著者

Rosalia AVILA-TAPIES

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.2, pp.174-188, 1995-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

26

被引用文献数

4 6 4

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There are many studies on Japanese internal migration, however the movements of foreigners living in Japan have not been studied specifically until now, in part due to data unavailability. This study tries to clarify the in- and out-migration patterns of the Japanese and foreign population living in the centre of a metropolis, selecting as a research area the Ikuno Ward in Osaka city. Ikuno Ward has been losing population since the 1960's (see graph), and it is distinguished by the existence of an important and stable Korean community (a quarter of the total population), whose origin goes back to the colonial times.The data was gathered from the residential change forms in Ikuno's ward office. The study covers the period of March, April and May of 1993, and the subjects are 3, 078 out-migrants and 2, 603 in-migrants, accounting for in each case about 32% of all the migrants from and to Ikuno Ward in that year. The data collected is: gender, type of migration (individual or family), age, and destination or origin of the flows.Out-migration (see Table 1):(1) In both populations out-migrants are short-distance migrants, and about 76% of them moved within the metropolitan area of Osaka. This figure refers to the internal migration. However, the foreigners, who in this case can be considered Koreans, either tend to remain more in the city, mainly in the sourrounding areas where important Korean populations exist, or moved out to the central wards. In addition, there is a significant migration of foreigners to big cities such as Kobe and Kyoto. The outstanding Japanese sectoral bias out-migration toward the east (Nara Prefecture) related to the purchase of a home is unimportant to foreigners, and the suburbanization phenomenon is less evident. At the national level, the foreigners' out-migration to Eastern Japan is far more important than to Western Japan. Therefore they break the East-West cultural division that is visible in the Japanese migration flows.(2) Mobility in terms of gender is substantially higher among men, and more noticeable among Japanese. The sex ratio of out-migrants to the metropolitan area is the same for both populations (about 99), however for the rest of Japan it increases, especially for the Japanese migrating to Eastern Japan.(3) In general, individual migration is higher for foreigners except in the case of the Japanese migrating to Eastern Japan.(4) The Japanese migrants of different ages exhibit clearly different patters of destination choice, while for the Koreans it is not so clear.In-migration (see Table 2) and net migration:There is a negative net migration for both populations. There is a larger percentage of foreigners in-migrating from the metropolitan area, principally from the rest of Osaka Prefecture to Ikuno Ward (positive net migration). The in-migration from Eastern Japan is comparatively higher for foreigners also. For the Japanese, the in-migration from the rest of Western Japan is a major flow (positive net migration). The sex ratio is higher for foreigners particularly for those coming from outside the Metropolitan Area. Ikuno Ward is a net gainer of mainly female, young, individual Japanese migrants from Western Japan.The author believes that the destination choice process varies not only with the migrant's age and gender, but also with its ethnic and cultural characteristics. In this case, restrictions in employment and housing opportunities for Koreans are probably important factors for the difference in migration patterns. Moreover, more qualitative research is needed in geography on the ethnic groups' differential spatial perceptions and migration decision-making process.

著者

井上 孝 森本 健弘

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.5, pp.479-492, 1991

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This study examined how population density and agricultural land productivity in a metropolitan area varied spatially by discussing the case of the Kanto district. A mathematical model was presented for describing the relationship of these two values. Population density values were calculated from grid-cell data of the population census of 1980. Values of agricultural land productivity were represented by agricultural income per hectare estimated from grid-cell data of the agricultural census of 1980. Figure 3 shows distribution of these values.We attempted to find the complicated spatial patterns of these values by analyzing the covariation of them in two aspects: the covariation with distance from the city center (Fig. 4) and with azimuth angle in distance belts (Fig. 5).The facts that we found are summarized as follows:The covariation with distance showed a tendency to correlate positively in the inside range of 35km and showed a tendency to correlate negatively in the outside range of 35km, except the non-agricultural city core and the mountainous area beyond 95km.The variation with azimuth angle, both of density and of productivity, consisted of long waves and short waves. The long waves of density and productivity showed similar curves. By contrast, the short waves of them showed inverse curves. This inverse relationship was weaker in the outside range of 35km than the inside.A mathematical model was then presented on the basis of these facts. This model consists of the following two parts:1) The covariation with distanceThe following formulation describes the covariation of population density fP and agricultural land productivity fA with distance. Equation (1) shows the productivity fA (r, p) at a place where distance from the edge of the city center is r and deviation of density is p. Variables fA (r, p), gA (r), and hA (p) in (1) correspond to curves FA, G, and H in Figure 6 respectively. The variable gA (r) is a component declining exponentially with distance r; gA (r)>0 and (d/dr) gA (r)<0 for r>0. The variable hA (r) is a component increasing with decreasing deviation p; (d/dp) hA (p)<0; hA (p)≈0 at p=0. Let fP(r) be the population density at distance r and fP be the mean value of fP(r) with respect to overall r, we get p=fP(r)-fP and (d/dr)fP(r)<0. Thus hA (p) becomes a function of r and (d/dr)hA(p(r)) becomes positive. Let r0 be a constant distance, the relationship between gA (r) and hA (p) is given by inequalities (2) and (3).2) The covariation with azimuth angleThe following formulation describes the covariation of population density up and agricultural land productivity uA, with azimuth angle in a specific distance belt Both uP and uA are standardized values with respect to overall angle in the distance belt. The density uP(θ) at angle θ can be written in equation (4). Variables uP(θ) and vP(θ) in (4) correspond to curves UP and VP in Figure 7 respectively. The variable vP(θ) is a component representing long periodic variation; vP(θ+λ1)=vP(θ) for a constant λ1(>0)

