著者

築山 宏樹

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.2_185-2_210, 2014 (Released:2018-02-01)

参考文献数

31

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In Japan, local legislators often seem inactive and redundant. In fact, they introduce much fewer bills than local governors. However, why don't these local legislators devote themselves to legislative activities, especially introduction of bills?   Using the panel data of 47 Japanese prefectural assemblies from 1967 to 2006, this study investigates the determinants of bill introduction by local legislators. We mainly focus on the effect of political institutions: executive-legislative relations, parliamentary rules, and central-local relations via the party system. The results of Poisson and a negative binominal regression model with unconditional fixed effects show that parliamentary factions tend to introduce more bills in following situations: while opposing the governor, when the factions are large enough to introduce bills on their own, and when they don't have a close connection with the central government via the party system. These results imply that the institutional restrictions of local legislatures cause their legislators to be inactive in introducing bills.

著者

永井 陽之助

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.89-131,en6, 1966-09-26 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

3

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I Introduction II The Russian Revolution and the American Intellectuals III The New Deal Coalition and the Left-Intellectuals IV The End of Ideology and the American IdeologyIn contrast with the question posed by Werner Sombart at the turn of the century in the title of a book, “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?”, this article examines the ideological adaptability of American Liberalism, as a surrogate for socialism, to the contemporary crisis home and abroad.The impact of Russian Revolution on American liberals who shared the optimistic expectation of the inevitable spread of democracy throughout the world, had failed to impress them as a challenge on the basic value-system of American regime, because of the misunderstanding about the nature of the Bolshevik regime by the narcissistic projection of American creed. That moralistic idealism, often indicated by the reformist prejudice for the machine politics, had prevented from the. understanding about the nature of “Revolution of rising expectation” in the developing areas.In addition to the creed, the unique character of New Deal coalition in terms of the ethnic, cultural heterogenity, the nationalization of socialism during the happy day of “popular front”, had contributed to the postponement of radical reapprasement of American creed. After the war, the democratic coalition had become so furiously disintegrated by 1952. The domestic crisis in the tortuous period of political indecision and pluralistic stagnation at a decisive turning point in America and world history, is largely a refection of the fact that the nation no longer has an effective majority and never has an stable organized opposition.Although the American Liberalism, saved by the twenty-five years' war, hot and cold, survived under the optimistic atomosphere of “The end of Ideology”, we cannot neglect the fact that “The end of Ideology” did not mean “The end of American Ideology”, particulary for the hard-boild, tough-minded realists.On the other hand, the reaction to “hard-boild” radicalism, with its exaggerated faith in the efficiency of direct political involvement during the day of “popular front”, often took form of the exaggerated skeptism about politics. However, it is no accident that “brilliant realists” of the Kennedy Administration has been so little concerned with the non-European world that the underdeveloped areas home and abroad was the blind spot of the Kennedy foreign policy as well as the negro problems.

著者

宮本 融

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.83-124,264, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

93

被引用文献数

1

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“Japan; Who governs?” This has been one of the main themes in the Japanese political science. Since the bureaucracy had been the core of the pre-war imperial system, the establishment of the elected officials' supremacy under the new Constitution became, the priority objective. This goal was achieved by the decades of the Liberal Democratic Party's one party dominance. However, recent studies have re-discovered the significance of the bureaucracy.After reviewing the academic literature, this article brings three new perspectives. First, the new type of bureaucracy, “administrative conservator, ” is emerging. Second, this “re-discovery” of the Japanese bureaucratic leadership might be temporary. Japan has become a front-runner who has to choose her own shape of the state. Bureaucrats have to work together with politicians since only politicians can make legitimate decisions. Therefore it's time for us to discuss the constructive relationship between those two, instead of asking which has the dominance. This identifies factors that define the bureaucracy itself. Finally, this article demonstrates the knowledge that defines bureaucracy is not some knowledge on particular areas, but the certain attitudes towards policies.

