著者

花木 宏直

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.74, no.2, pp.133-154, 2022 (Released:2022-07-19)

参考文献数

40

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本研究は近代沖縄における,土地整理事業以降の海外移民の送出の実態を再検討した。研究対象地域として,近代沖縄でも多数のブラジル移民を送出した羽地村仲尾次地区を選定し,聞き取りや「在伯日本移民歴史調査表」など移民個々人の動向が判明する資料を組み合わせ分析した。その結果,仲尾次地区では1903年の土地整理事業以降に出移民が増加し,近代を通じて多数の後継者や本家が海外を含む各地に移住していたことが確認された。そして,後継者は移住後に蓄財して帰郷し,出身地区の家産を相続する様子がみられた一方で,後継者の中には移住先にとどまり,子どもを教育目的で帰郷や残留させ,将来の移住先での世代交代に備える事例がみいだされた。さらに,本家が移住した場合についても,出身地区の血縁関係者が家産を継承するだけでなく,移住先に位牌を移動し,出身地区より遠隔的に行事を行う事例がみとめられた。本研究を通じて,近代沖縄では移民送出に伴い,出身地区の血縁関係を越境的に拡大させた様子が明らかになった。

著者

天野 太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.128-147, 1996-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

89

被引用文献数

1 1

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The main purpose of this paper is to make clear the plan of Ishiyama-Honganji's Jinaimachi and restore it on a map.Jinaimachi are temple compound towns from the late 15th to early 17th century in Japan. They have a characteristic form and most of them have walls or moats, and were primarily to facilitate defence against feudal lords (especially, Oda Nobunaga) and some old Buddhist factions.The spatial and social structure of this Jinaimachi has been studied for about 50 years principally by historians, and some effective proposals were preshnted by Yamane Tokutaro (1954), Ito Tsuyoshi (1987), and Niki Hiroshi (1994). Above all Ito's plan is considered most effective. But I think these have some serious problems in both position, and the plan itself. Therefore this paper attaches importance to both position and plan geographically.First, the restoration research of this plan is based upon the“Tenbun Diary”(written from 1536 to 1554 by Saint Shonyo, the tenth chief abbot of the Honganji-Temple), and “Shishinki”(also diary by Jitsuju, the chief of Junkoji-Temple, in the network of the Honganji-Temple). Preceding research used these diaries also, and this paper rechecks their details geographically. As a result, the precise arrangements of temple and six quarters (inside the Ishiyama) can be recognized.Second, in the point of position, this paper is based upon the name of sections and the old configuration around Osaka castle. Consequently it is clear that the positions shown in preceding reseoches are not correct, and have to be modified to the South.Third, this paper looks at the results of archaeological excavation. It attempts to make clear the spatial structure of this Jinaimachi.From these three viewpoints, I suggest the plan in Fig. 8. It shows that the position of the centre of it, “Honganji-Temple”, exists at“Terayama”, the name of the section. It is a more suitable place for configuration than one in the preceding research. And I suggest that the port“Jinainoura”was separated from the town, and connected to it by a road. This structure looks like the precedent of Deguchi Jinaimachi, in Osaka Prefecture.This paper deals with only one Jinaimachi, but the Ishiyama Honganji's Jinaimachi is the most significant in the history of Jinaimachi's, and can point out the existence of the succession of plans from among Yamashina, Ishiyama.I am convinced that such a study of plan contanins some important elements in studying spatial and social structure of Jinaimachi, and about medieval towns and villages in Japan.

著者

平井 松午

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.5, pp.387-407, 1986-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

