著者

多湖 淳

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.2_13-2_35, 2017 (Released:2020-12-26)

参考文献数

16

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国連は第二次世界大戦後の世界において, きわめて重要な意味をもつ国際制度であり続けてきた。特に安全保障理事会 (安保理) は武力行使容認決議によって, 頻繁に軍事制裁行動を加盟国に許可してきた。数多くの軍事行動を行ってきたアメリカも例にもれず, たびたび国連安保理の 「お墨付き」 を得てきた。しかし他方で, すべての事案で決議を得たわけではなく, 場合によってはその決議を得ずに武力行使を行うこともあった。こういった経緯を踏まえ, 本稿は国連の授権決議がもたらす, 功利主義的な観点から 「帰結」 を論じる。そして, ここでは特に拒否権の行使が 「驚き」になり, ゆえに特別の情報を提供するという可能性について検討を行う。友好国である英国やフランスの拒否権が驚きとなり, アメリカの武力行使そのものの評価に大きく影響することをサーベイ実験のデータで示す。

著者

平野 淳一

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_256-1_278, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

参考文献数

43

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This study examines the political impact of Municipal merger of the Heisei era through exploring the causes of incumbent mayor loss in merged cities. Former studies examining this issue have focused mainly on the financial impact of the merger and have not fully investigated its impact on local politics. Thus, this article explores increases of incumbent mayors' losses in newly merged cities, arguing thatmost incumbent mayors are challenged by strong elected officials such as former heads of local governments or members of prefectural assemblies. The results obtained by regressing incumbent mayors' election results on the pace of budget cuts and type of merger show that mayors who succeeded in reducing budgets were reelected, and the mayors of merged cities (consisting of towns and villages) were not able to leverage budget cuts to get reelected.

著者

天川 晃

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.35, pp.205-229, 1985-03-20 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

須藤 祐孝

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, pp.118-158, 1974-03-30 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

山田 高敬

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.1, pp.1_109-1_133, 2017 (Released:2020-07-01)

参考文献数

55

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本稿は, 経済のグローバル化がグローバル・ガバナンスにおける権威のプライベート化をもたらし, それによりガバナンス目標の達成に非国家主体の協力を必要とする 「多中心的ソフト・ガバナンス (poly-centric soft governance)」 の状況が生まれていることをまずは指摘する。その上で, そのようなガバナンス状況に伴う目標喪失リスクを極小化するために政府間組織がオーケストレーション (orchestration) を実施する可能性を指摘する。さらに, そのようなガバナンス状況では経済的誘因が使われることが予想されるものの, どのようなガバナンス・メカニズムが有効なのかについては不確定性が高いため, 政府間組織によるオーケストレーションは自ずと異なる政策実験の管理・調整をめざすこととなる。最後に, 本稿は, このようなオーケストレーションが成功する条件として当該問題領域における政府間組織の 「中心性 (focality)」 に着目し, ケーススタディーとして国連企業人権指導原則 (UNGPs) の実施過程における国連企業人権作業部会 (UNWG-BHR) によるオーケストレーションを分析する。

著者

田中 拓道

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.226-244, 2006

著者

山中 優

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_37-1_60, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

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One of the thinkers whom Hayek praised very highly is Tocqueville. Hayek regarded Tocqueville as one of the best liberal thinkers of the 19th century who developed most successfully the political philosophy of the Scottish thinkers such as Mandeville, Hume and Smith. And the title of Hayek's The Road to Serfdom (1944) was named after what Tocqueville had called the “new servitude”. Evidently Hayek's argument on tyranny or despotism in the book had many similarities with that of Tocqueville in Democracy in America.   However, there were, in fact, several big differences between them. Tocqueville defined individualism in a negative way: individualism “disposes each citizen to isolate himself from mass of his fellows and withdraw into the circle of family and friends”. But Hayek defined it in a positive way: the essential features of individualism were, for Hayek, “the respect for the individual man qua man”. While Tocqueville considered political freedom most important as a bulwark against the majority's tyranny or a new democratic despotism, Hayek considered economic freedom most important. Tocqueville endeavored to make the best use of democracy to make people good public citizens. But Hayek had skepticism and disappointment with democracy, which seemed to make Hayek resemble Plato rather than Tocqueville. These differences between them seem to pose a significant problem for state-society relationship in the contemporary world.

