著者

伊藤 光利

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_247-2_266, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

23

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This article attempts to review the literature of interest group studies of the United State and Europe and to draw useful lessons from it for the purpose of improving the state of the interest group study of Japan.

著者

森 裕城 久保 慶明

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.

著者

田村 哲樹

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, no.2, pp.289-311, 2019-12

著者

西 平等

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2019, no.1, pp.13-35, 2019-06

著者

大井 赤亥

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_225-2_245, 2009

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&nbsp;&nbsp;Harold Laski was once a popular political theorist in postwar Japanese politics. This paper examines the &lsquo;Laski boom&rsquo; in the 1950s by comparing three Japanese political scholars: Masao Maruyama, Yoshihiko Seki, and Yasuzo Suzuki. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;While Maruyama depicts Laski as a consistent thinker, Seki stresses Laski's waver in his theory of state and liberty. Meanwhile, while holding a Marxist perspective, Suzuki sincerely accepts Laski's individualism and his theory of liberty. Through the comparison, we shall comprehend that Maruyama and Suzuki similarly appreciate Laski's political ambivalence between western democracy and communism. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;However, this paper also suggests a curious irregularity that Maruyama was attracted to Laski's gradual commitment to communism, and that Suzuki learned liberal theory of right from Laski. In conclusion, Laski's dilemma was also the shared dilemma of Maruyama and Suzuki, and this paper proves the &lsquo;Laski boom&rsquo; in postwar Japanese politics as the intellectual cross-point where these political scholars intersected.

著者

伊達 聖伸

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.1_122-1_144, 2013

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The central figure of the Action Frarnçaise, Charles Maurras presented his "religious nationalism" amidst a tense conflict between republicans and Catholics, which culminated with the separation of the Churches and the State in 1905. The Catholic blocs supported him, because he reclaimed the Catholic monarchy from the French Republic by criticizing individualism and representative democracy. This article tries to contextualize his political thought at the dawn of the twentieth century and to analyze it from the viewpoint of political theology. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;It primarily focuses on Maurras' so-called "Catholic positivism" which was largely influenced by Auguste Comte. However, Maurras deviates from the founder positivist in that he emphasizes the French "nation" instead of the "humanity"; he didn't acknowledge the idea of separation between temporal and spiritual powers. His monarchical nationalism stands on the positivistic horizon, and the autonomous nation rendered absolute doesn't require a heteronomous religious justification. This scheme of political theology, which appeared through his polemic with Marc Sangnier, bore some resemblance to neo-Thomism, despite its pagan character.

著者

三宅 正樹

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.37-56, 1961

著者

森山 茂徳

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, pp.75-96, 1989

著者

森山 茂徳

出版者

岩波書店

雑誌

日本政治学会年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

no.1989, pp.p75-96, 1989

著者

森 裕城

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_42-2_64, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

82

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A succession of books is being published that depicts changes in Japanese society based on the keyword of neoliberalism. This trend is particularly noticeable in fields that address the issues of workers, the elderly, people with disabilities, women, young people, and children. Expressed in more general terms, interest in neoliberalism appears to be growing in fields that study groups that are in weak positions within society. For this reason, this article focuses on the issue of educational reforms in order to identify the spread of neoliberalism in Japan, and it also discusses the development thereof. Viewed from the point of view of the intents of the elite, the development of educational reforms in Japan involves a variety of intermingled factors, and in some aspects these cannot be described as simply neoliberal reforms. However, when viewed at the real - world level of impact on society, school education clearly has been swept in a tide of neoliberalism, and those involved in education see this as problematic. It is the author's belief that this difference in recognition itself generates the current poor prospects on the subject of educational issues. It can be said that there is a pressing need to build an analytical framework for ascertaining comprehensively trends among the elite who institute reforms and trends among the people in weak positions who feel the effects of reforms.

