著者
中本 圭亮
出版者
東北史学会
雑誌
歴史 = Tohoku historical journal (ISSN:03869172)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.127, pp.19-53, 2016-10
著者
柴田 昇
出版者
愛知江南短期大学
雑誌
紀要 (ISSN:13460927)
巻号頁・発行日
no.45, pp.27-48, 2016-03
著者
柴田 昇
出版者
愛知江南短期大学
雑誌
紀要 (ISSN:13460927)
巻号頁・発行日
no.44, pp.15-30, 2015-03
著者
三浦雄城
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.1, pp.1-29, 2016-06

Under the Han Dynasty, which ruled China for about four centuries, the forces of Confucianism gradually expanded, reforming dynastic institutions in line with its classics and doctrines, then forming a completely new system during the Later Han Period, a process often referred to as the "Confucianization of state religion."Confucianism as a state religion has provoked a great deal of discussion, which can be divided into two separate veins: 1) consideration of the position of Former Han scholars of the Five Classics (wujing boshi 五経博士) as the purveyors of official learning within "Confucianization" and 2) the study of the relationship between the state (emperor) and society with respect to divination (chengwei 讖緯) and the reform of institutions regarding ritual. In order to link these two veins together it would be necessary to clarify to what extent Confucianism permeated the image of the emperors, state institutions and social values by examining at least two questions: 1) in what manner did Confucian learning advocated by Confucian bureaucrats contribute to reforming institutions regarding ritual, thus bringing chengwei ideology to fruition, and 2) whether or not such learning, including chengwei, was effectively assimilated by the Later Han state and society.This article is an investigation of the relationship of Confucianism with the state (emperor) and society revolving around ideas concerning auspicious phenomena (furui 符瑞), which were closely related to ceremonies performed by the the Former Han emperors during the winter and summer solstices on the outskirts of the capital (jiaosi 郊祀), while also considering the formation of chengwei ideology.The jiaosi which developed during the reigns of Former Han emperors Wen-Di 文帝 (203–157 BC) and Wu-Di 武帝 (156–87 BC), involving the worship of Heaven (winter) and Earth (summer) through shamanistic practices, were held by the emperors to produce auspicious phenomena. Meanwhile, those Confucians who had expanded their influence within the bureaucracy during the reigns of Zhao-Di 昭帝 (94–74 BC) and Xuan-Di 宣帝 (91–49 BC) were successful in conjuring up the image of rulers who were able to invoke auspicious phenomena, by adding the benefits of their virtue to Heaven, Earth and all things in between through cheng 誠. It was against this background that the Confucians during the reign of Cheng-Di 成帝 (51–7 BC) and Ai-Di哀帝 (25–1 BC) requested that jiaosi divination rituals be performed. Wang Mang's 王莽 success in overcoming the obstacles to institutional reform during the reign of Ping-Di 平帝 (9 BC–AD 6) was due to a change in attitude emphasizing the Confucian texts interpreted during Cheng-Di's reign by Liu Xiang and Kuang Heng, who had added mystical aspects to the classics, resulting in the incorporation of the prolific ideas about auspicious phenomena found the Weishu 緯書 genre of works, which was argued to have been written by Confucius himself. Through this process, xiao 孝 was also linked to Heaven and Earth through cheng; and its purported ability to bring about auspicious phenomena was also incorporated into Wang Mang's reforms of jioasi and its Later Han forms. At the debates over Confucianism held in the palace's Baihuguan 白虎観 during the reign of Zhang-Di 章帝 (AD 57–88), it was officially recognized that the emperors inherited the order of providence in the jiaosi manipulation of xiao and the existence of their ability to bring about auspicious phenomena, by adding the benefits of the virtue of xiao to Heaven, Earth and all things in between.
著者
杉村 伸二
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.1, pp.33-65, 2016-06
著者
杉村 伸二
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.1, pp.33-65, 2016-06

This paper attempts to situate the Liehou 列侯 of the Han era in the historical process following the Warring States period and to consider the actual situation of Liehou in the establishment of the political order during the foundation of the Han dynasty. The origin of the Liehou of the Han era were the Fengjun 封君 of the Warring States period. Fengjun were appointed as generals or ministers and were positioned at the center of politics in their own states. They were sometimes invited to other states to serve as generals or ministers there and had influence beyond the framework of a single state. Fengjun maintained firm positions as Zhuhou 諸侯 of the realm of All under Heaven and influenced the inter-state order together with Kings. With Qin's unification of All under Heaven, the inter-state order of the late Warring States period ceased to exist, and a commandery-county system was adopted instead. Therefore, Fengjun, who had existed as Liehou during the Warring States, were incorporated into the military-exploit ranks that were formed to establish order in the Qin state, and were transformed into the highest ranks, Liehou and Lunhou 倫侯. With the disappearance of the inter-state order, Fengjun that had had inter-state characteristics were transformed into Liehou, one of the Qin domestic ranks. After the death of the First Emperor and the downfall of the Qin empire, an inter-state order resembling that of the Warring States period was re-established. Fengjun with inter-state characteristics as in the Warring States period also re appeared, the inter-state order influenced by the Zhuhou was re-established in the land of All under Heaven. But, at the same time, the Liu Bang government adopted the Qin system and continuously appointed Hou 侯 based on military-exploit ranks. Thus, Fengjun as Zhuhou as in the Warring States period and Hou based on the military-exploits ranks co-existed. Liu Bang who was enthroned as Emperor Gaozu was also recommended by Zhuhou. Although Emperor Gaozu did not appoint Hou for a period after his enthronement, in the 12th month of the 6th year of his reign (201 B. C.), he appointed some members of his own clan as Zhuhouwang 諸侯王 and at the same time started to appoint retainers whose exploits were deserving as Hou. These appointments were to appoint deserving retainers, who had already been appointed as Liehou based on the military-exploit ranks, as Zhuhou. Thus, the Liehou of the Han era were instituted within in the twenty-rank system instituted in the Qin state but also had the characteristic of Zhuhou.
著者
藤田 高夫
出版者
関西大学大学院東アジア文化研究科
雑誌
東アジア文化交渉研究 = Journal of East Asian cultural interaction studies (ISSN:18827748)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.321-333, 2016-03-31

東アジアの歴史と動態文部科学省グローバルCOEプログラム 関西大学文化交渉学教育研究拠点This paper discusses some historical resources and method to estimate military expenditures in the Han period. As a first example, the author examines a campaign by the Han dynasty against the Tibetan tribes during 61-60 B.C. Secondly, he analyses a method to conduct calculations of the military cost using item of expenditure. Then, he examines an estimation of number of soldiers in the Han period. As a conclusion,the author emphasizes the risk of military campaign against the imperial finance in contradistinction to standing force.
著者
奈良 竜一
出版者
専修大学歴史学会
雑誌
専修史学 (ISSN:03868958)
巻号頁・発行日
no.60, pp.5-38, 2016-03