著者

米家 泰作

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.6, pp.546-566, 1997-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

225

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the history of the mountain area in Japan with special reference to differing viewpoints expressed by historians and other scholars such as folklorists, geographers or ethnologists. This difference of viewpoint between historians and other disciplines is notable. The former has mainly concentrated on economic development and the formation of political systems, while the latter have been concerned with systems and the processes of cultural decline. These two approaches are in contrast with each other, but have the potential to complement each other. Consequently, the author surveyed researches on cultural, political and economic points of view to explore more comprehensive schema.A good place to start is to inquire into the genetical approach to mountainous area culture by folklorists, ethnologists and cultural geographers. Some have advanced the hypothesis that subsistence economies such as shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering, which still remain in modern mountain villages, date back to the Jomon period, that is to say, before the time when paddy cultivation developed in Japan. Assuming this hypothesis to be true, it can be said that the mountain people are successors of the Jomon culture, which is supposed to be the base of all Japanese culture.This opinion begs the question how and when the non-paddy cultural system has been carried into modern mountain villages. It is necessary to discuss this on two points. Is the modern inhabitant of the mountain area, who is isolated from the alluvial plain, a descendant of Jomon people? Has the non-paddy cultural system survived only in mountain areas since ancient times?First, some folklorists emphasize that medieval warriors retreated into the mountain area afther defeat. Some historians have studied the governmental forestry system in ancient times, and reclamations expanding toward mountain areas in medieval times. Results of these researches suggest that we must pay more careful attention to the dynamic process of the immigration from low lands to the mountain area and to their relation with the political and economic context.Secondly, recent historical and historico-geographical studies have recognized the importance of dry field and shifting cultivation in the alluvial plain from ancient to medieval times. We can, consequently, presume that the subsistence economies without paddy had developed both in the mountain area and in the plain, but that in early modern times the cultural characteristics in the mountain area presented a clear contrast with the culture concentrating on rice cultivation in the plain.These points lead us to the question how did non-paddy cultures survive at a time when the strong tendency was to concentrate on rice cultivation in Japan? In other words, what was the relationship between the Japanese political and economic system and the people in the mountain area prior to early modern times?This paper also re-examines the works focusing on the peasant revolts in mountain areas in early seventeenth century. Some folklorists and cultural geographers have suggested that these uprisings happened in the process of mountain people being ruled by the unifying political powers based on paddy cultivation in the plains. However, these revolts were not the first contact between them. Other folklorists pointed out that the mountain people were already ruled by a centralized government in ancient times. Some historians have argued about the medieval territory as a manor or a legal unit in western Japan, and pointed out that the medieval political power had a reason to keep estates in the mountain area to supplement rice production with various products of dry field cultivation, shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering. This way of control contrasts with the early modern political system which demanded timber and charcoal from mountain villages.

著者

中俣 均

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.20-31, 1997-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

71

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Hogen-kukaku-ron, the theory of the 'dialectal region', developedas a subdiscipline of the study of Japanese language, established at the beginning of this century, by Japanese linguist Tojo Misao (1884-1966). He tried to classify Japanese language into some localdialects, by considering various factors including phones, vocabule, idiomatic usage, and so on, as a whole. He believed it useful to geta better comprehension of the Japanese language.It was a very unique method to Japan, but the discipline was disputed by Yanagita Kunio, the author of the book Kagyu-ko. First, the criteria of demarcation are neither clear norobjective. Second, the regional differences language exist actually, not in the dialect itself, but in each phenomenon of the language. And third, it was ambiguous whether the standpoint of Tojo's method was synchronic or diachronic.Since the 1970's, Hogen-kukaku-ron became less popular, and now it only is reviewed in some introductions and anthologies about Japanese language studies. There, some Japanese linguists, particulary linguistic geographers, criticize the idea that the 'dialectal region' is equal to the division of regions, not of language itself. Nevertheless, the language can be divided into some dialects, but never into some regions. Such misunderstanding or abuse hasderived from the fact that Tojo first expressed his idea concerning-division of dialects by using maps.The dialectal region is not a regional division, because there is not any causal relation at all between the dialects as divided and the region as expressed on a map.

