樺太放棄論で開拓使全体を纏めた。岩倉使節団外遊中の黒田は樺太放棄を建議し、外征派の外務卿副島種臣の樺太買収論、分界論と対抗した。そして、明治六年政変により副島から対露外交の主導権を奪い、外征優先ではなく内治優先に立脚する対露宥和路線を確立させた。最後には、木戸孝允ら政府内の慎重論を抑えながら自らと政策理念を共有する榎本武揚をロシアに送り込み樺太千島交換条約を結ばせた。こうして終止符が打たれた樺太問題を契機に大久保政権内に開拓使を基盤とした黒田グループが重要な位置を占め、そのなかにその後の対露外交で重要な役割を担う黒田、榎本、西徳二郎を中心としたロシア通の政策集団の原点が形成された。黒田とその周辺の位置付けを明治初期にまで遡り検討することは、長州閥中心で描かれがちな明治政治史の枠組みを薩摩閥の視点から再構成することにも繫がる。

著者

坂本 多加雄

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, pp.55-69, 1999-01-27 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

梅川 健

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.1, pp.1_247-1_270, 2011 (Released:2016-02-24)

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In legislative process, the American Constitution allows President to sign a bill or veto it. However, the modern American Presidents have issued “Signing Statement” when they sign a bill into law without constitutional provision. In signing statement, Presidents have declared unconstitutionality of a bill.   The previous researches found the Reagan administration began to use signing statement to point unconstitutionality. How have the Reagan administration institutionalize the usage of constitutional signing statement as a new presidential tool?   This paper focuses on primal resources of the Department of Justice and White House and shows how the conservative lawyers had institutionalized constitutional signing statement. For the conservative lawyers, the primary goal of constitutional signing statement was to restrict “Judicial Activism” of judicial branch and they relied on the conservative constitutional interpretations, “Originalism” and “Departmentalism,” to legitimate signing statement as a new presidential tool.

著者

日本政治学会書評委員会

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1_227-1_258, 2017 (Released:2020-07-01)

著者

千葉 眞

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_11-2_30, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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The burden of this article is twofold. First, it is aimed to elucidate the explosion of violence observable in various regions of the world during the post-Cold War era. In this connection the author has attested the diversification of the types of violence. Violence can be correctly divided into several types today. They are, for instance, (1) structural violence emanating from the capitalist globalization, (2) genocide stemming from the intensive conflicts among ethnic groups within a country, and (3) international terrorism and counter-terrorist wars.   Second, the article has wrestled with the fatal conflict between the two conceptions of politics, that is, political violence vs. nonviolent politics. The author has taken up the case of Thomas Hobbes and his political notion of “fear” and Hannah Arendt's ideas on politics as the mode of nonviolent solution for conflicts by means of speech and action. The author has elaborated on the difference between “fear” and “terror” or “terrorism.” He also has reflected on the tension, difference, and contrast between violent politics and nonviolent politics.   Finally, the author has suggested that a precious and noble mission of the theory and praxis of politics today consists in the rehabilitation of transformative politics and in the long, patient and untiring undertakings for conflict resolution and peace-building as well. The author hopes that these steady efforts shall serve to put an end to the on-going conflicts and explosion of violence.

著者

竹中 佳彦 遠藤 晶久

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.1_13-1_33, 2020 (Released:2021-06-16)

参考文献数

13

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グローバル化と 「格差社会」 の進展、統治機構改革などは、エリートの平等観や政策選好をどのように変化させたであろうか。本論文は、1980年の 「エリートの平等観」 調査 (三宅一郎・綿貫譲治・嶋澄・蒲島郁夫. 1985. 『平等をめぐるエリートと対抗エリート』) に倣って2018年に実施した調査の結果をもとに、エリートの平等観や政策選好がどのように変化したかを明らかにしようとするものである。なお、この調査でのエリートとは、国会議員だけでなく、地方議員や経営者、労働組合、メディアなど各種リーダーを含めたものである。 本論文では、エリート・レベルのイデオロギー対立とその平等観との連関について、1980年代との比較から検討する。イデオロギーの変容が指摘され、右傾化が論じられている今日において、エリートにおいてもイデオロギー対立の様態が変容しているのかは重要な研究課題といえる。さらに、この約40年の間に生じた 「一億総中流社会」 から 「格差社会」 へという社会変化によって、平等観がイデオロギー対立にどの程度、組み込まれてきているのかについても分析を行う。

著者

大嶽 秀夫

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.165-185, 1991 (Released:2010-04-30)

著者

村井 良太

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_13-1_39, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

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The Meiji Constitution created a bicameral Imperial Diet, which included a House of Representatives with members chosen by direct election. However, this was not what made the party cabinet system a necessity. The selection of prime minister was on the elder statesmen's consensus directed by protocol.   Nevertheless, under the slogan “The Normal way of the Constitutional Government,” the situation changed in the direction of democracy. From 1924 through 1932, party leader possessed political power. And from 1927, there was a two-party system by the Seiyukai and the Minseito. A certain Japanese journalist said in 1929 that Japanese politics was almost the same as the British politics in respect of this.   The purpose of the paper is to explore the establishment and collapse of norms for change of power by a relation with institutions from 1918 through 1936. Mainly, three actors; people who selected the prime minister, party leaders and observers (scholars and journalists) are observed in the paper. And the majority rule in the pre-war Japan is also considered.

著者

大矢根 聡

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, pp.155-175, 1997-12-10 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

安原 浩

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.1_13-1_23, 2018 (Released:2021-07-16)

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歴史的に見て, 政治と司法の間には常に緊張関係が存在した。戦後, 司法行政はすべて最高裁判所の裁判官会議が所管することが憲法上明記されたため, 戦前とは異なり行政機関や立法機関が裁判所の予算や人事に直接介入することは制度的に不可能となった。 ところが, 1960年代から1970年代にかけて, 公務員の労働基本権の制限などの違憲性をめぐって時の政府と最高裁が鋭く対立する事態が発生した。政権側の偏向判決批判に対して最高裁は司法の独立に対する介入は許さないという立場を堅持しつつ, 他方で青年法律家協会などの団体への裁判官の加入を露骨に規制する方針をとった。外部からの圧力に変わって, 裁判所内部の自主規制という内部的な圧力が裁判官の独立や気概を損なう危険が発生したのである。その結果, 1990年代になって, 最高裁長官がそれを慨嘆するほどになった。 近年の憲法をめぐる種々の厳しい論争は, 再び政治からの介入の危険を予期させている。最高裁裁判官を任命する内閣が, その任命権を濫用しないようにするための方策, 下級審の裁判官が自己の良心に従った判断をできるようにするための方策など, 裁判官の独立の実態に即した改革が急務である。