1 0 0 0 OA 美盾十二史

著者
一勇齋國芳 画
出版者
遠州屋又兵衛
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, 1840
著者
青島 忠一朗
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.14-26, 2016
被引用文献数
1

<p>This paper discusses how the accounts of rebellion in Assyrian royal inscriptions were described and manipulated, taking the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II as an example.</p><p> Accounts that deal with rebellions can be divided into two types : 1) those where the suppression of the rebellion is clearly mentioned, and 2) those where a punitive expedition is presented in a way to suggest that the military activity is unrelated to a rebellion. Those of the first type present putting down rebellious acts that disturb the world order as the reason for the campaign. By describing those acts the accounts put enemy in the wrong and justify the military activity of the king.</p><p> Those of the second type, where the rebellion is concealed, include not only accounts of unsuccessful punitive expeditions, but also those of campaigns that fulfilled their aim. A number of rebellions in the same region, even if the king subjugated them each time, might expose the incompetency of the king and the fragility of his rule. Since this does not lend itself to royal praise, the accounts describe only the last rebellion in a certain region as such.</p><p> The failure to mention the rebellion in the account was not merely intended to cover up an unfavorable fact, but was also utilized to glorify a royal deed. If a description of the rebellion is left out of an account, it is indistinguishable from the account of a campaign against a foreign land. The punitive expedition is thus described as if it was a military activity against an unsubmissive ruler. In particular, through first hiding and then mentioning rebellions, the suppression of repeated rebellions in the same region is transformed into the conquest of "unsubmissive" land and the stabilization of the kings rule through the elimination of the rebel.</p>
著者
高橋 寿光 西坂 朗子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.2-13, 2016
被引用文献数
1

<p>The second boat pit of Khufu is located on the south side of the pyramid of Khufu at Giza, Egypt. In 2011, the cover stones of the second boat pit were lifted up by the Japanese-Egyptian joint mission. The graffiti in red, yellow and black inks were recognized on some of the cover stones. It is well known that the graffiti written on building stones provide information about transportation procedures and workmen involved in the work. This paper aims to examine the graffiti on the cover stones in order to understand transportation process and workmen responsible for these works.</p><p> The graffiti on the cover stones can be chronologically divided into at least two stages by observing the surface treatment of each cover stones. The stone surfaces which show the older stage were roughly shaped. On the other hand, the surfaces at new stage were carefully smoothed. According to observation, it was presumed that the old stage corresponds to the phase from quarry to workshop and the new stage coincides with the phase after shaping stones at workshop.</p><p> The old stage graffiti include the simple signs such as "ankh," "hetep," "nefer" which seem to represent the team of workmen in charge of transporting stones. The destination marks in old stage such as "pyramid," "temple" instruct transportation from quarry to pyramid area. The graffiti in new stage include inscriptions with the name of Khufu or Dedefra which represent the workmen in charge of drugging stones in the pyramid area. The destination marks include "boat" or "boat-pit" which seems to indicate the instructions of delivery to the second boat pit.</p><p> The study of graffiti on the cover stones from second boat pit suggest that two distinctive organizations were involved in the transportation of stones from quarry to the building site at Giza.</p>
著者
黄イェレム
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.2, pp.61-89, 2016-09

Translations of the Bible into Chinese and the Confucian Canon (四書五経) into English were first completed by Protestant missionaries during the 19th century. Although it is understandable why missionaries translated the Bible, why they worked to translate the Confucian Canon into English is not so apparent. This article explores the reasons for and the context in which the first English translation of one of the Confucian Canon, Analects, entitled The Works of Confucius was published in 1809 by Joshua Marshman, an English Baptist missionary to India, by considering the background to Marshman's Chinese translation of the Bible, as well as the social-political climate of the time. The present scant Chinese research dealing with the context of Marshman's translation endeavors has only viewed the situation from Marshman's perspective. This article searches for a broader context. The author's analysis of the 19th century sources including the writings of the clergyman of the Church of England and those of the Serampore Baptist missionaries makes it clear that whether it be the Chinese Bible or the English Analects, Marshman's translations were deeply related to English East India Company (EIC), the most influential political force in Bengal. In 1800, the College of Fort-William was established for the education of EIC's junior functionaries, and Oriental languages were included in the curriculum. In addition, a project to translate the Bible into Oriental languages was promoted by the clergymen of the Church of England who were the College's provost and vice-provost. Baptist missionaries also joined in the project. The College set up its Chinese language program in the consideration of both political/commercial needs and the translation of the Bible hiring a Macao-born Armenian. However, in the situation in which the Court of Directors (EIC) was opposed to the College and planned to curtail its operations, Chinese education and the Chinese Bible translation project were transferred to Serampore, where Marshman took the responsibility for the translation work at the suggestion of the College's vice-provost. Turning to the question of why Marshman had no alternative but to publish an English version of the Confucian Canon, the author points to changes that were occurring in society during that time, in the form of a violent anti-missionary atmosphere created by political and social events, in particular, the Vellore Mutiny of 10 July 1806. In light of these factors, the Bible translation project of the College of Fort William was suspended. Moreover, the newly appointed Governor-General implemented anti-missionary cultural and religious policy. Under this anti-missionary social mood, Marshman set up a non-religious project to publish an English translation of the Confucian Canon, which enabled him to successfully obtain official support and monetary assistance from the Governor-General of British India and Bengal EIC members. In his The Works of Confucius (Vol.1) that is the translation of Analects (Section 1 to 10) and includes the original Chinese text, Marshman focused on an analysis of the Chinese characters and sentences. It means that Marshman intended to meet a need for a Chinese language learning instrument for the EIC as well as to aid his religious project, i.e., Chinese Bible translation and publication, in the sense that it was a useful medium to deepen his understanding of the Chinese language and Chinese text printing was attempted.
著者
田中 鉄也
出版者
日本南アジア学会
雑誌
南アジア研究
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2015, no.27, pp.46-67, 2015

<p>本稿は、ラージャスターン州のラーニー・サティー寺院を事例に、公益団体によるヒンドゥー寺院運営の特徴を分析し、その活動が基礎とする「公益性」を明らかにすることを目的とする。ジャーラーンという親族組織の極めて「私的」な女神信仰は、カルカッタに移住してきたマールワーリー・ジャーラーンが1920年代に自らの財産を「公的なもの」へと読み変えることで、寺院へと姿を変えた。 1957年に慈善協会を組織しこの寺院の占有権を勝ち取ることによって、受託者たちはカルカッタを拠点とした寺院の遠隔地経営を確立した。彼らの寺院運営は特定のコミュニティに限定した共助的活動に終始しているように見える。しかしそれは「公共の財」としての寺院をいかに運営し、何をするべきかを熟知した上で行われた「公益活動」と解釈できる。彼らは自らの活動が受託者に(血縁や地縁などの意味で)直接的に関わりのある範囲に限定された「私的なもの」でないことを証明するために、活動の恩恵を得る対象を具体的な大きさをもったコミュニティとして策定することで、彼らなりの「公益活動」を実現してきたのである。</p>