著者

坂部 真理

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_208-2_236, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)

参考文献数

51

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近年, 先進諸国では国民の知的水準を企業・国家の経済競争力の源と位置付け, 国民の学力向上を明示的に政策目標とする諸改革が追求されてきた。 第一に本稿は, P. ホールの社会的学習論の視点からアメリカの初等中等教育改革を分析し, 子どもの 「学力」 の規定因, およびその向上策をめぐる政策アイディア (「政策パラダイム」) の歴史的変容過程を検討する。 第二に本稿は, 同国の制度構造と社会的学習の関係について理論的考察を行う。1990年代以降アメリカでは, 連邦・州レベルで新たな政策パラダイムに基づく教育制度改革が実施されてきた。しかし, 新制度の執行を担う地方・教育現場では, 学力低下の原因に関する異なるパラダイムに依拠し, 多様な制度的機会を利用して, 新制度を別個の目標のために 「転用」 するという動きも現れた。本稿は, こうした制度 「転用」 の例として学校財政制度訴訟に注目し, 制度改革の実施後, その執行・運用をめぐって展開された諸アクター間の紛争を分析する。この分析を通じて, 本稿は, 社会的学習に基づく制度発展を (断続平衡としてではなく), 制度形成者―執行者間の紛争と相互作用の中から漸進的に進行する過程として再構築する。

著者

田村 哲樹

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.1, pp.1_143-1_168, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

55

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Though the state has been the main topic in political theory, it hasn't been the case in feminism. But in recent years feminists have begun to pay attention to the state and state theory. So my research question is how feminists should theorize the state. I argue three points in order to answer this question. Firstly feminists can't see the state as essentially patriarchal, because state is constructed through discursive struggles. Secondly it is important that both civil society and mediation channels are democratic, if state is to be non-patriarchal. So feminist state theory can't be the theory focused on the state exclusively. Finally for feminists it is insufficient to think only about the relationship between state and civil society. Because feminists have criticized public/private distinction, feminist state theory must take this distinction into account. There are some qualitative differences between public realm including civil society and private realm such as family. But we should not see these boundaries as fixed. We go on deliberating whether these boundaries are appropriate or not. That is why ‘politics as public action” is significant.

著者

清水 靖久

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.207-231, 1995

著者

村上 弘

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.1_117-1_140, 2016 (Released:2019-06-10)

参考文献数

57

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日本の政治学教育 (主権者教育) について, 目的, 内容, 手法 (教え方) を整理し, 見解を述べるとともに, とくに内容の面について, 2点を中心に考える。第1に, 教えるべき項目群を民主主義, 市民社会などの政治理念から体系的に導出できないか試みる。第2に, とくに日本で理解が弱いと思われる 「多元的民主主義」 や, その具体的な理解につながる政治権力への批判的視点や政党システムに関する教育について, 内容や教え方を検討する。    教える内容について, とくに高校までの段階では 「政治的教育の中立性」 による制約があるが, 中立性と, 多元的・批判的な見解の紹介とは両立しうる。多元的民主主義や政府への批判的視点は, 政治史, 政治思想, 政治制度, 比較政治などを通じて理解してもらうべきだ。各政党の論評が難しい場合には, 政党システムや 「左と右」 の座標軸を教えることで, 政治を比較し判断する視点を身に付けてもらうこともできる。    教え方については, 複数の情報や見解をもとに考え議論する力を付けさせるとともに, 集団作業, 政治参加, 市民活動などの経験を促すこと自体が有効である。

著者

森 裕城 久保 慶明

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.1_200-1_224, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)

参考文献数

46

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The purpose of this article is to clarify the following 4 points: (1) To what extent are people organized? (2) How much bias is apparent in today's organizations? (3) To what extent have existing organizations approached politics? (4) Is there any structural bias? By comparative study of the data from surveys of voters, interest groups, and pressure groups in Japan, following observations can be made. The older generation is more organized than the younger. Organization is more developed in the profit sector. Interest articulated by new organizations is limited, while old organizations remain. It is therefore difficult to believe that the change of government in 2009 was due to interest group politics. Rather, at top level, interest group politics changed in response to the change of government. This suggests that group actions change easily, although in 2009, it was limited mainly to top level.