79

被引用文献数

4

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the immigration process of agricultural emigrants to Hokkaido from Tokushima prefecture early in the Meiji era.The form of immigration to Hokkaido at this period was mainly collective migration and the author has confirmed six groups; Niki-group (117 households) immigrated into Yoichi county in 1879, the second immigrant group (61 households) into the same settlement in 1881, Kaishinsha-group (9 households) into Sapporo county in 1881, Kosansha-group (32 households) into Sapporo county, Takekichi-group (23 households) into Setana county in 1882, and Setana-group (21 households) into Setana county in 1884.Except for the Kaishinsha- and Kosansha-groups, the other groups were led or induced by Takekichi Niki, who played the part of leader when the early migrant groups emigrated to Hokkaido from Tokushima prefecture. His purpose was to cultivate Japanese indigo plants and manufacture indigo in Hokkaido. Accordingly, the area where Takekichi Niki recruited the first immigrants was the Kitagata-Shimogoori region, which was a central cultivation region for Japanese indigo plants on the lower Yoshino River. He intended to produce indigo in Hokkaido, because it was easy to obtain land on the rich plains and cheap fish manure which were indispensable for cultivation of the indigo plant. As they were petty peasants and were distressed by the rising price of fish manure, many farmers in the Kitagata-Shimogoori region responded to Takekichi's recruiting.However, Takekichi, who at first intended to increase the indigo production, became more and more eager to recruit poor peasants as immigrants. Therefore, he also recruited immigrants in the Minamigata region, were the indigo plant had not been cultivated. This implies that the source region of immigrants to Hokkaido spread from the Kitagataregion to the Minamigata region. As the indigo production in Tokushima prefecture declined after the middle of the Meiji era, part of the surplus labor moved to Hokkaido and Tokushima prefecture became the biggest supplier of immigrants in western Japan. Some of these later immigrants settled at the settlement of the early immigrants or at their peripheries. This is because the settlement of the early immigrants played the role of axis for the later immigrants.

著者

倉光 ミナ子

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.383-395, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

36

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A lot of research on reclamation settlements has been done by Japanese geographers. Most of it has been the studies developing statistical data and not focusing on the consciousness of the settlers who actually built the settlements. The culture, especially ritual, transplanted from their homeland to their new settlement has a significance as a symbol in the process of settling. The purpose of this study is to consider the relationship between the formation of reclaimed settlements and ‘revived’ ritual in terms of the settlers.The field of the study, ‘Miyuki-cho’, is formally divided into Nishimiyuki and Higashimiyuki-cho in Toyohashi-shi. It was settled immediately after the Second World War. In 1945, a group of people from Toyone village, the north-eastern part of Aichi Prefecture, started to settle in this area. That was a policy of Toyone village because of its lack of land for cultivation. As reclamation was conducted by Iwanishi agricultural cooperative association, this settlement became a highly united one in comparison with other settlements. In 1949, the Miyuki shrine was established as a result of transplanting a part of their original settlements' shrines. This provided the necessary setting for the settlers to start a ritual, Hanamatsuri, in 1956.There were two contexts in reviving Hanamatsuri. First, the tools for Hanamatsuri were transferred from the people of the Bunchi settlement in Toyone village, who had to move from their original site because of the construction of the Sakuma dam. Among the tools Onimen (mask of gods) is the most crucial one and is the object of worship by the people. Secondly, the cognition of the people concerning Hanamatsuri is significant. They used to learn Hanamatsuri customs in their youth in their home village. It was natural for the people to practice Hanamatsuri and they never questioned its meaning.In conclusion, the settlers started Hanamatsuri as it was indispensable for their life. It was important to revive Hanamatsuri in the process of developing settlements as it meant a final success of their reclamation for the settlers. In sum, in considering the formation of the reclamation settlements, not only physical and economic points of view, but also socio-cultural and subjective viewpoints are necessary.

著者

遠城 明雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.341-365, 1992-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

96

被引用文献数

3 2 3

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In Japan, studies on “community” and the reality of everyday life in the city have been both assumed and largely ignored by geographers. This study, in exploring the role of various social bonds within a local area and the influence of some institutions on its bonds, attempts to clarify some aspects of “community” and its transformation in the city. Though “community” is a highly ambiguous notion, it could be defined as the complete range of relationships an individual is led to establish with other peoples within definite place and that members of it conform to certain unwritten rules or informal norms which can't be applied to outsiders.The research field for this study is Hakata, Fukuoka City, from the 1910's to the 1930's. In Hakata, the “Hakata Yamakasa” has long been held and is one of the most famous festivals in Japan.The main results of this study are summarised as follows:1) There is a mutually supportive role of neighbors materially and emotionally. The inhabitants conform to informal norms, for example, the duty of mutual aids at ceramonial occasions and payment of money used for local community's everyday expenses.In consumption, the inhabitants buy daily necessfties mainly through pedlars and retailers who depend on face-to-face local interaction. It seems that this mode of buying has a potential role in the reinforcement of connection within the neighborhood.Though it is clear that the residents keep close contact with each other, we must pay attention to the difference of these interactions according to gender, age, occupation, socio-economic status and so forth.2) As at “Yamakasa” the various and heterogeneous residents are integrated together in the internal system, they recognize each other as members of the local community and preserve identity and loyaly to their own community through various observances. This identity is necessary for the formation and maintenance of community. The division between the internal system and the external one is kept strictly during the festival. This is, however, not absolute and consistent, but relative and contingent. The nature of each grovp is context-bounded and contingent on two relationships, both intragroup-relation and intergroup-relation. The author emphasizes the contingency of these relationships and the relationship with externalities at various levels.3) In the process of modernization and urbanization, the intervention of administration and capital to the local community is thorugh the labor process, consumption and relief of the poor, etc. Although from the standpoint of inhabitants, local community forms an ‘absolute territory’ which can be a place of identity, from the standpoint of capital, it is a ‘relative territory’ and an obstacle to capital interests occasionally. The new systems gradually include or substitute for the existing institutions and social order or norms which depend on mutuality within the local community. In short, these institutions make individuals subject to control and the accumulation of capital. It seems, however, that there are cases where through the struggle around these institutions a different consciousness from the old one is generated.