著者

中島 健一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.1, pp.23-40, 1981-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

2 2

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1) 北アフリカにおける農耕および家畜の起源については正確な資料がととのっていない。サハラ南部・東部の周辺地方では,旧石器時代晩期(c. 10500 B.C.)に,野草の種実の栽培をはじめたが,新石器時代への連続性については明らかでない。K.W.ブッツェルをはじめ,さいきんの研究によると,エジプトの農耕起源は,近中東地方からの影響のもとに,それらの諸地方から2000±500年ほどおくれて,下エジプトのメリムダやファイユームに始まり,上エジプト・ヌービア地方へ発展していったことを指摘している。エジプトの農業起源を明らかにしようとするとき,新石器時代の資料は,たしかに,ヌービア以北のナイル河谷地帯やデルタ地方に多く,近中東地方からの伝播を裏づけているようである。M.N.コーエンは,その伝播説に反論して,アフリカ固有の農業起源を示唆しているが,なお実証性に乏しい。後氷期の北半球にはいくたびかの気候変動があった。それらの気候変動は,動植物の生態・分布をきびしく制約し,採集=狩猟・なかば家畜飼養の遊牧民たちの生存形態や移動様式,さらに,ナイル河谷のエジプト人たちの歴史形成に顕著な影響をおよぼした。とくに,北半球の中緯度地帯における「亜降雨期」(c. 5500-2350 B.C.)の介在は,農耕および家畜の起源に決定的な影響をあたえた。北アフリカでは,この時期の降雨量はやや多く(100±50mm),冬季にも降雨があった。「亜降雨期」への移行にともなって,エジプトの新石器時代は,さいきんの研究によると,デルタやファイユーム低地から始まっているが,冬季の降雨にめぐまれた丘陵斜面や山麓,ワディの谷口地帯でも,いっせいに“石器革命”をむかえていた。2) サハラ南部・周辺地方やヌービア・上エジプト東部の丘陵地帯に残る多くの岩刻画からみて,それらの諸地方における動物群集はきわめて多種であり,豊富であった。野生動物の馴化にかんするかぎり,農耕発展の径路とは逆に,サハラ南部・東部・周辺地方から,ヌービァ・上エジプトへ拡延していったようである。K.W.ブッツェルによると,その主役は,サハラの採集=狩猟民となかば家畜飼養をともなう東部ハミートの遊牧民たちであった。F.E.ツォイナーは,初期農耕時代に家畜化された哺乳動物として牛や水牛をあげている。東部ハミートの遊牧民たちは,エジプト人が牛を知る1000年も前から,牛を飼育していたのである。3) やや温暖・湿潤な「亜降雨期」は,紀元前4千年紀のなかころから変動し,北アフリカの気象条件は乾燥化しはじめた。そのころ,サハラやその周辺地帯・スーダン・ヌービア・上エジプト地方では,あきらかに,動物群集の最初の断絶がおこっている。ヌービア・上エジプトのナイル河谷の周辺地方から,サバナ景観が荒廃し,象・さい・きりんなどをはじめ,やがて,かもしか類などのサバナの動物群集が消滅しはじめた。そのころ,それらの諸地方の採集=狩猟民やなかば家畜飼養の遊牧民たちはさかんに移動している。4) ナイル川の放水量は,紀元前4千年紀末以降,「亜降雨期」の終息とともに,減少しはじめた。季節的氾濫の水位は,「亜降雨期」のピークに比較して,ヌービアでは8-9m,ルクソール(テーベ)では4-5mほども低下した。河谷のエジプト人たちは,サバナ景観の荒廃と野生動物の減少,あまつさえ,いちじるしい人口増加による食糧危機に対面して,その不安と緊張・心理的圧迫から逃れるために,食糧の新しい生産方法について,その選択をせまられたにちがいない。エジプト人たちは,オアシスやワディの谷口地帯から,さいわい,放水量の減少によって干上ってきたナイル氾濫原へ進出し,まったく新しい食糧生産の方法-すなわち,それまでの旱地農法に比較して,土地生産性のたかい灌漑農法への道を選択し,ひらいていく。その過渡期はナカーダ第II期から王朝初期(c. 3300-3050 B.C.)であった。また,この時期には家畜飼養をも積極的にすすめた。王朝初期に,ナイル河谷の灌漑耕地は氾濫原の2/3にひろがり,c. 2000 B.C.の資料によると,農耕地と牧草地との面積が等しくなっている。「亜降雨期」への移行は“新石器革命”-すなわち,原始農耕および野生動物の馴化の端緒をなした。その終末・乾燥気候への転移(Wende)は,エジプトのナイル河谷では第2の農業革命-すなわち,貯留式の灌排水農法と家畜飼養とのいっそうの結合をとおして,エジプト古王国(Pyramid Age)への道をひらいたのである。