著者

佐藤 英人

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.4, pp.353-368, 2001

被引用文献数

6 2

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In recent years, the understanding of the processes of the suburbanization of office location has long been a major foci of discussion in urban geography. However, few studies have analyzed why large, high status office buildings have developed in the metropolitan suburbs.The purpose of this study is to investigate the supply and management of large office buildings in the Tokyo metropolitan suburbs. The analysis is based on a questionnaire survey of tenant offices in Omiya Sonic City, one of the earliest large office buildings in the suburbs.The paper can be summarized as follows:Office workers and office space stocks have steadily increased since 1990 in suburban core cities. However, there are regional differences in the temporal fluctuation of the rental ratio of office space. In particular, there has been a tendency for an improvement in the rental ratio of office space following the prominence of the bubble economy in Omiya city, one of the suburban core cities.Omiya Sonic City is a 'smart-building', which was developed by a joint enterprise of private office developers and the public sector. As this building has attracted many tenants, the rental ratio has kept to a high average since it opened in 1988. The building maintains this high rental ratio by attracting many branch offices of headquarters located in central Tokyo. These branch offices have played an important role in the regional business base of the northern Tokyo metropolitan region.The reasons why these tenant offices rent their spaces in this building are not only due to its good location and easy access to both the northern region and central business district in the Tokyo metropolitan region, but also to the fact that Omiya Sonic City is the highest status building in the suburbs.As the building's owners invited many tenant offices, they surveyed office market trends in suburban areas in detail. Based on this survey, they decided to invite branch offices of headquarters located mainly in central Tokyo. As a result, Omiya Sonic City succeeded in inviting many superior tenant offices.Recent studies have already pointed out that various 'back offices' carrying programmed works using telecommunications have moved from downtown to the suburbs because they do not need face-to-face contact in downtown. However, this study shows that the suburbanization of office locations is caused not by decentralized back-offices but by new suburban branch office locations.To comprehend the processes of the suburbanization of office location in more detail, future studies must consider examples of large office buildings at other suburban core cities.

著者

北田 晃司

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.56, no.3, pp.223-242, 2004-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

70

被引用文献数

1

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The urban system is always changing. The importance of studying the changing process of the urban system has been emphasised in Japan and also in Western countries from the 1990s. However, studies about the urban system of non-Western countries are still insufficient. In this article, we investigate the changing process of the urban system in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule mainly through the location of central managerial functions and the railway network. We compare its urban system with that of Korea which was also under Japanese colonial rule for almost the same period.At the end of the 19th century, the urban system of Taiwan was a mixture of elements of both Japanese colonial rule and that of the Qing Dynasty. In the 1920s, the economy of Taiwan was stabilized due to an increase in agricultural production, especially sugar, and the number of companies significantly increased. T'aipei strengthened its position as the capital under Japanese colonial rule, and other cities, such as T'ainan, T'aichung, and Chiai also accumulated central managerial functions. Chilung strengthened its function dramatically while Danshui and An-ping declined under the influence of the colonial policy to strengthen the economic link with Japan.After the latter half of the 1930s, Taiwan was incorporated into the wartime system as a base for South-East Asia. In this period, T'aipei consolidated its absolute superiority. On the other hand, most of the local cities, except Kaohsiung and Hualiengang, declined. We can also view these changing processes from an analysis of railway passenger revenue. This process resembles that of Korea in the same period. We can say that the latter half of the 1930s was one of the most important periods for the urban system of East Asian countries because the same trends were also evident in Japan.However, judging from the structure of the main railway network, there was a clear difference between Taiwan and Korea. In the case of Korea, short railway lines, which link traditional large cities in the inner area and new port cities, had largely developed. Further, before the 1930s, these lines had a more important role than the main trunk lines which crossed over the peninsula. In Taiwan, however, the railway network mainly consisted of trunk lines which linked large cities along the coast, and short lines had not sufficiently developed. In the case of Korea, there was also a great difference between the locational pattern of economic and administrative central managerial functions. It was difficult to distinguish such a difference in Taiwan, however.There were some important reasons to explain these differences. In Korea, the commercial economy had not developed well under the Lee Dynasty because of the policy of national isolation and the influence of Confucianism. Therefore, most of the traditional cities were located in the inner area as administrative centers, and did not possess sufficient economic functions except for Hansong (Seoul). On the other hand, most of the cities in Taiwan developed on the basis of cultivation or trade with mainland China. As a result, they originally had a balance of both economic and administrative central managerial functions. After that, new port cities were formed in both Korea and Taiwan. In Korea, most of them maintained their relative position during colonial rule. However, in Taiwan, trade was gradually limited to Chilung and Kaohsiung, both of which were much extended by the colonial government, because they were afraid that Taiwan would experience a significant economic impact from Western countries by trade through Shanghai and Hong Kong. However, it is also true that there were many cities which had almost the same position in each urban system of Taiwan and Korea under the same Japanese colonial rule.