著者

福岡 万里子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.2_13-2_41, 2022 (Released:2023-12-15)

参考文献数

49

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安政の五ヵ国条約が天皇の承認を得ず調印されたことは同時代的にも国内に広く知れ渡り幕末の政治動乱を引き起こす重要な契機となったが、無勅許調印の事実は、1859年以降日本に着任した西洋外交官らには幕府により秘匿され、それをおそらく察知していたと見られる米国駐日総領事ハリスも、その経過については外交団内で沈黙を守った。そのため、駐日外交団や居留外国人の間で、日本の主権者により現行条約が批准されていない事態として、条約無勅許をめぐる認識が形成されるようになるまでには、最も早く見積もって1862年頃までの数年間がかかった。本稿は、こうして生じた西洋外交官らの間の日本認識上のギャップが、通商開国後に浮上した度重なる外国人襲撃殺害事件や開港開市延期問題等に関する彼らの対日外交に水面下で影響を与え、西洋駐日外交団の間の外交方針の分裂や転回を引き起こしていた実態を論じ、条約勅許獲得が最終的に外交団の政策目標になっていく経過を展望する。

著者

増山 幹高

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_79-1_109, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

参考文献数

39

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Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.

著者

田村 哲樹

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.11-35,263, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

72

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In this article, focusing upon the recent development in deliberative democracy studies, I clarify the current state of relationship between normative theory and empirical research and consider its future.Deliberative democracy had been discussed by normative theorists. But in recent years, some important empirical studies have emerged. There are two ways of inference among those studies: one is descriptive inference, and the other is causal inference.Some normative theorists also try to take some empirical moments into account. We can find two approaches. One is to suggest institutional design of deliberative democracy. The other is to use the empirical knowledge in order to develop normative theory.Some scholars insist that both normative and empirical can not be separated. But it is hard to conceive the dissolution of normative/empirical distinction. One of the most important differences between the two is the way to understand “reality”, while this does not mean that there is no point of intersection between the two.My conclusion is that: there are some points of intersection between normative theory and empirical analysis. Trying to engage in issue-oriented research, we may be able to close the gap between normative and empirical.

著者

萩原 淳

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.1_70-1_95, 2018 (Released:2021-07-16)

参考文献数

38

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本稿の目的は, 昭和初期テロ事件の司法過程を, 減刑嘆願運動の展開及び, 運動を契機とした政治勢力からの圧力に対して司法部・陸海軍がどのように司法権の運用を行ったのかという視点から分析し, 一連のテロ事件をめぐる司法部・陸海軍の司法権の実態と人心の変化を明らかにすることである。 本稿の結論は主に次の2点である。第1に, 五・一五事件の陸海軍側公判開始後, 減刑嘆願運動は初めて全国的運動となったが, 海軍側判決後には停滞した。以後, 運動の主体は国家主義団体に移り, その性質も相沢事件後には皇道派による公判闘争へと変化したことである。第2に, 司法部の動向を陸海軍との比較の上で分析を行い, 五・一五事件において海軍側は当初, 法に基づく刑罰を科そうとした。しかし, 論告反対運動と加藤寛治らの圧力を受け, 陸軍と同様, 寛大な判決が下された。一方, 司法部は減刑嘆願運動や他の政治勢力の動向からの相対的自立を模索し, 概ね法に基づき対処したことである。

著者

小川 有美

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.2_36-2_61, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)

参考文献数

60

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Charles Tilly (1929-2008) was a boundary-less scholar, who liked to think of his own approach as akin to Mozart. His works cover a wide range of topics, such as state-formation, revolution, collective violence, social movements, urban history, and sociological methods. However, as Sidney Tarrow posits, “even Tilly never completely integrated his work on war and state-building with his work on revolutions and contentious politics.” Did Tilly's two major topics, state-formation and contentious politics, remain disjunct ad finem? This article discusses the various aspects of his work, and ascertains whether his works on (de-)democratization and regime-contention interactions successfully integrate state-formation and contentious politics. The books Tilly wrote in his final years provide systematic accounts on how trust networks can be connected with public politics, and how low/high capacity regimes can be changed in interaction with contentious politics. Thus, to conclude, Tilly did not fail to integrate state and contention in his innovative historical political sociology. Moreover, his latest works are based on political opportunity structure theory and methodological nationalism, which make his arguments more innocuous than his arguments in his earliest work, The Vendée (1964) (this work drew a lively picture of state institutions and political actors, all in the making).