著者

大西 宏治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.2, pp.149-172, 2000-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

167

被引用文献数

7 2

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The aim of this paper is to systematize the study of children from a geographical viewpoint and to identify new perspectives in children's geography or the geography of children.From the 1960s to the 1970s, studies of children in geography began with the progress of behavioral geography. Summing up 1960s-1970s findings, the area perceived by children and the action space of children increases as children grow older.In the 1970s, time geography appeared and some geographers thought that constraints could explain human activities. Children's life space was re-interpreted from the viewpoint of constraints.From the 1980s to the 1990s, gender and postmodern geography developed. Gender geography's concern with children is that children are born and brought up by women, and that gender roles determined children's spatial activity range. Postmodern geography's concern is with children as "others" and the objection to the image of childhood made by modern society. Gender and postmodern geography's concerns have produced more articles on children's geography than ever before.Until the 1990s, children's geography explained and interpreted children from an individual perspective. From the 1990s, children's behavior has been explained in relation to their socioeconomic context in geographical studies (a contextual approach).The future directions of these studies are summarized as follows: 1) more consideration should be given to children's lived experience in places; 2) we should explain children's life space from a socioeconomic context; and 3) we should consider the process of how the image of childhood creates children's life space. It would be especially useful to use an institutional approach.

著者

櫛谷 圭司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.266-277, 1984-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

5 1

著者

今里 悟之

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.6, pp.508-532, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

244

被引用文献数

2 1

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本稿では,日本と英語圏における人文主義(人間中心主義)地理学の歴史を,批判的に再検討した。日本での事例研究は,主に村落地理学と歴史地理学で展開され,国内で伝統的に培われてきた独自の人文主義的視点も保持されていた。しかしながら,実証科学としての人文主義地理学の核心は,国内外においてしばしば誤解されてきた。そのため著者は,トゥアン,レルフ,レイそれぞれの元来のアプローチ,およびフッサールとシュッツの現象学に立ち戻って,基本的な概念と視点を再考し,人文主義地理学をより厳密に再定義した。すなわち,人間の実存空間やその表象にみる共同主観的秩序への注目,人間の理性と感性における普遍性の探究,内部の人間の視点に立った人文学的資料や現場調査資料の利用,人間科学の方法論の哲学的反省である。この再定義からみた場合,日本の地理学においても,集落空間の民俗分類の記号論,計量的なテクスト分析,空間や景観に対する認識論の再検討,「人間」対「自然」という西洋流二元論の根本的再考といった形で,方法論上の挑戦が積み重ねられてきたといえる。

著者

川久保 篤志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.1, pp.28-47, 1996-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