著者

山野 正彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.146-167, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

3 3

著者

大城 直樹

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.3, pp.220-238, 1990-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

75

被引用文献数

4 3

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This study aims at presenting some concrete features of Kohama, a Ryukyuan traditional settlement, in order to illustrate“Personality”of place, which may be considered as the whole dynamic relation of life and land. Attempts have been made to grasp their interrelations, namely“genre de vie”in Buttimer's sense, which includes not only material-social aspects but also mental-cultural phases in the analysis of a place. It should be understood, however, that the physical and socio-cultural matters examined here are quite selective, and limited to only the essential ones.The physical aspects are analyzed applying the concept of“high and low island”(by W.L. Thomas, Jr.). The basic physical features of the survey field, Kohama, can be defined as a“high island”, but since the island is relatively small, the characteristics of “high island”are not very apparent. However, the island's peculiar geologic formation, that is, the Quaternary limestone on a terrace and its unconforming position between the underlying surfaces, is favorable to hydrographic process of accumulation-drainage, and is better equipped with water supply for multiple agriculture (mainly sugar cane and rice cropping). For these aspects of the island's ecosystem, the relation between the physical aspects and subsistence form on this island is explicit. However, it is also a fact that the island's small area is a weak base for diversity. On the other hand, the siting of settlements was not necessarily disadvantageous under the medieval policy of giving preference to cultivated land. Rather, given the hydrological characteristics of the island, they can be said to be as appropriately located as the agricultural land.Regarding social matters, vertical relations, which specifically mean the relations between the upper and lower parts of social structure as suggested by hierarchies in kinship and the landlord/tenant system within the settlement, are not dominant, but equal or horizontal relations are noticeable. For instance, as for rice field possession, it is unusual for the main families to occupy well-watered rice fields. Spatial arrangement of residences also shows such a tendency: the houses of the main and branch families are not remarkably segregated. Generally speaking, in the Yaeyama Islands including Kohama, we can find no socially hierarchical system in rural communities such as that peculiar to the main island of Okinawa. It is safe to say that the horizontal social relations in the settlement have reflected a multi-centered and multi-phased rather than a centripetal and vertical social structure.Calling attention to cultural matters, particularly agricultural rites, which enable us to catch a picture of an unusual world and a hidden meaning of place, we are able to understand that, as a cultural apparatus, they embody ties of interdependence among the matters of“genre de vie”. The above-mentioned multiphased structure in the social context is ascertained not only from the different participants in those rites, but also sacred/profane territory and places implying boundaries. Besides, in the physical context, such a structure no doubt makes good use of the landscape surrounding the settlement under investigation.

著者

金井 年

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.3, pp.265-281, 1981-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