著者

柴田 陽一

出版者

人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.1-19, 2006-02

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the ideological establishment of the geopolitics of Saneshige Komaki (1898-1990), who was a Professor of Geography at Kyoto Imperial University, and a well-known advocate of "Japanese Geopolitics" during World War 2, and accordingly a remarkable figure in the history of Japanese geography. Approaching this subject biobibliographically, I focus on the personal background of Komaki. Using his own bibliography, and through an analysis of his written works, I trace the development of his thought. To begin with, I demonstrate the ideological background of Komaki's geopolitics. Komaki had a great antipathy toward Western imperialism. In addition, immigration issues closely related to racial discrimination were his great concern. He held the view that geography in those days had lost its social relevance, and that the nature and culture of each land should be maintained under an indigenous order. Next, I examine the ideological composition of Komaki's geopolitics. His geopolitics began before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in July 1937. He asserted that "Japanese Geopolitics" was indigenous and one which attaches importance to the autonomy of Japan, after he had criticized the history of Western exploration, conventional geography, and Geopolitik. His geopolitics tried to clarify what was destroyed by Western colonization and had an historico-geographical and irrational character. Lastly, I point out some of the positive and negative aspects of his geopolitics. The social relevance of geography, his criticism of Western colonialism and the issue of positionality in research can be seen the light of Japan at that time. On the other hand, the lack of an attitude to relativize Japan and the subjective/intuitive judgement in the reasoning process were negative aspects. However, the positive and negative are not clearly divided. "Japanese Geopolitics" has suggested important issues in connection with the political nature and the social relevance of geography and geographical knowledge, although it served to justify the aggressive wars of the Japanese Empire.

著者

坂本 英夫

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.5, pp.405-424, 1981-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

44

被引用文献数

1

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In Japan onion production ranks fourth among the cultivated vegetable areas, and onions rank sixth in per capita consumption of vegetables as measured in kilograms. The onion occupies the first place among vegetables which are transported from the rural districts to the urban consumers. The author has been studying the geography of truck farming, above all its locational approach, so he began to investigate the onion producing regions in Hokkaido.As the onion likes a cool season, it is usually grown during the winter and spring seasons on Japanese farms. Hokkaido farmers, however, cultivate the onion during the cool summer and harvest in the autumn. There are two main producing areas in Hokkaido: one is Ishikari Plain and the other is the Kitami district. Kitami especially has developed recently in a remarkable way so that Hokkaido as a whole has the highest onion yield in Japan.In the Kitami district the temperature and the length of day which have an important bearing on onion bulb formation are highly favorable. The alluvial floodplain in Kitami Basin furnishes a fertile soil of sandy loam ideal for onion cultivation. An important social factor which has contributed to the increased production of onions in the Kitami district is that Kitami City has an abundant labor supply (especially women) cheaper than in the rival Ishikari Plain. In spite of these fundamental conditions, the development of onion cultivation in Kitami was delayed by insect damage and a poor marketing route. Yearly damage from the onion maggot hindered production after World War II until the life ecology of the worm was discovered and methods of extermination were determined in the 1960's. The Kitami district is a long way from the urban consumer market. Moreover, there was for a long time no marketing organization. When in 1965 the agricultural cooperatives began to manage onion sales, the Kitami farmers finally found an eager market for their crop.Two reasons have stimulated onion cultivation. First a change in eating habits in the 1960's caused a demand for onions and raised the price. Second when in 1970 rice production was restricted by the government, the Kitami farmers chose to plant onions as a substitute crop.As the onions stored until the supply is scarce are generally sold at a higher price than the freshly harvested crop, the agricultural cooperatives in the Kitami district have constructed many large onion storehouses since 1972. Kitami farmers who got good profits from onion production increased their onion fields in the following years.It is the usual practice in Japan that onions are transplanted to the field after seedling culture. Though the farmers in Hokkaido use machines to transplant the onions, much hand labor is required. As machine and labor costs are higher in Hokkaido than in other parts of Japan the producers try to increase gross income by increased acreage. The average onion fleld in Hokkaido is 2.7ha in area, while in the rest of Japan the average area is only 0.5ha. The farmer engaged in small scale production outside of Hokkaido makes a small investment and utilizes family labor and thus he makes his profits. In Hokkaido, including Kitami, the higher price of autumn harvested onions overcomes the higher costs of machinery and labor.In conclusion it seems that the new expansion of the Kitami onion fields is an example of intensive agriculture in a remote region caused increased demand.