3 1

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This paper investigates the impact of liberalization of the orange trade on Japanese mandarin-producing which is one of the major sectors of Japanese agriculture.The problem about liberalization of the orange trade, which was a long-pending problem between Japan and the U.S., came to a conclusion in 1988. This conclusion gave rise to two big changes in mandarin agriculture in Japan.First was the conversion of agricultural policy after 1988. The main purpose of previous policy was promoting mandarin-areas. But after 1988, its purpose changed to promote strong agricultural management which could overcome international competition with foreign oranges in the Japanese market. Concretely, for fresh oranges, the Japanese government distributed subsidies for famers who discontinued their own mandarin orchards in bad location. As a result, mandarin growing decreased greatly and the quality of mandarins was improved. Therefore, though the liberalization of the orange trade was enforced in 1991, the quantity of imports didn't increase greatly and the Japanese mandarin market wasn't taken away by foreign oranges. For orange juice, government decreased the conpensation money for industrial mandarins. This measure discouraged farmers from producing primarily industrial mandarins.Second were the financial difficulties of juice factories established by agricultural cooperrative associations, after 1991. This was a result of the quantity of import orange juice increased rapidly and took away mandarin juice to market in Japan. Therefore, juice factories reduced the purchase quantity of industrial mandarins from farmers and caused the price of industrial mandarins to fall year after year, because the stocks of mandarin juice increased at the factory. Consequently, the liberalization of the orange juice trade exerted more impacts on Japanese mandarin-producing areas than the fresh orange trade.These problems clearly appeared in Tanbara Town, in Ehime Prefecture, which is the example district in this paper. In Tanbara Town, the production of industrial mandarins account for more than 50per cent of all mandarins. Tanbara Town has one of the highest rates in Japan. The industrial mandarins were roughly grown by farmers who have other jobs or only by the aged. In these conditions, the liberalization of the orange juice trade was enforced. The price of industrial mandarins fell and the purchase quantity of industrial mandarins decreased at the factory more than previously. So the farmers' profits decreased more and more, and they gave up harvesting mandarins. Therefore, many abandoned orchards have appeared one after another in recent years. The growth of abandoned orchards made the growing environment worse and full-time farmers lost their will to produce mandarins. This is the most important problem in Tanbara Town.

著者

山田 安彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.4, pp.369-403, 1972-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

157

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At its extention to the North-eastern part of Japan, the Japanese Ancient State came into contact with the power of Ezo (a tribe in the ancient history of Japan). The auther would like to call the region, where both powers met with, as the transitional zone of the Ritsuryô State or the State ruled by the Code. The purpose of this treatise is to analyse the regional structure at the transitional zone, related to the Shinto shrine and the settlement.Before the Ritsuryô State started to wield its authority to promote reclamation, the Yaoi culture, which was based on paddy farming in Western Japan, had already penetrated into the northern part of North-eastern Japan; the Kofun (the ancient tomb) culture, which originally had its central domain in Kinai provinces (Yamato, Yamashiro, Kawachi and Izumi), had propagated to the Sendai plain.In examing the Kofun cultural sphere in the Sendai plain, it turned out that Takatsuka Kofun (the great tomb of ancient mould) culture had attained to the basins of the River Naruse and the River Eai. Its succeeding Gunshufun (ancient gathered tomb) culture had been at a standstill in the lower reaches of the River Abukuma. But the Yokoana-kofun (the tunnel tomb of ancient mould) culture had advanced to the basin of the River Hazama, which runs through the northern fringe of the Sempoku zone (northern half part of the Sendai plain). Some Yokoana-Kofun culture were still for a while to be seen in this zone even in the Nara Era.The author has an intention to analyse the regional structure of the Sendai plain which located in the transitional zone of the Rtisuryô State, in following after the integrating process of the Ezo district into its organization. At the same time he would like to grasp the shifting aspects of regional structure at the Sendai plain from the Pre-Nara Era to the Nara Era at the angle of the authoritative penetration from the Ancient State's side.Geographical feature of the Sempoku plain is its alternative range of hill and plain. At the plain there were found a lot of low and damp spots which infiltrated from the coast to the innermost of the land. At the places where are above more than 10m. of contour line, their abrupt and sharp inclination often brought deluge to the low land at rainfalls. Thus there were supposed to be confirmed flood areas. Promotion of developing policy of the Ancient State had been greatly affected by this natural condition.In consideration of village organization, now, it is to be pointed out that administrative villages, which were incorporated in the provincial system of the Ritsuryô State, were far more fully established in the Sen'nan zone (southern part of Sendai plain) than in the Sempoku zone.In ancient times a Shinto shrine was usually built at each village, so it is natural to suppose that there should had been more Shinto shrines in the Sen'nan zone than in the Sempoku zone. On the contrary, in fact there were more of Shikinai shrines in the Sempoku zone than in the sen'nan zone, in taking note of the village organization ratio. To confirm the Shinto shrines of ancient times, it seems there is no other way but studying of the Shikinai Shinto shrines: i.e. the legalized ones in the Ancient Japanese Law “Engishiki”. They had been usually set up around the forts at the frontiers or along the relaying route linking them with each other.Most of Shikinai Shinto shrines were ordinarily located at the position above more than 10m. contour line, facing down the low lying land or low marshy ground. Broad spread of Grey soil were to be found at such low plains.