54

被引用文献数

1 1

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Historical documents show us that many Jinaichos were established around 1530's and '40s. So, I'd like to call them the second stage Jinaicho as well, the former ones of them, the first stage, the later ones, the third stage Jinaicho. I intend in this paper to clarify the process how the city plan has changed during these three stages.At first, on the topographical condition of location, places where Jinaichos are located can be classified into, (1). Plateau or hill, (2). river-terrace, (3). natural levee, (4), low swamp. The third is a good place not only for Jinaicho, but also for any other settlement, however, the first and the second must have been for the protection of the town. In respect of topography, the defence of the town has become weak for ages. And, when Jinaicho was constructed, Jori system was utilized as basic lines in many cases. This rule is the most notable in the second stage.Next, I consider the inside plan of the town from the following viewpoints. a, The scale of the town and its transformation…… The scale of Jinaicho tends to center especially upon some definite sizes, among them four square scale can be regarded as the “standard” size of Jinaicho. Moreover, we must not miss that the scale of the town is not necessarily original one, but can be found to expand or reduce in some cases. b. The position. of the principal temples…… The temple which dominates the town is almost situated at southern or western side of the town. c. How many moats enclose the town? d. Are the refraetions of roads in the town remarkable or not?…… I put up these two as the indicators which show the degree of the protective function of the district. As far as these two items are concerned, those protective functions remain even in Jinaichos established in modern ages. By the way, on the Japanese castle town, the district plan is considered at the level of “form of block” (machiwari), and “plotting of residental areas” (yashikiwari) (cf. Yamori “The Study of City Plan”).Here, I'd like to approach the characteristics of Jinaicho at one more micro-scopic level, i.e, from the viewpoint of “house type”. Then we notice there are two types of Jinaicho. We find that one is where the residental district is made up of urbanstyle houses, and the other is fundamentally, the same type as farmhouses. Now, I temporarily call the former, “Urban” Jinaicho, and the latter “Rural” Jinaicho.Such difference, is, I assume, caused upon whether agricultural factors have remained in the town or not. Considering not only above-mentioned a. to d. items, but also other factors, the pattern of Jinaicho's transformation can be summarized as follows; In the first stage, Jinaicho Plan have gradually been arranged, and completed in Yamashina, In the second stage, many Jinaichos are constructed according to its arranged plan. But in third stage, we can see the collapse of the plan, however, some Jinaichos, such as the inhabitants took initiative at the establishment of the town, succeed to the same plan as in the second stage. Moreover, we must pay attention to the geographical arrangement of Jinaicho, too. That is, the first stage is in the age of searching for the suitable place for construction, in the second stage, Jinaichos are constructed in the form of encircling Ishiyama.Finally, there remains the problem to explain the relations between Jinaicho and other kinds of settlements, but I have not had my distinct idea upon this problem yet. Therefore I will take up this problem as my next theme.

著者

吉田 道代

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.3, pp.360-364, 2021 (Released:2021-10-31)

参考文献数

30

著者

千葉 徳爾

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.5, pp.449-462, 1964

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It is said that in the village communities of the Shima Peninsula, though they have similarity in natural conditions and historical background, their traditional folk-customs are varied in all aspects. I also had my own experience when I was a member of the research committee for folk-customs in the district. For instance, the customary abdication system of the headship of a family, found at Kou Village, in the eastern end of the Peninsula and famous in its separate type of each household, has not found its resemblance in any other place in the vicinity.<br>I have been interested in this problem from the geographical standpoint, and here present a preliminary essay which will explain some of it. I think that the regional differences in various phases of these customs have been made in comparatively recent times, and that before that they had been alike in any village of this Peninsula, because the fragments of the ancient customs in some villages have the common features with the other Japanese folk-customs. One of the causations would be the destructions of frequent typhoons and tsunamis. The detailed explanation will be given in my future report when I get more certain data. In this introductory report, accordingly, I have explained those which have been regarded as the instances of the compultion of the community are, in fact, those of the transformation of the age class system which was characteristic of the ancient community, by seeing the following examples: the abdication system in Kou Village, the ceremonies of the contracts between formal fathers and formal sons in Matsuo Community and the system of theocratic self-government in Tategami Village Block Association.<br>The origin of the age class system in this Peninsula is a historical problem still to be elucidated. But it may be an important geographical factor that these folk-customs passed through the Meiji Era, an age of great reforms, and was affected by the governing classes of the villages because of their remote locations.

著者

菅野 峰明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.180-194, 1977-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

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About sixty-four per cent of the existing incorporated places in Georgia have circular or arcuate corporate limits. The use of the circular boundary first appeared in northeastern Georgia in the first decade of the nineteenth century. It spread into middle Georgia, western and southern Georgia during the nineteenth century along with population expansion into these areas. The present distribution pattern of the circular and arcuate places was almost completely established by 1920.By 1830, all circular places were located in the Piedmont and they were separated by no more than two intervening counties. These places defined the courthouses as the center of the circular limits. Between 1831 and 1860, circular places spread into the western Piedmont, northwestern and western Georgia. This pattern shows outward spread from northeastern Georgia. Circular boundaries became common among municipalities in the Piedmont. Courthouses accounted for more than fifty per cent of the center points of the circular limits.Between 1861 and 1890, the adoption rate of a circular boundary reached to ninety per cent. Circular places expanded into western Georgia and the Coastal Plain. This process, too, was outward expansion of adoption of circular boundaries. The adoption of circular limits, however, was characterized by small local places. Since Georgia had small minimum population requirement for incorporation, many small places were incorporated during this period. The main function of these places was a commercial center. A small town consisted of a compact commercial core and surrounding residential areas. The length of a radius of a circular limit was arbitrarily set so as to encompass built-up areas and outlying areas. This simple method of fixing a boundary was widely used throughout Georgia between 1861 and 1890.Between 1891 and 1920, circular places spread into the Coastal Plain along with the creation of towns in expanding agricultural lands. As circular boundaries were adopted by local places throughout Georgia, center points of the boundaries were diversified. Between 1861 and 1890, railroad stations were predominant in the central points. After 1891, the use of intersections of major roads, and specified stores as centers of circular limits increased.The use of the circular boundary appears to have been very efficient for small municipalities because circular limits were described only in terms of a fixed center point and arbitrary length of radius without actual field survey.