著者

織田 武雄

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.1, pp.2-7, 1948-06-01 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

海道 静香

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.5, pp.538-552, 1977-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

51

著者

岡村 治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.216-236, 1989-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

63

被引用文献数

1

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the regional differences in the network of periodic markets in Niigata Prefecture. The regional system of the network of periodic markets is examined through the analysis of both the number of linkages and the degree of connectivity. The former indicates a combination among periodic markets, which is brought about by visiting trade, and the latter indicates the centrality of the periodic markets in the network.The main results of this study are summarised as follows:1. It became clear that the distributional characteristics of periodic markets in Kanbara, Iwafune and Kubiki regions in Niigata Prefecture differ from each other in terms of sellers, kinds of goods and market days; and the residences of sellers are distributed agglomeratively in certain areas according to each commodity.2. Sellers in Niigata Prefecture are classified into two types, i. e., farmers who sell their products, and traders. Furthermore, the traders are divided into part-time traders and full-time traders based upon the extent of speciality on periodic markets. As the traders occupy some 70 percent of all those selling in the market, the importance of the traders for the existence of periodic markets is much higher than previously discussed.3. The linkage conditions among periodic markets by visiting traders are measured by the index of“the number of linkages”. As a result of analysis, it became clear that the network of periodic markets does not extend all over the prefecture, but that there are independent networks in each region.4. By examining the centrality of each periodic market through the analysis of“the degree of connectivity”, it became clear that these three regions have different distribution patterns.A major reason for the regional differences in the networks is based upon the difference of their formation periods. The periodic markets in the Kanbara Region have existed since the Edo Period. Therefore, the rational spatial composition of today's networks is derived as a result of historical adjustment. On the other hand, in the Iwafune Region the periodic markets came into existence due to the increase of demand for perishable foods from the end of Meiji Era to the beginning of Taisho Era.

著者

山田 朋子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.5, pp.428-450, 2003-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

114

被引用文献数

3 2

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Hideaki Ishikawa was one of the most important Japanese modern city planners. He was convinced that cities had to enrich people's lives, and he wanted to establish modern city planning as a discipline. Ishikawa was well-known as a man of unique ideas and he enthusiastically studied amusement places (sakari-ba). In this paper, I focus on how he developed his ideas on amusement places and how he put them into practice in designing amusement places for rich people's enjoyment during the period of time he worked in Nagoya (1920-1933).To better understand Ishikawa's practices, I refer to H. Lefebvre's conception of recognition of space. Lefebvre's conception has three dimensions. "Representations of space": conceptualized space, the space of planners; "Space of representation": space as directly lived, the space of "inhabitants" and "users"; and, "Spatial practice": creation of space by the interaction of the other two dimensions. From this, therefore, city planning would be regarded as "representations of space", while amusement places in which people enjoyed their lives would be regarded as "space of representation." "Space of representation" has the possibility of creating a new movement of thought to counter the control of space by city planning.Ishikawa always criticized Japanese city planning as being just a plan for land use which did not significantly consider people's lives. So he searched for a way to create a city planning for the people. He wrote a series of thirty-four articles on "The story of a Local City" in the magazine, Creation of the City (Toshi Sousaku). He explained his vision of the modern city and about how city planning should be conducted. Ishikawa was gradually able to create his own theory of amusement places in his planning.The following four keywords characterize his modern city planning in his serial writing. The keywords are: "city planning for the night", "small city doctrine", "a bustling and lively square", and "hometown city". The first one, "city planning for the night", was an idea to restore the functional role of the night. Ishikawa thought that many planners made a plan for the "industrious time" when people worked during the daytime, but, at night, people were set free from their labors and relaxed. Ishikawa changed this idea and reorganized a plan for people to enjoy their leisure time at night. He paid attention to street lighting, especially lighting for buildings, the layout of amusement facilities, and so on.The next idea is "small city doctrine". Ishikawa rejected the big city. He insisted that an ideal city should be within the scale where people could feel intimacy among neighbors. Though a city may be big, each town in a city should have a center which would be a psychological anchor for people, which should be combined organically, and in which the center should be a lively square.The next idea is "bustling and lively square". Ishikawa recognized that people tend to gather in a square to look for closeness with one another, and also a square should offer people some way to satisfy their desires. Thus, he noted the importance of shopping and regarded shopping malls as "an casting vote". He therefore combined squares with shopping malls.The last keyword is "hometown city". Ishikawa recognized the importance of the square in Western cities, but stressed that Japanese city planning should not blindly imitate Western cities without considering the character of each city. Ishikawa thus decided to transform the Western square into an amusement place (sakari-ba in Japanese) where people could enjoy flowing down the street.