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.6, pp.507-530, 1986-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

153

被引用文献数

2 1

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Traditionally, many geographers have been interested in the relations between methodologies of human geography and ecology, but their standpoints have been divergent. The purpose of this review is to clarify the context and directions of the ecological approach with reference to the methodology of sociology, anthropology and ecosystem theory in the U.S.A. and the U.K.In the Chicago School of sociology, human ecology is defined as the study of community. Human ecologists make a distinction between community and society. Society is based upon the cultural consensus of the inhabitants, while community is based upon their biotic competition and symbiosis. But the biotic community concept has been severely criticized. In response to this criticism, human ecology has divided into two schools. The Neo-orthodox school mainly studies spatial structures of communities. And Socio-cultural school emphasizes the individuals' perception and image of the space.Anthropologists, traditionally, have been interested in the geographical area and historical change of cultures. Steward has proposed a theory of cultural ecology which concerns adaptation of culture to environment. In contrast to him, other anthropologists propose a more biological, ecological anthropology that is based upon ecosystem theory or Darwinism.In addition, some geographers have introduced community theory (Morgan, Moss) and ecosystem theory (Stoddart) from biology, especially ecology. These are theoretical frameworks that attempt to dissolve the distinctions between physical and human geography and between idiographic and nomothetic approaches, in order to defend the unity of geography. The Chicago School of sociology inspired the theory which investigates the morphology and function of urban areas, which has in turn influenced urban geography. Anthropology has inspired ecological methodology which investigates man's adaptation to environment from the viewpoint of activities for subsistence. Such movements have affected current cultural geography.In sociology, anthropology and human geography, the ecological approach commonly concerns the process in which social behaviors adapt to and interact with space and environment, as well as the values and perceptions of man, and energy flows in that process.In conclusion, the author would like to understand the ecological approach in the following currents:1. Both geography and ecology are studies based upon region and place.2. Both geography and ecology endeavor to comprehend nature and society integratively.3. The ecological approach is wholistic.4. The ecological approach studies historical changes.5. The ecological approach treats circulation and economic phenomena.6. The ecological approach investigates the relations between internals and externals of population, community and ecosystem.7. The ecological approach is functional.8. The ecological approach is systematic.Many geographers, however, have criticized ecological approach for the following reasons: (1) Ecological approach is not deductive and analytical. (2) Ecological approach is based upon biological analogy, and is destitute of socioeconomic scope about human society. Therefore, in attempts to solve problems of environmental pollution geographically, it may be necessary to add wider social framework to ecological approach.

著者

内田 順文

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.5, pp.391-405, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

49

被引用文献数

16 4

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In this paper the term place image is used in its broadest sense to mean all kinds of mental imagery related to a certain place. The recognition of a place is to relate place images with that place. The author defines the idea which arises from this recognition a place. The concept of place implies' both existing space (place) and the image for this place. Therefore every life has this concept of place.In human society, a place name existing as a sign indicates a particular place. We can recognize in this a symbolic relation between place name as significant and place as signifie. As the symbolic relation once accepted as a social norm is passed on in the social group, in mature and complicated societies, most places alreaday have place names and the society's members must learn the symbolic relations.To recognize a place indicated by a place name is to have an image for that place. Therefore a place name not only represents a place as a part of space but causes recognition of place by connecting it with a personal place image. Now places and place names are given a variety of meanings and values by the personal place image, so we can understand the relation between man and place, and explain human behaviour by decoding these meanings. We could deal with this as a problem of interpretation of places.Although each member of the social group has a personal place image for a given place and place name, there is a commonly held part in each place image. As a result of decoding the relation between place, place name and place image, we can communicate a common place image to each other by use of that place name. Such social place images intensify regulation by repeated use in the society. The author calls this process symbolization of place images. We use this social place image in communicating on a social level.In Japan, place images symbolized on a national level are seen frequently and are most important. Some examples of places influenced by such symbolization are as follows:1. Artists often make better use of existing place images in their works for communication with their audience. On the other hand, it sometimes happens that the personal place images of artists get symbolized socially through expression in their works.2. The images of places having a figurative relation to each other can be placed in a certain system and are apt to be symbolized because of the connection of images intensitied by the association.3. Place image often produces economic values, for example a rise in land prices or an increase in the number of tourists, by connecting with ideas having social values.4. Once the symbolization of a place name and place image is formed, the relation is not easily broken. Therefore when there is a gap between actural conditions and the symbolized place image, it no longer represents the true content.