著者

小谷 真千代

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.330-351, 2014 (Released:2018-01-27)

参考文献数

108

被引用文献数

3

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Since the 1970s, neoliberalist deregulation and increased flexibility in the labor market have led to increasingly expansive use of labor market intermediaries (LMIs) between employers and employees in many sectors. LMIs not only eliminate mismatch in the labor market, but also play an active market-making role. In Japan, one of these LMIs, referred to here as ‘labor contractors,’ grew through the employment of Japanese-Brazilian labor with the sharp growth of the electronics and auto industries in the 1970s to 1980s.The purpose of this study is to examine the process of market expansion of labor contractors focusing on geographic sectorial expansion strategies, from the point of view of LMIs as an active agency. This study introduces the case of Minokamo City, Gifu Prefecture, a city with a high ratio of indirect employment in manufacturing and the use of migrant workers.Following their deregulation in 1952, LMIs in Japan have expanded into various sectors including manufacturing. More recent neoliberalist deregulation has generally liberalized LMI’s businesses, developing favorable environments for them.In the context of the labor shortage in the electronics and auto industries in the 1980s, labor contractors, such as LMIs in manufacturing, geographically expanded their labor sources to include Brazil. In the recession of the 1990s, labor supply destinations were expanded to lower-paying and more volatile sectors, where Japanese workers were unwilling to work, and geographically to the peripheral areas including Minokamo City, one particular city that had experienced a labor shortage due to rapid industrialization in the 1980s.After 1992, labor contractors supplied extensive Japanese Brazilian labor to manufacturing plants in Minokamo City, but the worldwide financial crunch in 2008 affected their market. As a result, they expanded their markets by geographic sectorial strategies in order to overcome the crisis.The case of Company A reveals that labor contractors could survive the crisis by expanding their market to lower-paying and more volatile sectors for unemployed Japanese Brazilians in the electronics and auto industries. Although the population of Japanese Brazilians greatly decreased, labor contractors continued expanding their market by looking for people who could assume the roles of Japanese Brazilians.Moreover, those business activities of labor contractors consist of a relationship beyond the triangular relationship between the LMI, employee, and client. Their business became well established in Minokamo through economic relations around residences for labor or parking spaces for labor contractors, participation in the local community, and establishment of opportunities for certification, etc. Labor contractors and local actors interact in diverse ways, and their relationships have deepened following the crisis.The businesses of labor contractors lead to the expansion of a short term labor market, which is preferred by neoliberalism, and to the expansion of precarious work situations. The neoliberalist labor market reforms since the 1990s obviously have driven the business growth of labor contractors, and consequently they shape neoliberalist restructuring in the labor market. Consequently, this market expansion by labor contractors in Minokamo City could be seen as a neoliberalist restructuring process.

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.352-374, 1999-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

106

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the actual situation of land reclamation caused by the local landlord in Medieval Japan, focusing on the relationship between his residence and the evolution of irrigation systems. This paper lends weight to studies of village landscapes in Medieval Japan, consisting of settlement, landlord's residence, irrigation canals and paddy fields. It seems reasonable to suppose that the social structure of the seigneurial regime is reflected in the spatial structure of Medieval landscapes.Considering irrigation systems from a spatial point of view, the author demonstrates that the location of the landlord's residence is closely related to the structure of paddy field irrigation in the Medieval Period. It followed that the local landlord constructed irrigation systems, and reclaimed waste land such as terrace surfaces and alluvial fans. Particularly in the early Medieval Period, the local landlord was concerned with the formation of the manorial system, being in complete control of Kannou-with rights being mainly based on water supply.The case study of the Ane River basin made it clear that the local landlord-Kokujin-Ryoushu-strengthened his control over irrigation in the 14th century. It has been generally considered that the developing village community, So-son, was responsible for the construction of irrigation systems and the reorganization of villages in the latter Middle Ages. However, the author demonstrates that the role of the local landlord in such situations was much more important than had been expected since it is obvious that some nucleated settlements were formed under his leadership. The spatial structure of such nucleated settlements reflects the process of Kokujin-Ryoushu expanding his territory by making his branch families invade the villages.The author considers that the purpose of studying landscape is not only to restore the different components of landscape to their original state, but also to clarify the driving forces behind its formation. Therefore, in future, it will be more important to emphasize the formation process of landscape in any historical geographical inquiry.