著者

飯田 健

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.2, pp.60-81, 2018

著者

石井 知章

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, no.1, pp.181-203, 2019-06

著者

相内 真子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, pp.89-112, 2003

著者

木寺 元

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, no.1, pp.348-351, 2019-06

著者

高橋 百合子

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.2, pp.149-172, 2017

著者

福島 啓之

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_340-1_359, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

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This paper examines how Postwar Japan chose a reconciliation partner, by focusing on cognitive psychological dynamics in multilateral diplomacy and domestic politics. The goal of this research is to re-examine the basic framework of Postwar Japan's reconciliation diplomacy systematically.   Despite the accumulation of previous studies, we do not understand much about the systematic patterns of choosing a reconciliation partner. This question is complicated since the patterns derive from the decision makers' synchronic perception of multilateral relationships among states and domestic politics.   To explain how Postwar Japan chose a reconciliation partner, this paper provides a reconciliation model, which is based on decision makers' cognitive psychology. Applying general principles of cognitive psychology to their perception and decision, I reorganize the history of Postwar Japan's reconciliation diplomacy from a theoretical standpoint. The model shows the conditions of reconciliation at the international system level, and at the domestic political level. As preliminary case studies, this paper compares the Yoshida administration's attempts to reconcile with Taiwan and China, with the Hatoyama administration's attempts to reconcile with South Korea and the Soviet Union in 1950s.

著者

濱本 真輔

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_65-2_87, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

37

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The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has scored a historic victory in the 2009 election. It brings an end to more than 50 years of almost unbroken rule by the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This would constitute the first time that power has shifted between the two largest parties in postwar Japan. This change has influenced the bureaucracy and interest groups.   In this paper, we investigate the change in interest group behavior based on the competitiveness of the party system. Our data after dominance is largely drawn from Japan, where we have an excellent opportunity to find out how interest groups reacted to first the prospects. We also utilize the data from Germany and Korea for comparison to the one party dominance system in Japan. An analysis based on a nationwide survey offers a key to understanding the interest groups' configuration in the two - party system and allows us to estimate the effect of the power shift on the interest groups themselves. It is likely that the power shift will result not in the DPJ's dominance, but rather in a situation where the interest groups will tend to be in contact with both parties and withdraw from the electoral process.

著者

押村 高

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.1_57-1_77, 2007

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&nbsp;&nbsp;Whereas there is growing recognition that democracies are less likely to be engaged in military conflict than any other regime type, the United States and Britain, or some other democracies, have finally decided, despite domestic opposition and protest, that they should commit their forces to change Iraq&rsquo;s regime. The democratic pacifism assuming that a state&rsquo;s domestic political system is the primary determinant of international behavior and that the spread of democracy is an important factor of world peace has been called into question by the Iraq War. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;In fact, Western democracies have more frequently used, in recent years, military force in the cases of Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, Afghanistan and Iraq. This chapter then reconsiders the old and new dialectics between democracy and use of force in a changing environment. What difficulties do democracies face in using force in the pursuit of higher values than national interest? In what manner can democracies reconcile the use of force with the moral and political value of democracy? These are the pivotal questions around which we evolve arguments in this chapter.

著者

石川 敬史

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.1_96-1_116, 2019

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<p>一七七六年にイギリス領北アメリカ植民地がヨーロッパ諸国に公表した 「独立宣言」 は、イギリス本国において一六八八年の名誉革命を経て形成された議会主権が植民地にも及ぶという主張に対する異議申し立てであった。</p><p> 一七八三年のパリ条約で独立が承認されたアメリカ合衆国は、条約義務の履行のために統一的な国家を創設する必要に迫られたが、「独立宣言」 に記された革命の原則が、主権を有する国家の設立の足枷となったのである。</p><p> アメリカにおいて主権的国家の設立の最大の障害となったのは、アメリカ入植以来約一六〇年にわたって主権を行使してきた一三諸邦の存在であり、それらを超えて存在する国家主権とは彼らの経験にないものであった。</p><p> 本稿では、ジョン・アダムズ、アレクザンダー・ハミルトン、ジェイムズ・マディソンら、「建国の父たち」 の議論を中心に、初期共和政体における主権国家の創設の試みを検討し、特にアメリカにおいては、司法権力がアメリカ合衆国における主権的機能の担い手となった経緯を明らかにするものである。</p>