著者

原 彬久 大嶽 秀夫 御厨 貴

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.3-20, 2005-01-21 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

千々和 泰明

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.1_332-1_351, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)

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This study points out that the limitation of the analytical framework of “Autonomous Defense (or jishu bōei) vs. the Japan-U.S. Alliance” that scholars on Japan's postwar national security policy often use. On previous researches, this framework is applied arbitrarily and “Autonomous Defense” is compatible with “Alliance” in some cases. Then this research adopts analysis by “Defense Force Building vs. Operation” as another angle of vision. And it explains that the concept of “Repelling Limited and Small-Scale Aggression without External Assistance (or gentei shōkibo shinryaku dokuryoku taisho)” which appeared in the “National Defense Program Outline (or bōei taikō) 1976” and the “Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation 1978.” This concept played the role as a measure for “Defense Force Building” in the two and then abandoned in the NDPO 1995 and the Guidelines 1997 by “Operational” request.

著者

奥 健太郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_156-2_180, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

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How do politicians achieve the profit of interest groups? This research is a case study analyzing the political process during which the Medical Diet Members (representatives who spoke for the interest of doctors) have succeeded in emasculating the law that provided the separation of medical practice and drug dispensation. The three viewpoints of the analysis are the following:   First, how did Kato Ryogoro (Liberal Party), who was the mediator of the Medical Diet Members, bring the Liberal party measures closer to the JMA? Secondly, what kinds of pressures or adjustments were observed between the JMA and the Medical Diet Members during the process of the emasculation of the law? Thirdly, how did the Medical Diet Members managed to form a majority including non - partisans in order to emasculate the law?

著者

酒井 大輔

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.1_185-1_207, 2016 (Released:2019-06-10)

参考文献数

67

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大嶽秀夫の政治学の特徴について, 従来の日本政治学史研究では, ①多元主義, ②実証主義的・自然科学的な方法, ③戦後政治学と大きく相違するもの, として理解されてきた。また, 彼の方法の時間的変化を捉えていないなど, 一面的であった。しかし1980年代以降の大嶽の変化は, ①~③のイメージの再考を迫るものである。本稿は, 彼の80年代以降の実証研究の内容にも立ち入って, 彼の方法や理論枠組の変化を検証する。大嶽は既に1970年代当初から, 影響力の遮蔽性やパースペクティブの概念により, 多元主義の弱点の克服を試みていた。そして80年代には, イデオロギー対立の枠組により, 構造的対立や政治潮流のサイクルをその分析の中心とした。こうした変化は, 多元主義の枠組からの移行であるとともに, 政策過程分析に思想史的方法を導入するなど, 戦後政治学の方法を継承するものであった。

著者

苅部 直

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.35-45, 2005-01-21 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

松沢 裕作

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.2_60-2_78, 2022 (Released:2023-12-15)

参考文献数

19

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本稿では、維新後に開港された新潟を素材として、近世・近代移行期日本の地方の編成のあり方と、開港場において展開される対外交渉との関係について考察を加えた。近世社会における対外交渉は、それぞれの地点が、対外関係を担当する「役」を負うという点で、近世的な身分制の構造に規定されていた。幕末開港期にも、開港場の奉行は対外関係を取り扱う特殊な役人であった。維新後、開港場を管轄する直轄県の官員が、外国官、のちに外務省の官員を兼任するという形でこの状況は継続する。ところが、この方法は、開港場を管轄する直轄県当局の方針と、後背地で発生する諸問題を管轄する直轄県との間で方針の相違を生む。明治2年に新潟で発生した米穀移出の禁止(津留)問題はこうした問題の一例として理解することができる。こうした状況は、開港場が、対外関係を基軸に組織される特異な空間であるという点で、列強にとっても好ましいものであったが、廃藩置県による空間の均質化はこれを不可能とする。行政権の回収が列強と日本政府の間で問題として焦点化するのは、こうした状況を迎えたときのことであった。

著者

宗前 清貞

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.1_114-1_137, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

