著者

栗原 彬

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.2_142-2_162, 2007 (Released:2012-11-06)

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In the postwar Japan, productivity-oriented Keynesian welfare state caused marginal people like Minamata sufferers pollution and social exclusion. Politics of neo-liberalism and globalization have not only aggravated social exclusion of marginal people, but brought about new social exclusion inside the civil society. “New Men” who rose up among Minamata sufferers have constructed Human Politics, differentiated from citizen's politics, as counter politics against social exclusion. The action-framework of Human Politics is compounded of survival politics, convivial politics and existence-oriented politics. It could be shared with the newly excluded poor.

著者

押村 高

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.1_57-1_77, 2007 (Released:2012-02-22)

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Whereas there is growing recognition that democracies are less likely to be engaged in military conflict than any other regime type, the United States and Britain, or some other democracies, have finally decided, despite domestic opposition and protest, that they should commit their forces to change Iraq’s regime. The democratic pacifism assuming that a state’s domestic political system is the primary determinant of international behavior and that the spread of democracy is an important factor of world peace has been called into question by the Iraq War.   In fact, Western democracies have more frequently used, in recent years, military force in the cases of Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. This chapter then reconsiders the old and new dialectics between democracy and use of force in a changing environment. What difficulties do democracies face in using force in the pursuit of higher values than national interest? In what manner can democracies reconcile the use of force with the moral and political value of democracy? These are the pivotal questions around which we evolve arguments in this chapter.

著者

羽場 久美子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.2_174-2_193, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

29

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In the 21st century, there is a remarkable growth in the people's movement, especially in women service workers' movement; namely, sometimes trafficked illegal sex workers, through forced, violent, and fraud means. These are the most persecuted people (young girls and children) among the winners and losers under Globalization, and they are always restocked for the people's enjoyment from poor countries' women and children. By the liberalization of the borders movement for Globalization and the end of the Cold War, almost 190 million people are immigrants in the world in 2005, and half of them are women (49.6%) under the service sector. Many of women's immigrants engage the service work, like waitress, cleaning woman, domestic worker and nanny. Around one third or half of them are illegal immigrants.   So called Human Trafficking, as the illegal people's trade by the world criminal organization, forced and deceived young girls to sex work. At the early of the 21st century, 4 million people are trafficked every year, and 500 thousand young girls only in Europe were sacrificed in Europe each year. It completely neglects the Human Rights or Human Security and Human dignities.   Japan is one of the highest destination countries of the Trafficking in Asia, but for a long time Japanese government did not try to solve these trafficking situation. United Nations and US State Department warned the reformation of the situation.   In this article the author would like to investigate the structural causes of Trafficking in the world and compare the trafficking situation as well as policies between the EU and Japan.

著者

堀内 慎一郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_261-2_284, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)

参考文献数

34

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本稿では, 1949年に結成され, 当時の労働運動や日本社会党において激しい左右対立を引き起こした, 独立青年同盟の結成過程, 組織規模や組織論, イデオロギー等, その実態について調査分析を行った。その結果, 独青は, 当初目指された社青同結成が左右対立により頓挫したため, 総同盟右派や国鉄民同等の民同右派と社会党右派の青年が結成したものであったが, 社会党内での十分な協力関係構築に失敗したこともあって, 総同盟左派や産別民同主流, 社会党青年部によって排撃されたこと, 同時に 「左を叩いて, 右を切る」 という左派の労働戦線再編の戦略や, GHQ労働課の思惑もあって, 独青をめぐる対立が労働運動と社会党全体の左右対立に発展し, 左派優位の確立, 右派の主導権喪失の原因となったことが分かった。一方, 独青は短期間で排撃されたが, 独青に結集した青年の中から同盟指導者が多数輩出されており, 分析結果から, 独青の結成と排撃の過程で形成された組織間および人的関係性は, 今日も連合や民進党において解消されていない, 「総評―社会党ブロック」 と 「同盟―民社党ブロック」 という, ブロック対立の萌芽ともいえるものであったことが明らかになった。

著者

高畠 通敏

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.323-359, 1979-09-18 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