著者

松村 嘉久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.4, pp.331-352, 1997-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

62

被引用文献数

2 2

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There are two main processes underlying the formation of a nation-state. First is the process of state-building, which has been related to the territorialization of state hegemony. Second is the process of nation-building, which is linked with the creation of a citizenry. In October 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came into power, the influence of the CCP in frontier areas occupied by minority nationalities was quite limited. Such areas formed a kind of buffer zone, where the interests of local ethnic minorities, the former Guomindang government, and various foreign powers all lay in competition. Following the establishment of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region in 1947 the CCP produced a state-building plan known as the Regional Autonomy System for Minority Nationalities (RAS), with the purpose of integrating frontier areas into the territory under the direct power of the CCP. The purpose of this study is to elucidate the development of the Autonomy Policy of the CCP, paying special attention to the formation of Chinese state building in the 1950s.In the second section of this study the development and present state of Nationality Autonomous Areas (NAA) is examined from a historical perspective. During the period 1947-1958 four autonomous regions, twenty-eight autonomous prefectures, and fifty-three autonomous counties were established. In the 1960s and 1970s, when the ethnic policy of the CCP had been largely rejected under the influence of the Great Leap Forward and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, only the Tibet autonomous region and ten autonomous counties were established. Afterwards, the number of autonomous counties increased rapidly following enforcement of the Law on Regional Autonomy for Minority Nationalities in 1984. Evidence is brought to light, however, to suggest that several NAAs said to have been established after 1959 were set up in the 1950s. In fact, the structure of the present administrative organization in almost all Chinese minority areas, with the only exceptions of the Tuija and the Man nationalities, were formulated in the 1950s. This is considered to be the decisive period in which the CCP government created a nation-state.The third section of this paper explains how, in the first half of the 1950s, Nationality Autonomous Regions (NAR) and Nationality Democratic United Governments (NDUG) were set up as predecessors of NAAs. The CCP dispatched missions to three regions with minority groups which, in the South-West and the Middle-South, resulted in the establishment of a large number of NAR and NDUGs. In the South-West region in particular, eighty-five NARs and 163 NDUGs had been set up by the end of 1951 (with a view to their importance for national defence), although formal enactment was not carried out until August, 1952.Administrative reorganization of these districts in the second half of the 1950s is discussed in section four of this paper. The Chinese Constitution of 1954 provided for a new administrative order, with NAR and NDUGs to be replaced by NAAs comprising autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures, and autonomous counties. Three policies for reorganization, announced officially at the end of 1954, clarified the complementarity of these districts with one another and introduced certain reforms. RAS policies after 1958 are also discussed briefly in this section.The final section investigates whether or not RAS policies have been applied equally to all the main nationality minorities, using data from the 1990 Census of Minority Nationalities. The political and administrative conditions of minority nationalities are classified into six categories according to the number of autonomous areas for each minority nationality and the percentage share of total population occupied by these groups. The results indicate that minority nationalities are not always treated equally by the CCP.

