著者
中村 壮大 勝平 純司 松平 浩 高橋 美帆 佐久間 善子 崎田 真里子
出版者
公益社団法人 日本理学療法士協会
雑誌
理学療法学Supplement Vol.44 Suppl. No.2 (第52回日本理学療法学術大会 抄録集)
巻号頁・発行日
pp.0269, 2017 (Released:2017-04-24)

【はじめに,目的】四つ這い位などの運動課題の違いが腹横筋に与える影響についての研究は認められるが,ブリッジ動作の種類の違いによる影響の検証は行われていない。そこで我々は,ブリッジ動作の種類の違いがどの様に腹横筋の筋厚へ影響を及ぼすかを明らかにすべく検証を行った。【方法】対象は整形外科的手術歴がなく,神経学的にも問題のない健常成人26名(男性10名,女性16名)とした。超音波診断装置を用い課題動作である3種類のブリッジ動作(両脚ブリッジ,片脚ブリッジ,クロスブリッジ)と安静時の腹横筋の筋厚の測定を実施した。被験者は両脚ブリッジ(股関節伸展0°となるまで臀部を挙上),片脚ブリッジ(一方の下肢の膝関節を完全伸展させたまま臀部を挙上させ股関節伸展0°になるようにし,左右の膝蓋骨の高さが同じかつ足関節底背屈0°),クロスブリッジ(一方の外果を他方の膝蓋骨上縁に接し,他方の股関節伸展0°となるまで臀部を挙上させる)を行う。これに加え,ブリッジをしない安静時のコントロール群,計4種類における腹横筋の筋厚を測定した。測定条件として①ブリッジ動作時上肢は胸の前でクロスする②両脚ブリッジでは両側の膝関節,片脚ブリッジ・クロスブリッジでは接地側の膝関節を70°屈曲位とする③足底はベッドに全面接地させる。分析方法は2試行の平均値を代表値とした。統計処理として,ブリッジの種類による腹横筋の筋厚の比較には,種類,左右,性差の三元配置分散分析反復測定法を実施し,交互作用を検討した後に,一元配置分散分析反復測定法(種類)にて検定を行った。有意水準は5%とした。また,被験者に対して各ブリッジ動作の難易度についてのアンケートを実施した。【結果】三元配置分散分析(種類,左右,性差)を行った結果,性差には有意差を認めたものの,種類と性差,種類と左右,性差と左右に交互作用は認められなかった。そこで,一元配置分散分析(種類)にて検定した結果,安静時に比べ両脚では有意に筋厚の増加が認められた(p=0.001)。また,片脚に比べ両脚(p=0.002),クロスに比べ両脚(p=0.001)でも有意に筋厚の増加が認められた。【結論】ブリッジ動作の種類の違いにおける腹横筋の筋厚への影響を検証した結果,両脚ブリッジにおいて最も筋厚が増加した。諸家によって,支持基底面が不安定な時には脊柱起立筋やハムストリングといったグローバル筋群が活動する事が報告されている。本研究において両脚ブリッジで最も腹横筋の筋厚が増加した要因として,片脚やクロスなどのブリッジ動作と比較して両脚ブリッジでは支持基底面が安定しているため,骨盤底筋群や腹部深層の腹筋群の収縮が得られやすく,これが,腹横筋の筋厚の増加につながったと考えた。本研究により両脚ブリッジが最も腹横筋の筋厚が増加することが明らかとなった。これらは,リハビリテーション分野におけるトレーニング方法の重要な知見となると考える。
著者
上村 明
出版者
内陸アジア史学会
雑誌
内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.119-143, 2016

<p>In June 1930, over 430 Altai-Urianhai families moved across the Altai Mountains to Xinjiang, China. This "escape" triggered a chain of cross-border movements going out of Mongolia, initially in the region of western Mongolia and then spreading all along the border areas close to China. Altai-Urianhai's reports presented at the national congress meetings, as well as maps they produced and submitted to the governments, show that their territory had shrunk due to Kazakh domination of the region and unfavorable governmental policies. They stated that their motherland was the Chingel River to the west of the Altai Mountains, pleading for the government to return it to them. Furthermore, the government of the People's Republic of Mongolia, which was undertaking nation-state building, had started to introduce the school-education system and the conscription system. The Altai-Urianhai people considered not only those systems but also the government to be those of "Halha's", "red", and therefore "evil". In this context, they did not "escape" from their motherland, but rather returned to their homeland. Those suffering in other areas of Mongolia took the incident to be an "escape from the motherland" or a "form of resistance" rather than a "return home". In other words, they "de-contextualized" the incident from Altai-Urianhais' historical contexts, and "re-contextualized" it into their own positions in the situation of that time. Thus developed the mass refugee movements in the early 1930s in Mongolia.</p>
著者
アローハン(阿如汗)
出版者
内陸アジア史学会
雑誌
内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.93-117, 2016