三輪 洋文 境家 史郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.1_34-1_57, 2020 (Released:2021-06-16)

参考文献数

17

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本研究は、戦後に主要7調査機関が実施した憲法に関する世論調査の結果を包括的に分析することで、戦後日本人の憲法意識の変遷を追うことを目的とする。動的線形モデルを応用した世論調査集積法を用いることによって、質問内容やワーディングの違い、調査機関・調査方法ごとの傾向、標本誤差を考慮した上で、憲法改正に対する潜在的な賛成・反対率を推定できる。推定結果からは、有権者の認識において1950年代には憲法改正が全面改憲を意味したのに対して、1960~80年代にかけて争点が9条改正に収斂していったこと、1990~2000年代には9条以外の論点が明確に意識されるようになったこと、小泉政権後は焦点が再び9条問題に絞られつつあることが読み取れる。さらに、質問内容やワーディングに関する分析結果からは、一般的に9条の改正が2項の改正として有権者に認識されていることや、戦争を連想させることが9条改正の反対率を高めることなどが示唆される。

著者

千葉 眞

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_15-1_37, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

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The present circumstance of religion is highly complex and diversified. In this diversified manifestation of religion what shall be the best possible relationship expected between religion and politics in the world today? This article tries to elucidate this normative question by taking up the cases of four theorists: Richard Rorty, John Rawls, José Casanova, and Shigeru Nanbara. In the author's view the four theorists assume four divergent positions vis-à-vis religion, and these divergences can help shed light on the above normative theoretical problem. Rorty takes “strong secularist” position. Rawls does “liberal secularist” one. Casanova assumes the approach of “deprivatization of religion.” Finally, Nanbara perceives “religion as the giver of invigorated life, spirit and ethos to society.”   I came to the conclusion that a continual dialogue, translation, and negotiation between religious discourse and public reason is significant and indispensable. This critical and constructive rapport should be made in terms of the normative values and ethos which religion can provide to politics for enhancing human rights, democracy, and peace in the midst of each and every concrete situation.

著者

三村 憲弘 深谷 健

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.1_341-1_367, 2020 (Released:2021-06-16)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

1

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本研究では、新しい有権者 (18歳高校生) が政治的選好を形成するメカニズムを実証的に検討することを目的として、2016年7月10日 (日) に実施された第24回参議院議員選挙に合わせて 「選挙啓発のフィールド実験」 を行った。その結果、簡素なビラ1枚でも、社会的な人間関係への影響を促すことで、高校生の政治的選好形成 (政治関心や投票行動) に効果があることがわかった。そして、そのメカニズムにおいては、親とのコミュニケーションが大きな役割を果たしていた。さらに、このような影響は、高校生がもともと持っているこれまでの家庭環境 (親との政治的コミュニケーション) や本人の性格特性 (特に外向性) によって大きく条件付けられることが明らかになった。これらの知見は、若者を一律に同じ方法で選挙啓発 (より広くは政治教育) することの効果と限界を浮き彫りにしている。

著者

久保 慶明 岡田 勇 柳 至

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.1, pp.1_82-1_105, 2020 (Released:2021-06-16)

参考文献数

58

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本稿の目的は、2019年沖縄県民投票における投票行動の分析を通じて、国家の安全保障をめぐり地方レベルで展開する対立軸を特徴づけることである。有権者の選好形成と選好表明を内生的に捉える枠組みを構築し、政策争点に関する態度、直接民主制に関する価値観、政党キューの影響に関する記述的分析と多項ロジット分析をおこなった。 得られた知見は以下の通りである。第一に、在日米軍基地に否定的な有権者、直接民主制に肯定的な有権者、オール沖縄を支持する有権者は、「反対」 に投票しやすい。第二に、米軍基地に肯定的な有権者、直接民主主義に否定的な有権者、自民党を支持する有権者は、「賛成」 への投票か 「棄権」 を選びやすい。これは 「賛成」 の選好を形成したために 「棄権」 した有権者、つまり選好形成と選好表明を内生的に選択した有権者の存在を示唆する。第三に、自らの争点態度と支持政党からのキューが一致しない有権者は、争点態度に沿って投票するか、政党キューにしたがって投票するか、という選択に迫られる。以上の知見は、保革対立が流動化した日本政治において、防衛・安全保障をめぐる対立軸が代議制と直接民主制の相互作用の中で展開していることを示している。