著者

寺谷 亮司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.6-22, 1989-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

66

被引用文献数

1 1 2

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This paper aims to clarify the development process of a frontier urban settlement from its beginning with special reference to its changes in urban function. Takikawa is a central city with 50, 000 inhabitants in the Naka-Sorachi Region where agriculture (rice) and mining (coal) form an inportant economic base. Takikawa was one of the earliest settlements in inland Hokkaido. It is blessed with water transportation, located at the junction of the Ishikari River and the Sorachi River. As a result of this study, it was discerned that there are three stages in the changes of urban function in Takikawa City. They are as follows:1) First stage; gateway city (1886-97)In 1886, Takikawa was selected as the base site for road construction of National Route 12 which started from this point. And in 1887, it was determined that a tonden-hei-son (pioneer column settlement) would be established here, which was completed in 1890. The first Takikawa settlements were at the river ports site, namely Sorachihuto and Shinhatoba. These two river ports had the depots in which the materials for construction workers were stored. Furthermore, the traders in Takikawa expanded their tributary areas to the Kamikawa Region, which is 50km away upstream along the Ishikari River, with the openning of the railroad in 1892. In this period, therefore, Takikawa had a gateway function which was connecting newly-opened inland frontier to the settled regions by transport and wholesaling.2) Second stage; central place city (1898-1954)In 1898, the railroad was extended up to Asahikawa, which took on the gateway funtion in the northern and eastern regions of Hokkaido. Accordingly, Takikawa lost its long distance trade with these regions and it began to put stress on retailing activities within the Naka-sorachi Region. Traders in Takikawa began to specialize in dealing instead of managing Aramono-sho (general stores) and they strengthened the controlling power over their tributary areas in the Naka-sorachi Region through collecting and distributing. The two river ports were abandoned and the commercial centers were built around the focus of the railroad station. In addition, several governmental offices controlling the Naka-sorachi Region were also opened in Takikawa. Takikawa functioned as the central place city in the Naka-sorachi Region throughout this period.3) Third stage; economically advanced city (1955-)Throughout this period, the most important change of commercial activities in Takikawa has been the agglomeration of branch offices of large enterprises from the outside. In 1985, these branch offices accounted for 43.7% of total wholesale sales and 39.7% of total retail sales in Takikawa. This indicates that there was a decline of local commercial capital which played the main role of central place function before.To sum up the above discussion, there are three different functions in the course of urban development of frontier settlements: a gateway function for the first stage, a central place function for the second, and an agglomeration function for the last (Fig. 5).

著者

佐藤 香寿実

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.4, pp.393-416, 2019 (Released:2020-02-15)

参考文献数

47

被引用文献数

5 1

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本稿の目的は,フランス,ストラスブールの大モスクの建設過程およびその利用を通じて,言説実践としてのスケールがいかに実質的な効果を生み出したのかについて,「スケールのパフォーマティヴィティ」の観点から論じることである。同モスクは,ライシテ(非宗教性の原則)が重要視されるフランスにありながら,異なる制度を持つアルザス・モーゼル地方法を活用し,地方公共団体からの資金援助を受けて2012年に建てられた。本稿では,人文地理学で発展してきた社会構築主義的な「スケール」視角に依拠し,スケール言説がモスクの建設過程および物質性にいかに作用したか,またモスクの利用を通じて新たなスケール言説がいかに再構築されているか,インタビューで得た語りを引用しながら分析を試みた。分析において,アクターや状況に応じて登場する複数のスケールが,「ここ/よそ」の区別に結び付けられていること,さらにスケールの言説実践を通じて,「ここ/よそ」の境界は絶えず問い直されていることが示された。

著者

陳 正祥

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.4, pp.296-301, 1957-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

飯田 耕二郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.85-102, 1994-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