<p>This paper discusses the case that a Japanese soldier, <i>Ryutaro Ito</i>, was invited as an instructor in the <i>Töb-i Sakikü Tangkim</i> school established by a noble of Kharchin Mongol's Right Banner, <i>Güngsangnorbu</i>. I then examined the circumstances and the historical background of this case, using materials of the National Institute for Defense Studies Library and the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records, Japanese newspaper articles and the Mongolian newspaper <i>Mongγol-un sonin bičig</i>, which had been published in Harbin. The schools founded by <i>Güngsangnorbu</i> had been discussed by many scholars from the viewpoints of Japanese intelligence activities and the domestic development of the Kharchin Mongol's Right Banner. Previous researchers evaluated founding schools in Kharchin Mongol as a modernization policy of <i>Güngsangnorbu</i>. However, in this paper I concluded that it had been carried out under a strategy of the Japanese Army. In addition, the Japanese Army was developing intelligence activities in Mongolia on the eve of Russo- Japanese War. This paper pointed out that <i>Ryutaro Ito</i> was dispatched for the military purposes of the Japanese Army against Russia.</p>
著者
速水 多佳子
出版者
鳴門教育大学
雑誌
鳴門教育大学研究紀要 (ISSN:18807194)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, pp.111-119, 2012

As society undergoes sweeping changes, the circumstances surrounding school education are also changing. Issues such as the deterioration of children's desire to learn and academic ability, bullying, and nonattendance have emerged. To appropriately respond to these issues, improvement of teacher qualifications and skills is required now more than ever. Because teacher qualifications and skills are formed continuously during the stages of teacher development, hiring, and training, the present study focuses on university, which represents the "development" stage. Using case examples of practical teaching, we consider the potential for improvement of the qualifications and skills cultivated at university. We continuously conducted group discussions on various education issues with volunteers, primarily graduate students. The findings of a questionnaire study administered to the participants indicated that group discussion had high effectiveness for the items "The social skill of trying to cooperate with others," "The ethical perspective of awareness of behavior that serves as a model," and "Sense of mission as a teacher," suggesting that discussion can result in improvement in teacher qualifications and skills. In addition, 95% of students answered that they were able to acquire "Ability to speak in front of people" and "Listening skills." These findings suggest that group discussion is effective. In the future, we intend to further examine the nature of practical teaching that takes advantage of the characteristics of students at teaching colleges.
著者
塩野﨑 信也
出版者
内陸アジア史学会
雑誌
内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.49-72, 2016

<p>This article discusses the complex self-consciousness of Mirza Fatali Akhundzadeh (1812-1878). He is esteemed as one of founders of the Azerbaijani identity in the presentday Republic of Azerbaijan, but he is also regarded as one of the first 'Iran nationalists' in the context of the history of Iran. </p><p>It is true that he thought of Iran as his homeland and was proud to be an Iranian, but he also noticed non-Iranian elements in himself. For instance, he was not a native Persian speaker—he grew up speaking Turkic; he was an inhabitant of the Caucasus as well as a subject of the Russian Empire. Thus, he defined Iranians as descendants of the Ancient Persian Empires and insisted that his distant ancestors were connected to them.</p><p>He did not always recognize himself as Iranian. He used different group names depending on each situation. For example, when he spoke to Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire to enlighten them, he used 'Mellat-e Eslām (Muslims)' as a group name to communicate that he was one of them. He also called himself a 'Tatar' when he wrote letters to Russian officials. 'Tatar' was a Russian term applied to Turkic-speaking people in the Empire.</p>
著者
塩谷 哲史
出版者
内陸アジア史学会
雑誌
内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.73-92, 2016