著者

河合 秀和

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.25-54,3, 1966-09-26 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

5

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Socialism involves a challenge to existing society. For a movement to take root, however, it must accommodate itself to its environment, and for the socialist movement this inevitably raises a dilemma. This dilemma was most obvious in the case of socialism in Great Britain, where traditional institutions and values had survived to a remarkable degree the impact of industrialisation.The mid-1880's witnessed the so-called ‘Socialist Revival’. The word socialism, as under-stood at that time, held heavy overtones of state interventionism. This latter was basically a Radical formula for political adaptation to changing conditions. Socialism, in the narrow sense of the term, emerged from within this Radical climate, and early socialist bodies had to make considerable efforts to give themselves an identity separate from Radicalism, which in fact attracted the support of a large section of the politically active working class.In the previous decades, the working class had established its own distinctive way of life, and was keenly aware of its existence as a class. Politically, however, it was a ‘tail of the great Liberal party’. Here again, therefore, the early socialists had to face strong resistance to their proselytising activities.Following the first two chapters analysing the milieu from which British socialism was born, the next chapters describe the controversy over socialist goals and tactics among such socialist groups as the Social Democratic Federation, the Socialist League, the Fabian Society, and conclude with the foundation of the Independent Labour Party.The author, apart from his research experience in Britain, has relied almost exclusively on already published materials, and has tried to give a general picture of Great Britain in the last decades of the 19th century, with the growth of Socialism as the focal point.

著者

今里 佳奈子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.2, pp.2_106-2_126, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

30

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This article aims at clarifying major characteristics of Swedish gender policies and the way they have been developed. Sweden is known as one of the most advanced women-friendly as well as gender equal society where women can work both in and out their family. These advancements in terms of social and economic status of Swedish women have been brought by their positive participation in labor market propped by the active social and labor market policies by the idea of worker- citizen. Some, however, point out that there are conspicuous sex segregation in the workplace, violence to women, sexual harassment etc., and that these issues have not been satisfactorily coped with by responsible policymakers.   This article explains that the gender policies in Sweden are products of corporative interaction of State Feminism and women's movements taken place under the Corporate State structure.

著者

善教 将大

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_163-2_184, 2016

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<p>本稿の目的は, 政党支持の規定性, 具体的には長期的党派性の投票行動に対する影響を検証することである。政党支持の規定性は, これまで多くの研究者が議論してきた安定性とは対照的に, ほとんどその妥当性に関する検証作業が行われていない。本稿では実験的手法を用いて, 行動意欲とは異なる長期的党派性は, 政党ラベルや候補者要因が投票行動に与える効果をどの程度条件付けるのかを分析することで, 政党支持の規定性の検証を試みる。大阪市および近畿圏在住の有権者を対象とするサーベイ実験の結果, 長期的党派性は政党ラベルの因果効果を常に高めるわけではないことが明らかとなった。この知見は, 政党支持は規定的であるという通説的見解に疑義を投げかけるものであると同時に, 有権者における政党支持の 「揺らぎ」 を示唆するものでもある。</p>

著者

河野 勝

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.195-210, 1994-12-22 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

池田 謙一

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.36-65,349, 2005-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

32

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In the years following the huge popularity of the early Koizumi Cabinet, national elections have been held in 2003 (House of Representatives) and in 2004 (House of Councilors). Using survey data from the 2001 House of Councilors Election—which was held in the height of Koizumi's popularity—as a reference point, this paper investigates the role of prospective and retrospective perceptions toward the Koizumi cabinet on voting behavior by analyzing data from the Japan Election Study 3, a nation-wide panel survey conducted from 2001 to 2005. The findings show that the incumbent LDP party lost shares due to a decline in prospective voting, which was insufficiently supplemented by positive retrospective voting. Further analyses reveal that economic perception was the main culprit for this change. Mass media was indirectly influential on this process through its initial perception of hope for reform and warm feelings toward Koizumi.