1 2

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This paper is a study of the Japanese in Hawaii who emigrated to work since the early Meiji Era. The methods of study and the results of the analysis are as follows:1. The resident distribution of Japanese immigrants in Hawaii and the structure of the population, classified according to birthplace, in each residence are analyzed using The Hawaii-Japanese Annual. “THE NIPPU JIJI, THE HAWAII-JAPANESE ANNUAL & DIRECTORY 1929” was used as basic material, and the number of people from each prefecture in Japan was counted residence by residence. First, in the case of the resident distribution, the number of residents in each island and, in addition, the number of residents in each section of each island was determined. On the basis of these results, a resident distribution map was made and then it was compared with the distribution map of Japanese schools, organizations, churches, etc. Consequently, it became clear that the resident distribution was closely related to the position of sugarcane fields where many Japanese worked. Second, with respect to the number of people classified according to birthplace, for all of Hawaii the highest number came from Hiroshima Prefecture, followed by Yamaguchi, Kumamoto, Okinawa, and Fukuoka Prefectures, respectively. This emphasizes the fact that there were many people from the southwest prefectures of Japan. Analyzed by island, it is noticeable that the number of people from Okinawa Prefecture was the second highest on Maui and the number from Kumamoto Prefecture was the second highest on Hawaii (the Big Island). Then, in each section, a study was done of all the prefectures people came from to determine which prefecture had the highest number of people. As a result, it was discovered that people from Yamaguchi Prefecture tended to disperse evenly, while, on the other hand, people from Okinawa Prefecture were likely to live communally within a section.2. To find the reason why many people from each prefecture lived in their particular sections, the relationship between the birthplace of the Japanese workers and the fields where they worked during the time of Japanese government contract labor emigrants (when the first mass emigration into Hawaii occurred) was made clear with Japanese Foreign Ministry documents. Then this was compared with the distribution in 1929, mentioned in No. 1, and to what extent changes occurred became clear.3. To examine the population movement during the time between 1885 and 1929, the course which people took while moving was investigated on the basis of the records of personal life history. Although only ten people were examined, it was discovered that people changed their residences three times on the average, and they did not have a tendency to settle.

著者

成瀬 厚

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.1-19, 1997-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

56

被引用文献数

5 1

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How can we recognize this world with finite extent as a globe? This question is the starting point of this study. This question leads us to another one: how do we represent the world? In this paper, I examined some cultural texts which seem to contribute to our view of the world. The texts which I chose here are exhibitions or collections which consist of several hundred photographs taken all around the world, specifically, from The Family of Man held at The Museum of Modern Art, New York in 1955, through photos with a similar theme, to Takeyoshi Tanuma's works produced with the theme‘children in the world’. In order to analyze such geographical representations, I adopted the method of literary criticism. Especially, I paid attention to the ‘order’of each text.The feature of texts which I analyze in this paper is that while each photograph recorded the local context in which it was taken, these works themselves represented the global world. The globalist intent of these photographs was to promote cosmopolitanism, universalism, or humanitarianism, but it is sentimental and not persuasive. For example, photographs taken in the USA were 45% of all photographs carried in The Family of Man, and photographs of the Third World were distributed into specific sub-themes: labor, death, and war. The insistence of universality was asserted under the biological commonality of Man. Man is born, works, gets together, takes pleasure, feels sad, consists of male and female, belongs to a family, eats, talks, plays, suffers, and dies. Such a life path became a commonality among photographs of people around the world. On the other hand, in one text produced in 1994 by Tanuma' who has created many works in a Japanese context, photographs were arranged in order by region. I found a significant structure in the arrangement of this text. Compassion of Japanese on Third World people, identification with two continents, Africa and South America, as others for Japanese, and uninterchangeablity between advanced countries and Third World were found in the structure of this text.From this analysis, I gained the insight that the World Order is a projection of‘a world’which is a logical unity consisting of whole objects and events in‘the world’ which is a concrete geographical space with finite extent. We can locate each event in a world informed by journalistic media about our world order as an idea which was formed by a world representation including the photographic texts selected here.