著者

福田 珠己

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3, pp.269-281, 1991-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

6 5

著者

松村 祝男

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, no.2, pp.163-182, 1973-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

27

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In the Mochimune area, there are 51 mandarin orange orchardists, and the total area of the orchards is 10.2 ha (1970). In the Osada district including the Mochimune area, the beginning of cultivation of this fruit is, in general, pretty old. But as for the Mochimune area alone, in spite of good physical condition for cultivation, mandarin orange has been cultivated only for these 20∼25 years.In this paper, the author studied the reasons why the Mochimune area was late in starting cultivation of this fruit.In the Mochimune area, the fishery had been the main occupation for the people before the World War II, and the conditions were unfavourable, for the cultivation of mandarin orange, and the necessity for the cultivation of this fruit was small.During the war the fishery was halted, and it could not be restored after the war, due to lack of ships and the other fishing facilities.For the factors above mentioned, the cultivation of mandarin orange, instead of fishery, was introduced to the Mochimune area ofter the World War II.

著者

若林 芳樹

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.2, pp.148-166, 1985-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

121

被引用文献数

6 3

著者

上田 元

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.3, pp.193-211, 1986-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

82

被引用文献数

4 2

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The two major aims of this article are to survey the different phases in the introduction and definition of‘Territoriality’ as a concept in Western geographical literature, and to investigate the definitions from a meta-geographical point of view, focusing on the axiomatical structure of each definition and the ideological characteristics which each structure has as a system of representation of the world from on a particular social standpoint.‘Territoriality’ in human geography has its origin in ethology, and the concept was introduced in geography at the beginning of the 1960's. In ethology, the concept was defined first as the aggressive instinct of an organism defending its surroundings. The logic of this theory is a bit circular because of its premise of‘an aggressive instinct to be controlled’. This difficulty was overcome for example in sociobiology by posutulating the maximization of‘inclusive fitness’: in this view, territoriality is defined as a strategy which functions when the defense of a territory brings more benefit than non-territorial behavior. This postulate derives from the original metaphor of the utilitarian behavior of man in Europe, and it became the frame of reference in interpreting animal behavior. At any rate, the ethological concept stimulated an interest in human geography in the territorial behavior of man, which has generally been neglected in spatial analysis and is defined as an attempt to control actions and interactions of objects by asserting and attempting to enforce control over a specific geographical area.The influence of the ethological concept on human geography can be found in some definitions, where geographers use the works of ethologists, but generally they cite first the concept implicitly in an analogical way: there was not any reflection about the difference between animals and man. For example, from the end of the 1960's to the middle of the 1970's, the ethnic or religious segregation within a city is cited as an urban territoriality of man. These implicit analogies are examined in behavioral geography in the 1980's, and it is explicitly recognized that human territoriality has not only biological bases but also symbolical and institutional aspects which are different from animals, and that territoriality has an analogical sense in human behavior.In addition to this behavioral territoriality, the analogical use of the concept has been examined from the humanistic approach from the middle of the 1970's, in the name of ‘emotional territoriality’. This approach aims to surpass simple analogies and reflect the emotions and symbols of mankind. It partly criticizes the behavioral approach because of its axiomatical restriction of the object to the observable and measurable, and treats the concept of territoriality by connecting it with ideas such as‘attachment to place’and so on.The same connection with the emotional is found in some theories in political geography from the beginning of the 1970's. For example, there are such expressions as ‘group's sense of attachment to geographical area’and‘sense of belonging to a particular place’, which signify the sharing in common of a territorial iconography or symbolism like a national flag. These emotional conceptions can be called: a societal territoriality, which is related to the formation and maintenance of‘an attachment to place’by ideological manipulation and societal forces. This conception is found also in the concept of social space, where a value system and other social factors are homogeneous.From another point of view, a conceptual investigation enables us to clarify the ideological and disguised characteristics of these emotional conceptions in the real world, and particularly in geographical theories.

著者

西村 嘉助 牧野 洋一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.4, pp.293-306,386, 1959-08-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

1

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There are two methods for rice crop drying in Japan, on bars and on ground. The drying method on ground, called Jiboshi in Japan, is universal in all Southeast Asia area, and the drying method on bars, called Inekake, is original in Japan.Distribution of types and local names of Inekake in Japan is made clear in this paper, which suggests the propagation process of Inekake method.It originated in Kinki district and spread to east and west. In the snowy land on the Japan Sea side, it transformed to higher one. In northeastern Japan, a new type, pile method called Kuiboshi, was invented.In Kyushu the Inekake is spreading slowly, but climatical condition and traditional tendency permit to resist the penetration of Inekake.