著者

髙山 裕二

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_101-1_121, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

参考文献数

31

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Modern secularization has not always reduced the power of religious discourse in the public sphere. In post-revolutionary France, for example, Catholicism was unquestionably in decline, but the French were disposed to seek a new religion to replace it. Socialism thus first emerged in France as a “social religion” meant to provide a religious basis for a new society. However, early socialist thinkers faced “Rousseau's Problem” regarding the tolerance of private religions by a social or civil religion. Among these thinkers, Pierre Leroux (1797-1871) dealt most explicitly with the problem of civil religion. Refuting the collectivist religion of Saint-Simonism that formed the core of French socialism, Leroux proposed a national religion guaranteeing individual liberties. In this paper, through an analysis of Leroux's articles and such books as Humanity (1840) and National Religion or Cult (1846), I examine the extent to which a social or civil religion can be considered compatible with individual liberties. My view is that most previous studies have taken insufficient notice of his conception of national religion. The paper concludes by arguing that Leroux's national religion was a form of civil religion that strove continuously to achieve a standard of universality or humanity.

著者

増山 幹高

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2009, no.1, pp.79-109, 2009

著者

河野 勝 三村 憲弘

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1_61-1_89, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)

参考文献数

22

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This paper explores the nature of human moral intuition which motivates us to assist others in hardship. Building upon the idea originally developed by Hannah Arendt, we distinguish “compassion” and “pity” as different mental sources, arguing that each entails a distinct pattern through which the institution is translated into or attitudes and behavior. More concretely, we hypothesize that two variables are particularly relevant in determining these patterns: the degree of familiarity with the environment in which the hardship is taking place, and the number of identifiable people who face the hardship. Survey experiments we conducted in August and December 2012 support this hypothesis, showing that the level of willingness to assist others is affected most significantly by the location of the hardship. The findings also suggest that the sentiment of pity motivates our willingness in the context of foreign countries, while the feeling of compassion dominates our intuition and ironically constrains our willingness in the case of the hardship taking place in our own country. The paper discusses the normative implications drawn from these empirical findings and concludes that the two areas of political science, normative theory and positive analysis, must be more integrated in future research.

著者

陳 天璽

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.2, pp.2_29-2_48, 2007 (Released:2012-11-06)

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This article uses cases of statelessness to examine the political dynamic of exclusion and inclusion involved in a system of nationality.   Stateless person means a person with no nationality or one who is not legally a citizen of any nation state. Here, I will pay attention to two cases, one that of ethnic Koreans in Japan, and the other Japanese war orphans coming from China to live in Japan. These two cases are similar in some ways. Firstly, the migrations were forced by the socio-political environment. Secondly, transitions in international relations and the changing policies of nation states resulted in the alteration of their nationalities and even led them to become stateless.   Issues of stateless persons have been neglected and seldom paid attention to. Here, by analyzing these two cases, especially concerning (1) historical background and clarification of how they became stateless, (2) the gap between identity card designations and real nationality, and (3) the mental effects of being stateless, this paper would like to stress the existence of stateless people by clarifying the political dynamic of nationality which has been excluding them. Also, this paper would like to suggest the importance of studying stateless people in this global era, a group of people with a unique identity free from nationalism and ethnicity.

著者

村松 恵二

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, pp.23-39, 1994-12-22 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

中川 洋一

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1_235-1_258, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)

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The triumph of the CDU/CSU at the Bundestagswahl 2013, depends not only on the estimates of voters in regard to Chancellor Merkel, but also on those of the party’s abilities to carry out various policies. After the Bundestagswahl 2013, there are some transformations in both the security and migration policies. There were also transformations in the “fluid five party system”. While there was a hardening of the structure where the CDU/CSU has a one-sided superiority over the SPD in large parties, there continued to be a fluidity in the relation among the smaller parties and this strengthened the fragmentation. The coalition types became more complicated. The FDP lost its role as the “core” of the party system, and it is in crisis as for its “raison d’être.” The 3rd place is given from the FDP to the Greens, albeit it competes with the Leftist parties. The AfD changed from being “the smallest” to a “small” party.