著者

猪木 正道

出版者

Japanese Political Science Association

雑誌

日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, pp.23-63, 1952-09-10 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

太田 雅夫 金丸 輝雄 西田 毅

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.105-177,en2, 1965-11-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

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This paper is a report on the field-survey of the voting behaviour and the political consciousness of the citizens of Kyoto, the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, expressed in the 30th General Election of the members of the House of Representatives which took place on 21st November, 1963.As is well-known, compared with the previous Election which was fought with the U. S. -Japanese Security Treaty as the centre of political issues, the points at issue were not clear in the last, 30th Election, and the reason for the Election not being sufficiently understood among the nation, the campaign remained on a low key from the beginning to the end. Correspondingly, the voting ratio in the whole country was 71.1%, which was the second lowest since the end of the Second World War, the first being 67.9% in 1947.In the city of Kyoto, which forms the First Constituency of Kyoto Prefecture, 58.2% was recorded, which is lower than the average of the whole country by 12.9% and is within the lowest-voting group in the country.The result was the elections of two Liberal-Democrats (Ministerial Conservatives), one Communist, one Socialist and one Democratic-Socialist. Therefore in the new political map of Kyoto, there are two Conservatives against three “Reformists, ” the Conservatives having obtained 42% of the votes cast and the Reformist parties 58%. The Communist candidate came out at the top of the members elected. Thus, the Reformist forces are strong in this constituency. The reformist tendency in the political climate of Kyoto has long been pointed out, together with the emphasis of the classical character of this city, especially in connection with its cultural characteristics.Are we to regard this Reformist tendency of Kyoto as being the same as the tenacious strength of the Reformists in large cities, such as Tokyo and Osaka, where the organized forces, with workmen in large and small factories and white-collars as the centre, constitute their support? Or, is there any particular phenomenon in the case of Kyoto, peculiar to it and different from other regions?Further, how far are the citizens of Kyoto conscious of objective recognition of circumstances and subjective selection of value which form the two criteria of political consideration imposed upon the modern “citizens”? Upon these premises and bearing these problems in view, the writers have arranged into order the relation between voting behaviour and political consciousness based on various materials. These materials specifically include those of voting precentage and abstention, choice ox candidates —its reason and motives— points at issue, and so on. The paper lays stress on the description of the actual reality of Kyoto, and does not adopt the method of abstracting a general proposition out of the pattern in this case.

著者

米山 忠寛

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.1, pp.341-363, 2018

著者

中村 悦大

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.1, pp.1_37-1_64, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

参考文献数

35

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Voters' perception of Japanese party system after the electoral reform was investigated and compared with the perception under the LDP dominance era. Tobit principal component analysis was applied to the feeling thermometer data in seven different dataset and analyzed the changes and continues of the voters' perception toward party system. As the result, I found voters put parties on two dimensional space, whose first dimension is the left-right policy frame and the second dimension is governmental party - opposition party distinction. The two dimensional space emerged after the Koizumi cabinet. I also found there is a fair correlation between the voters' principal component score of the governmental party- opposition party dimension and the retrospective evaluation of the cabinet.

著者

樋渡 展洋

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.2_182-2_216, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

参考文献数

53

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The United States responded to the end of the Cold War by promoting trade with regimes that adopted market-oriented reforms but investing in weapons development to maintain superiority over non-democratizing military powers. This policy was sustained in Congress in spite of majority Party changes, divided government, and economic swings. This article constructs a framework that incorporates Presidential agenda setting, partisan debates over control of the agenda, and ideological overlap between the parties to identify the lawmakers behind this policy. This framework builds on Tsebelis’ veto player theory, which includes both institutional veto points and partisan veto players, and predicts voting patterns that differ from Krehbiel's pivotal politics model (focusing exclusively on institutional veto points), Cox and McCubbins’ partisan agenda model (examining only partisan veto players), or the two presidency thesis (emphasizing Presidential agenda setting). The framework is then applied to understand Congressional foreign policy voting patterns. An analysis of Congressional bills and resolutions on China trade, defense spending, and missile defense spending shows voting patterns that are in line with the predictions from this framework, rather than existing models and suggests that stable support for the above policy comes from a bipartisan, pro-business, and President-supportive group of lawmakers.