著者

曹 婷

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.5, pp.416-431, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

31

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Xi’an is one of China’s most historically and culturally renowned cities and is well known for its preservation and maintenance of local historical sites. During the 1990s three representative historical streets, Shu Yuan Men, Bei Yuan Men and De Fu Xiang were restored. By focusing on the management of these three streets this paper examined the present state of Xi’an’s conservation strategy.The author introduced the history and origin of these streets, as well as their conservation plan. Due to oversights in the conservation philosophy and unscientific techniques used in the reconstruction, the residents of these streets now face many problems.From data collected in June 2005, the author examined in detail the conservation of the three streets, changes in the local population make-up, the operation of local stores, and references interviews with locals and residents of Si He Yuan traditional housing. Through this examination, the author demonstrated that the attempt at conserving these historical streets was unsuccessful given that the small alterations to the landscape only caused more problems for the local residents.By referring to information gained from Japanese conservation strategies, the author proposed several solutions. For example: private initiative conservation, intensive studies of architectural criteria and character, and other recommended improvements to the restoration process.

著者

高橋 誠一

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.5, pp.479-505, 1972

被引用文献数

1

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To provide against the invasion from the Korean Peninsula or the Asiatic Continent, a lot of ancient castles had been constructed on the hills in Northern Kyushu and at the seasides of the Inland Sea since the 7th century to the Nara era. They are those hilly castles which had been described in the documents, as well as the &ldquo;Kogoishi&rdquo;, although its original form had been unclarified. Discussions had been repeated about the &ldquo;Kogoishi&rdquo; since the Meiji era, and finally the result of the recent excavation survey verified them as the castles on the hill.<br>In this treatise they are histrico-geographically followed up. Having examined each of them for their position and function etc., it had turned out clear that they located at the spots where command a very fine view and are advantageous to be able to occupy the important military and communicative areas. In addition to it, they are usually constructed so abutting to the provincial capital &ldquo;Kokufu&rdquo; that it is easily surmised that they must be fortified with a purpose of defending it in emergency. Moreover, the castles on the hill together with the &ldquo;Kogoishi&rdquo; seemed to be equipped with the facilities of signal fire as transmission means of alarm.<br>At any rate, unlike the citadel &ldquo;Josaku&rdquo; in the Tohoku district, it is to be concluded that the ancient castles on the hill in the Western Japan were, for their position, fortification and scale, systematically and intentionally established and disposed from a national point of view.

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.3, pp.215-263, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

著者

矢守 一彦

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.6, pp.563-577, 1959-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

木下 良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.336-354, 1988-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

119

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

上杉 和央

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.4, pp.457-476, 2018 (Released:2018-12-31)

参考文献数

43

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景観に刻まれた過去の記憶をめぐる問題は,歴史と地理の2つの視点を必要とする論点であり,沖縄戦の舞台となった沖縄は,そうした議論の事例地の1つとして相応しいものである。ただし,これまでの研究のほとんどが激戦地のなかでも糸満市域を事例としたものであった。本稿はこうした状況をふまえ,糸満市と同じく激戦地として知られる八重瀬町を事例として選択し,1972年以前に建立された沖縄戦戦没者慰霊碑の建立経緯や変化をたどり,慰霊空間の形成された過程を論じることで,沖縄戦の死と追悼の景観のより多様な状況を提示することを目的とする。八重瀬町域には富盛地区と具志頭地区に慰霊空間が形成されているが,そうした慰霊空間の地理的偏差の生じた背景には,慰霊碑の建立や慰霊空間の整備に関わった地区住民,琉球政府や沖縄遺族連合会,また県外の遺族といった多様な主体の動きが重要であったことを明らかにした。また慰霊空間として明確に選択される場所には歴史的・地理的な要因があったことを指摘した。

著者

木下 良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.4, pp.370-405, 1969-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

247

被引用文献数

2 1