<p>This article analyses the factors behind the failure of the Amu River diversion project initiated by the Grand Duke Nikolai Konstantinovich in the territories of the Khanate of Khiva at the end of the 1870s. Shioya (2014) argued the details of the Grand Duke's project and the response of the government of Khiva to them, but the response of the general-governorship of Turkestan, the then supreme military-administrative organ of the Russian Empire in Central Asia, to the project still needs to be analysed. From the correspondence between the governor-general K. P. von Kaufman and a zoologist, D. Alenitsyn, it is evident that the former's response concerned the militarily strategic importance of the navigation of the Amu River, and the contemporary situation in Afghanistan, that is, the ongoing Second Anglo-Afghan war. Within the war ministry, the logistics connecting the navigation of the major river with the planned railroad between Central Asia and Russia were highly evaluated. In addition, the influence of the Duke's activities on the Turkmens in Khiva was also considered to bring instability to the khanate, regarding which Alenitsyn pictured the worst-case scenario, namely, the collapse of Russian rule in Central Asia with the spread of native disturbances initiated by the British-Indian army, if the army were to march through the Amu River basin. These factors, in line with the Grand Duke's misapprehension of the history and irrigation of the lower basin of the Amu, led to the failure of his diversion project.</p>
著者
小沼 孝博
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.1, pp.204-171, 2016-06

This paper examines the interactions between political power and local merchants, traces the traditional systems of the caravan trade in Kashgaria oasis towns to the south of the Tianshan Mountains (southern Xinjiang), and investigates how these changed after the Qing conquest. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Yarkand flourished as the capital of Yarkand Khanate and as a hub of trade, from which large-scale caravans that journeyed towards Ming China were dispatched about once a year. The rights and certifications for sending caravans were sold by the Yarkand khan to the caravan leader. The khan also charged a large sum for the rights for mining jade, which was the most important product traded with Ming China. In short, profits from caravan trade were directly connected to the revenue of political power established at oasis towns in Central Asia. After the Kashgaria region was conquered by the Qing dynasty in 1759 and became a new northwestern frontier of the Qing, Kashgarian Muslim merchants faded from the international trade scene of over time due to trade restrictions imposed by the Qing. The Qing set up a series of karun (check points) along the route to monitor traffic. To pass through a karun, the merchant needed permission from the Qing authorities. After the Qing established a government-managed trade relationship with the Kazakhs in northern Xinjiang, they prohibited direct trade between the Kazakhs and the Kashgarian Muslims to ensure their own monopoly over the market. The Qing government did not have a management strategy to make active use of the Kashgarian merchants. However, the Qing imposed restrictions on external trade in Kashgaria primarily to maintain frontier order. Closely tracing the process, the Muslim chieftains, who cooperated in the Qing's conquest and held the position of hākim beg, acquired vested rights to trade. For dispatching caravans, it was first necessary to seek permission to form and dispatch caravans from the hākim beg. The control over the local merchants and their trade and at the oasis level was managed not by the Qing amban but by the hākim beg. The Qing's intention to limit caravan trade enabled the new Muslim chieftains to hold the rights to trade. At least until the end of the 18th century, the "trading management" was ensured to them as a space that the Qing authorities did not directly engage in.
著者
大塚 修
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.2, pp.347-312, 2016-09

The Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh of Rashīd al-Dīn (d. 1318), which was dedicated to the Ilkhanid ruler Öljeitü (r. 1304-16), covers not only the history of western and central Asia, but also that of India, China, and Europe. Thus, the work has been highly admired in almost all previous studies as the 'first world history' and one of the most authoritative historical works written in Persianate societies. However, such a judgment seems not to have been derived directly from the author's contemporaries or later Persian historiographers, but from nineteenth-century orientalists in Europe. This paper is the first attempt at a historical study of the transmission and reception of the Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh by investigating all of its known manuscripts (over seventy), the frequency of its citation by later Persian historiographers, and several continuations of the work. In previous studies, it has been common to evaluate historical works based solely on the number of surviving manuscripts. However, in the case of the Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh, it must be acknowledged that the context of its transmission and reception underwent a dramatic change after the nineteenth-century, and even before that, its context was complicated. It is notable that there was great variability in the reception of the first volume of the Jāmi' al- Tawārīkh (History of the Mongols) and in that of its second volume (History of the World). While the first volume has been strongly and continuously accepted by Persian historiographers from the fourteenth-century, the second volume seems to have become generally accepted in the seventeenth-century. Almost all later Persian historiographers regarded the work as a History of the Mongols, not as a History of the World. It was nineteenth-century orientalists in Europe that discovered new value in the Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh as a comprehensive world history. A more complete analysis of the historical work, taking account of the changing context of its transmission and reception provides more concrete information on the transmission of historical knowledge in Persianate societies.