著者

杉本 尚次

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.6, pp.445-460,482, 1958-02-28 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

32

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i) In terms of geography, the rural house, especially its roof, is an important key to approach a settlement structure. The roof of a rural house differs from one area to another, as it reflects conditions as well as the specific way of living of the people of an area. It is possible to grasp the typical regional character in the type of roof and arrangement of rooms; also, the dynamic change of life in a rural area, such as pervasion of the use of roof-tiles and the rise and fall of silkworm culture, can be made clear through the roof-type and its change.The present writer chooses the whole Western Japan an object, examines the distribution of several roof-types, and courses of their circulation, and tries to make clear settlement structures as seen through the roofs.ii) Roofing material:More isolated mountain or island villages use more thatched or shingle roofs. Tiled roofs are widely used in industrialized areas; they show the tendency to spread from suburban areas into mountain areas with the development of urbanization and traffic. This tendency will grow stronger in future.Different roof-tiles are used between each area, reflecting local conditions: the tile-guard and the Iwami red tile in the snowy area of the northern parts (although not so wide spread as in the Tohoku and Hokuriku Districts); windbreaks in the seacoast area (especially in the Pacific Coast). Chinese red tiles in Okinawa are interesting as showing foreign influences.To a large extent, roofing material is conditioned by economic backgrounds.iii) Roof-types:Many types can be recognized: the U. and L. roofs, the conical roof and other varieties beside three fundamental types-the “irimoya” (gabled) roof, the “yosemune” (hipped) roof, the “kirizuma” (barge) roof.The “irimoya” roof is spread over the Kinki District north of the median dislocation line, eastern Chugoku, north-western Shikoku.The “yosemune” roof is widely adopted in the Kii Peninsular, western Chugoku, the Shikoku District, and the Kyushu District. It is especially much used along the Pacific Coast.The “kirizuma” roof is popular in the mountain areas of Tajima, Hyogo Pref., and the Yamato Basin. In Tajima, silkworm culture accounts for its popularity. In Yamato, the “kirizuma” style has developed into the so-called “yamatomune” roof.The U. type roof, a variety usually called “kudozukuri”, is centered at the Tsukushi Plain in the North Kyushu District. It is called “U” because it has two projections in the rear.The L. type roof, another variety with one projection in the rear of the house, is found in Kyushu (“kagiya”), in the Kochi Plain (“magariya”), and on the Tamba Plateau (“tsunoya”). Old families often adopt this roof-type.The “futamunezukuri” roof, where the main body of house and the kitchen are separated, is found in Kagoshima down to Nansei Islands. This roof-type is originated in the Micronesian and the Melanesian Islands.The conical roof is found in Okinoerabu and Yoron, the islands situated at the southernmost tip of Japan.iv) As shown here, roofs in Western Japan richly vary in type. They are further varied by the use of different ridge pressings (decorative). The distribution of these roof-types, remarkably correspond with distinctive areas. It further coincide with topographical districts.The mixture of two or more types as well as the transformation of a type is seen where two distributional areas meet. Social changes have at places resulted in changes of roof-type. Adaptation to climatic conditions has also contributed to improving the roof. At defiles and mountain passes, the course of circulation of each roof-type can be traced.

著者

米田 巖 潟山 健一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.6, pp.546-565, 1991-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

132

被引用文献数

5 2

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Nearly half a century has passed since Trewartha pointed out in his presidential address to the 49th annual assembly of A. A. G., that geography is fundamentally anthropocentric.Generally speaking, recent trends in geographical researches in Japan and abroad as well seem to have remained unchanged. However, something must have changed in those two decades. The main aim of this article is to evaluate some new underlying currents in recent geographical research work from a humanistic point of view. Just as D. Porteous has pointed out in his essay, the reason why geography is so dull and boring is closely connected not only to ways of explanation, but to presentation in geographical works. In most cases, human contents are lacking.Authors have tried to make clear other factors responsible for this present situation. Most of geographical research work in Japan and abroad has been so far made with special emphasis on“seeing”through eyes. Little attention has been paid to other human senses. It can be said that most geographers have tended to heavily depend on visual organs, suffering from auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste disorder.In our minds, we instantly create images in a more configurative and unified way by using five senses at the same time. What is mostly urgently needed is how to reconstruct all the things we have sensed in geographical content. Some new underlying currents in humanistic geography seem to be deeply concerned with this hidden aspect as described above, and have come up as the emerging new geography. The 1980's has witnessed tremendous progress, leading surely to a so-called sensuous geography, which is not fully developed at the present time.D. C. Pocock, D. Porteous, Yi-Fu Tuan and A. Buttimer are preeminent among the sensuous geographers. Authors see that the holistic point of view can be basically traced back to J. G. von Herder. Along with these new currents, Michael Polanyi has also come to realize the importance of tacit knowing, from epistemological and ontological view points. In addition, A. Berque has also greatly contributed to opening up a new era in humanistic geography and paved the way to clear elucidiation of the complicated multi-dimensional structure of climate by applying a new concept, médiance.In Japan, T. Watsuji was the first to systematize the significance of human existence with special reference to climate (Fûdo). He often refers to the works of Herder, because the Herderian way of interpretation of our world should be properly treated. Authors are also contending that all the geographical observation so far made must be reviewed and reevaluated in these respects. Holism runs against reductionism.Thick description of geographical phenomenon is thus to be made. Fuller attention should be paid again to Herderian holism in this respect in order to humanize human geography.The objectivity-oriented scientific movement seems to have been believed to be true up to the present time. However, authors understand that objectivity-oriented reductionism is far from being complete in the sense that this methodology is based on one-sided observation and reasoning, neglecting the five human senses to the sacrifice of the richness of the lively world. Well balanced observation and reasoning can only be realized through close contact with the five human senses.