著者

尹 正淑

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.3, pp.279-293, 1987-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

22

被引用文献数

4 2

著者

山村 亜希

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.576-596, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

122

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Many historians and archaeologists have studied the spatial structures of early medieval cities and they have proposed two different ideas. Some studies have insisted that the spaces of early medieval cities consisted of complex and decentralized structures. On the other hand, some researchers have taken the spaces of the cities to embody a concentric circle model consisting of a 'center' and a 'periphery'. They have represented the model as follows; the locally powerful in early medieval cities had complete control over the 'center' of cities, but they could not control the people and economic and religious functions on the 'periphery' of cities. Most studies have accepted both of these ideas without question. However, there is a significant difference between the two ideas, since they might not be applied to the same spatial structures simultaneously. The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the ideas of the spatial structure of early medieval cities and reveal the structures.To accomplish this task, this paper focuses on the case of Bungo Kokufu, which is represented in a set of laws promulgated in the 13th century. The laws are quite famous among historians because they apparently suggest the existence of a prosperous town and the strong influence of the locally powerful over the center of the city. For that reason, Bungo Kokufu has been regarded as a typical city embodying the model of 'center' and 'periphery'. Most researchers believe that the suggested image of the city is the real spatial structure of Bungo Kokufu, and have too easily applied the image of Bungo Kokufu to the other early medieval cities. However, it has not been substantiated whether the image corresponds to the real spatial structure. This paper aims to reconstruct the real morphology and function of Bungo Kokufu in the 13th century without relying on the image of the laws.The second section of the paper sets forth the distribution of the facilities and functions of Bungo Kokufu and examines the changing process of morphology and function in medieval times. Before the laws were promulgated, there were two separate areas in the cities. One was a political and religious area which inherited the function of the ancient local government, and the other was an important outer port for the political area. Facilities such as shrines, temples and residences were located near those two areas and some local warriors and shrines came to power in those two areas. The locally powerful Otomo, who promulgated the laws, had not yet controlled the whole city. The real spatial structure in the 13th century was complex and decentralized. After the laws were promulgated, the distribution of facilities expanded towards the natural levee of the Oita river, but the basic spatial structure did not change. Otomo had started to control the political and harbor functions, but many other locally powerful stubbornly resisted him. Otomo still could not have a strong influence over the city. The prosperous and active town as represented in the laws actually developed only after 16th century. In the end, total control over the city by Otomo was not been achieved in medieval times. That is to say, the real spatial structure and actual status of power of Otomo was different from the image suggested in laws.So, why were such laws promulgated by Otomo? The third section shows the purpose of the laws, examining the political and social contexts of the 13th century where Otomo is situated. The Otomo clan was high-ranking bureaucracy of the Kamakura shogunate, and it originally ruled the lands and economic bases near Kamakura, which was apart from Bungo. Since the late 12th century, Otomo had been given the right to control Bungo from the shogunate, but Otomo still had been working at the capitals, Kyo and Kamakura, as an elite bureaucracy without living in Bungo. In the mid 13th century, the political situation changed.

著者

外川 健一 松永 裕己

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.175-187, 1997-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

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Today, many environmental problems are being observed by a lot of people, and waste management has become one of the most serious problems in Japan. In this paper, we analyzed industial wastes coming from both livestock and marine products in Japan.Much residue has been found in slaughterhouses or meat factories. Some factories use this residue and process materials for feed and fertilizer. These factories are called “rendering plants”.There are about 150 rendering plants in this country, and most of them are medium or small-sized ones. Recently, Japanese agriculture is on the decline, and it has become difficult to supply a sufficient amount of residue to the rendering plants. The locations of this business are dispersed around the country, making it difficult to transport the residue a long distance because it is often decayed. Furthermore, the odor remains a serious problem for this business.As the distribution system of the rendering business is vague, it is neccessary to grasp and plan how to use and remove these resources for a better future.

著者

井戸 庄三

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.5, pp.481-505, 1969-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

165

被引用文献数

3 5