著者

三牧 聖子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_306-1_323, 2008

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&nbsp;&nbsp;This thesis revisits &ldquo;Twenty Years&rsquo; Crisis&rdquo; and considers what E. H. Carr means by &ldquo;realism.&rdquo; Since the 1990s, many works have challenged the stereotyped picture of a &ldquo;realist Carr.&rdquo; Now we know much about a &ldquo;non-realist&rdquo; Carr, but there still remain a lot of questions about Carr's &ldquo;realism.&rdquo; Contrary to the prevailing image of anti-idealism, Carr's &ldquo;realism&rdquo; is a &ldquo;weapon&rdquo; to demolish the inequalities between nations, and to rebuild a more equal order. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;During the 1930s, the &ldquo;idealists&rdquo; such as Norman Angell and Leonard Woolf abandoned their optimistic beliefs in public opinion, and advocated the League sanctions against the fascist countries. Together with the pacifists, Carr criticized the League sanctions as a superficial solution, and insisted that the fundamental problem was the inequalities between the &ldquo;have&rdquo; and &ldquo;have-not&rdquo; countries. His criticisms toward the League were not a denial of the League itself. He criticized the &ldquo;Coercive League,&rdquo; which was hostile to the &ldquo;have-not&rdquo; countries, but supported the &ldquo;Consultative League,&rdquo; which functioned as a forum between the &ldquo;have&rdquo; and &ldquo;have-not.&rdquo; <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;Now we are in the long fight against terrorism. Global terrorism is, in part, a reaction to global inequalities. Carr's &ldquo;realism&rdquo; tells us that military actions alone never beat global terrorism.

著者

堀内 慎一郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_261-2_284, 2016

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<p>本稿では, 1949年に結成され, 当時の労働運動や日本社会党において激しい左右対立を引き起こした, 独立青年同盟の結成過程, 組織規模や組織論, イデオロギー等, その実態について調査分析を行った。その結果, 独青は, 当初目指された社青同結成が左右対立により頓挫したため, 総同盟右派や国鉄民同等の民同右派と社会党右派の青年が結成したものであったが, 社会党内での十分な協力関係構築に失敗したこともあって, 総同盟左派や産別民同主流, 社会党青年部によって排撃されたこと, 同時に 「左を叩いて, 右を切る」 という左派の労働戦線再編の戦略や, GHQ労働課の思惑もあって, 独青をめぐる対立が労働運動と社会党全体の左右対立に発展し, 左派優位の確立, 右派の主導権喪失の原因となったことが分かった。一方, 独青は短期間で排撃されたが, 独青に結集した青年の中から同盟指導者が多数輩出されており, 分析結果から, 独青の結成と排撃の過程で形成された組織間および人的関係性は, 今日も連合や民進党において解消されていない, 「総評―社会党ブロック」 と 「同盟―民社党ブロック」 という, ブロック対立の萌芽ともいえるものであったことが明らかになった。</p>

著者

建林 正彦

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.1, pp.201-227,353, 2005-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

17

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This article examines the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in postwar Japan. The author argues that the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has manipulated bureaucrats' policy preferences towards the LDP's ideal position by using “ex ante control” such as recruitment and promotion policy. With the framework of the principal-agent model, the author claims that the spurious autonomy of Japanese bureaucrats can be interpreted as the outcome of successful control over bureaucrats' preferences by LDP politicians. The paper provides evidence with a quantitative analysis of surveys conducted in 1976-77 and 2001-2002. For example, the closer the policy preference of the bureaucrat is to the ideal position of the LDP, the wider he tends to find his discretion.

著者

柏原 宏紀

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.2_230-2_251, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)

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In contemporary Japan, it is the important issue whether political initiative is preferable or bureaucratic initiative is. When we think about this issue, it is essential to consider the relation between a minister and administrative vice-minister. This paper explores its historical relation, going back to the beginning, specifically focusing on the relation between Kyo (minister) and Taiyu (vice-minister) of Kobusyo (the ministry of public works and technology) under the Dajokan system in the early Meiji years. This paper clarifies the following three points:   First, through the examination of the rules and the institution, it can be cleared that October 1873 was the beginning of the relation between a minister and administrative vice-minister. Second, the actual situation of minister and vice-minister of Kobusyo from 1874 to the early 1875 can be elucidated by the analysis of Tetsudoryo-jimubo (the approval document about the railroad policy in Kobusyo). It turns out that the minister Ito Hirobumi was able to cooperate with the vice minister, Yamao Youzou, while controlling the ministry and its policy well. Finally, it can be surveyed by a limited consideration that those relations in other ministries would be the same as Kobusyo's case.