49

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This article explains how LDP had developed post-war medical policy. Having very strong political ties with Japan Medical Association, LDP had supported JMA's claims for higher payment of social health care insurance. Business leaders and mayors as well as workers were all against high payment, but JMA doctors were strongly united and available to simultaneously refuse social insurance contract. Since no health care system would be possible without contracted doctors, LDP was afraid enough for big compromises with them. JMA seemed a successful political giant as a pressure group for medical industry.   On the other hand, new medical schools graduated 4000 more doctors every year since early 1970s. The expansion against JMA's favor was eagerly supported by local politicians and LDP pursued the programs for more rural doctors. Number of doctors increased rapidly and this was the beginning of the end of JMA era.   Structural changes inside medical environment happened to make hospitals more focused. Being grown surgical needs and chronic invalids, majority of medical expense went to hospitals. More doctors, nurses, and other medical professionals worked in hospitals. Thus interests within medical industry became greatly diffuse and JMA was no longer an exclusive representative of the business.   Politics of the medicals was the politics of medical economy for long time and JMA won games against cost bearers and Ministry of Welfare. The policy, however, also had another important element: public control over medical supply such as beds, professionals, and networks. MOW failed to establish authorities on such control so that this constraint limited following attempts for systematic medical service.

著者

高安 健将

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.2, pp.2_147-2_177, 2011 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

54

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Party cohesion is a distinctive feature of British politics. This article explores the extent to which the party leadership can achieve cohesion within the Conservative party and the Labour party. Three ways can be recognized to achieve party cohesion: agreement of MPs' preferences, socialization of MPs, and party discipline. Party leadership can intervene in these processes in parliament and constituency organisations. In parliament the leadership exploits appointments and promotions of MPs for party discipline, while the whip's office mobilizes various resources to socialize and discipline MPs. Nonetheless, the party leadership does not possess the critical power resources to control its own MPs. Constituency organisations are crucially important, for they are primarily responsible for candidate selection, and re-selection and de-selection of MPs. The leadership of both the Conservative party and the Labour party hardly intervened in these processes officially, although the Labour party leadership was more inclined to do so. However, severe factional disputes arose within the Conservative party from the late 1980s and within the Labour party from the 1970s. The leadership of both parties gradually strengthened their intervention in the candidate-selection processes and their constituency organisations after facing such internal disputes, although it has not prevented MPs from rebelling against the leadership.

著者

牧原 出

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.47-66, 2005-01-21 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

板橋 拓己

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.1_159-1_180, 2019 (Released:2020-06-21)

参考文献数

27

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1989 / 90年のドイツ統一プロセスのなかで、ドイツは自らに課されていた 「戦勝四か国の権利と責任」 を解消し、「制約なき完全な主権」 を獲得することを目指した。そしてその際に越えるべき最も高いハードルは、統一ドイツのNATO帰属をソ連に承認させることであった。本稿は、1990年5月から7月にかけて、いかにして西ドイツがソ連から統一ドイツNATO帰属への合意を取り付け、「完全な主権」 を獲得したかを検証する。その際、近年公刊された西独外務省史料を中心的な史料としつつ、従来の研究では等閑視されがちだったゲンシャー外相の寄与にとりわけ注目する。 ゲンシャー外交の貢献は次の3点に纏められる。第一に、CSCEヘルシンキ最終文書の規定を強調し、ドイツの同盟選択権をソ連に認めさせることに貢献した。第二に、1990年6月の 「ターンベリーのメッセージ」 などを通じて、NATOの性格の変容をソ連にアピールした。そして第三に、ソ連、とりわけシェワルナゼ外相との会談を幾度も重ね、信頼の構築に努めた。こうしたゲンシャー外交がなければ、90年7月の独ソ首脳会談における統一ドイツのNATO帰属合意もなかったであろう。

著者

古賀 光生

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_246-2_268, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

参考文献数

31

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Clientelism affects strategies of extreme right-wing parties (ERPs) in Western Europe. In 1990s, more and more people criticized clientelisitic exchanges than before. Some ERPs could find ‘niche’ in electoral market where voters who disliked mainstream parties because of clientelism existed. But how ERPs mobilized was very different between parties. This article compares electoral market in three European countries where clientelism widely spread and analyzes how clietelism affected ERPs’ strategies. In Belgium, clietelism had endurance in spite of critics. In Italy, clientelism so suddenly broke down, that ERPs must change their strategies. In Austria, mainstream parties gradually privatized nation-owned industries which were major resources of clientelism. These differences influenced electoral market which ERPs could get into. With this comparison, we can see how ERPs adjust themselves to the ‘niche’ in electoral market, and why some parties like Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) could formed the electoral coalition between “modernization losers” and “social climbers”.

著者

村松 岐夫

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, pp.231-234, 1991 (Released:2010-04-30)