著者
塩野﨑 信也
出版者
内陸アジア史学会
雑誌
内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.49-72, 2016-03-31 (Released:2017-05-26)

This article discusses the complex self-consciousness of Mirza Fatali Akhundzadeh (1812-1878). He is esteemed as one of founders of the Azerbaijani identity in the presentday Republic of Azerbaijan, but he is also regarded as one of the first 'Iran nationalists' in the context of the history of Iran. It is true that he thought of Iran as his homeland and was proud to be an Iranian, but he also noticed non-Iranian elements in himself. For instance, he was not a native Persian speaker—he grew up speaking Turkic; he was an inhabitant of the Caucasus as well as a subject of the Russian Empire. Thus, he defined Iranians as descendants of the Ancient Persian Empires and insisted that his distant ancestors were connected to them.He did not always recognize himself as Iranian. He used different group names depending on each situation. For example, when he spoke to Turkish people in the Ottoman Empire to enlighten them, he used 'Mellat-e Eslām (Muslims)' as a group name to communicate that he was one of them. He also called himself a 'Tatar' when he wrote letters to Russian officials. 'Tatar' was a Russian term applied to Turkic-speaking people in the Empire.
著者
辻 大和
出版者
内陸アジア史学会
雑誌
内陸アジア史研究 (ISSN:09118993)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, pp.1-21, 2015-03-31 (Released:2017-10-10)

This article examines changes in trading between Choson Korea and Qing Manchuria, from 1637 to 1644, focusing on Choson's situation and reaction to the changes. Choson, who was defeated by Qing during the Bingzi War in 1637, was ordered to send regular tributes to Qing, and princes to Shenyang. Choson began to send tributary goods and an annual gift, suibi, to Qing. Suibi was intended to compensate for Qing's weak economy. Choson also began an open market at the Qing border, Hoeryong, in 1638. After 1637, irregular trading between Choson and Qing increased. This increase forced the Choson government to collect goods from all over the country to meet the demands. However, Choson could also buy commodities from Qing for agricultural reproduction, such as cows and cotton seeds. Choson prohibited officials from carrying tobacco and qingbu, Chinese blue cotton cloth, to Qing, and restricted the number of horses that could be taken. Choson was given a lot of additional responsibilities and duties related to Qing from 1637 to 1644. It is likely that Choson was forced to support Qing economically. After Qing entered Beijing, the need for Korean goods decreased dramatically.
著者
渡邊 洋之
出版者
日本科学史学会
雑誌
科学史研究 (ISSN:21887535)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.227, pp.129-139, 2003 (Released:2021-08-12)

This paper is to explain the process of the introduction of nutrias in Japan and the thoughts of various people who were related to it. Since nutrias was regarded as furred animals suitable for the wartime system and attracted the interest of the military, breeding of them was spread rapidly. However, the demand for nutrias furs was vanished by the defeat of WWII, then nutrias were ejected in the open air. At a later time, around 1950, breeding of nutrias became popular once again. But this boom was declined after several years and nutrias were ejected outdoors again because the boom did not expand beyond the stage of speculative business. This fact shows that in the historical context, the introduction and expansion of nutrias was not seen as a problem but even recommended, which is different from today's principle that any introduced species should be expelled. On the other hand, this paper can not confirm any fact showing the argument about the introduction of nutrias had some influence on the argument about what human society ought to be like. However, it shows that biologists have attempted to speak figuratively about nutrias by giving them various names, for example, shouri (this is a homonym of the word that means victory in Japanese) or rumin (this word means immigrants who are forced to wander in Japanese). This fact means that any discourse about the introduction of living things should become not only scientific but social.
著者
廣岡 佳弥子 市橋 修 本山 亜友里
出版者
公益社団法人 日本水環境学会
雑誌
水環境学会誌 (ISSN:09168958)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.4, pp.163-168, 2014 (Released:2014-07-10)
参考文献数
8
被引用文献数
1 1

廃水中の有機物濃度および外部抵抗の大きさをさまざまに変えた条件で,微生物燃料電池にリン,マグネシウム,アンモニアを与えて,エアカソードにリン酸マグネシウムアンモニウム(MAP)の結晶を析出させる実験を行った。有機物濃度が高い系ほど電流生産量が大きく,カソードへの析出物量も多かった。また,外部抵抗が小さい系ほど電流生産量が大きく,カソードへの析出物量も多かった。また,析出実験開始時の電流生産が多かった系の方が,結晶析出後の電流密度が大きく減少した。これは,カソード上への結晶の析出により酸素還元反応に関わる物質の移動が阻害されたためだと考えられる。

5 0 0 0 放送教育

出版者
日本放送教育協会
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33(11), no.359, 1979-02
著者
髙良 幸哉
出版者
日本比較法研究所
雑誌
比較法雑誌 (ISSN:00104116)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.51, no.3, pp.129-156, 2017-12-30

児童ポルノ規制の保護法益に関し,わが国においては被写体児童の保護という個人的法益に基礎をおく見解が長く通説的見解であったが,2014年の児童ポルノ法改正における児童ポルノ単純所持罪の新設により,かかる観点からの理論づけが困難になっている。さらに,東京高判平成29年1月24日判例集未登載(Westlaw 文献番号:2017WLJPCA01246001)において,児童ポルノの保護法益について社会的法益から説明する裁判例も登場するなど,児童ポルノ規制を巡る状況は変化している。一方,わが国の刑法が範とするドイツにおいては,被写体児童の保護の観点を踏まえつつ,将来害される恐れのある児童の保護という観点を取り込み,仮想児童ポルノ規制や単純所持規制についての根拠づけを図っている。そこでは児童ポルノ規制の保護法益と規制目的を意識した検討がなされている。本稿は,ドイツにおける児童ポルノ規制をめぐる議論を参照し,児童ポルノ規制の保護法益と児童ポルノの規制目的を明らかにし,近時の児童ポルノ規制をめぐる諸論点について検討するものである。

5 0 0 0 OA 国文学類選

著者
次田潤, 井上赳 共編
出版者
成美堂書店
巻号頁・発行日
vol.戯曲篇, 1921