著者

本岡 拓哉

出版者

一般社団法人 人文地理学会

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.59, no.2, pp.130-150, 2007 (Released:2018-01-06)

参考文献数

90

被引用文献数

3 1

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Recently, the idea of housing-for-life and housing welfare, which considers resident housing rights and independence rights to be of primary importance is permeating through Japan. Under this concept, squatter areas, once called ‘barrack towns’, have been observed by society and form the object of various support actions. Also, in academic circles some research has begun to shed light on the process of how the barrack towns have remained through time or how they have been improved while taking notice of the residents’ housing and independence rights.However, such research seldom examines the barrack towns that have disappeared and does not clarify the process of disappearance of barrack towns throughout the city. Indeed, most barrack towns have actually disappeared without being improved. When taking notice of the residents’ independence rights regarding the maintenance and improvement of the living environment of their barrack town, it is also important to pay attention to the process of disappearance of barrack towns where this was not realizable. That is why this paper will discuss the process of disappearance and background of the squatter barrack towns in post-war Kobe City (from immediately after the end of the Second World War until the high economic growth period), while taking notice of the relationship between the trend of their municipal governance and the social circumstances of those days. The process from formation to disappearance of the squatter barrack towns in Kobe City can be summarized as follows:Immediately after the end of the war, a large number of vagrants who had no place to live, and people who had no choice but to build their own barracks on burnt-out war sites, appeared in Kobe City. Although these two kinds of homeless groups were in the same situation of housing poverty, the response of the administration towards each group was completely different. Accordingly, in contrast to the vagrants, who formed a target of control, the act of building barracks itself, although most probably an illegal act, was permitted and accepted by the city administration as a result of efforts toward self-reliance. So for this reason many barrack towns were constructed while large flows of population were entering Kobe City.From 1950 onwards however, even though rehabilitation projects were progressing, the removal of barracks by the city administration was begun. Nevertheless, the number of barrack towns increased, since the supply of both public and private housing was unable to fulfill the housing demand of the increasing urban population in the 1950s. This resulted in contrasting situations of barrack towns decreasing or increasing in different parts of Kobe City. The barrack towns in the central area were removed but reappeared afterwards at riverbeds and underneath elevated railway tracks in peripheral areas.Because of this situation in the 1950s, barrack towns were frequently taken up in newspapers, forming the subject of social problems. This kind of social problem had four sides to it : the issues of landscape, disaster prevention, sanitation, and anti-sociability. These were repeatedly taken up by the mass media, and were used as justifications to the general public for the removal of barracks by the city administration.In the latter half of the 1950s, the problem of illegal occupancy especially was also taken up as a social problem relating to barrack towns. The correspondence of the administration over this social problem was deployed not on a local scale but on a national scale. Six mayor meetings and chambers of commerce (Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe) discussed possible measures against illegal occupation. Subsequently, each organization submitted request documents to the Ministry of Justice, and after that Law of Theft of Immovable Property was enacted in the Diet in 1960.(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

著者

阿部 康久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.23-48, 1999-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the occupational structure of Chinese workers during the 1920s in Tokyo Prefecture, paying particular attention to the nature of the labor market and to the impact of local community kinship on residential patterns. The data which the author uses were obtained from the Foreign Affairs Section of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The results of the paper can be summarized as follows:First, the author notes that most Chinese workers were employed in the construction and labouring sectors. While the occupational structure of traditional Chinese society has been explained in terms of chain migration, the present paper approaches this issue from a political-economic view of the labor market. Thus, the author identifies the interrelations between the occupational structure of the Chinese and their labor market. At that time, heavy and chemical industrialization had occurred, infrastructure had developed and the wage levels of Japanese workers within the economy had been rising.Secondly, as a result, Chinese residential patterns were influenced by the localization of their labor market. Indeed, many Chinese workers were segregated in the Sumida and Ara basins. In these areas, manufacturing plants were concentrating, and a great deal of energy resources and raw materials were being imported. Therefore, low-waged labor generated the greatest proportion of their employment. Consequently, these workers lived closer to those plants and Chinese communities were formed in these districts.Thirdly, there were many Chinese communities other than in the Sumida and Arakawa districts. These were composed of construction workers working outside of Tokyo Prefecture and itinerant traders, for they had to live close to such persons as contractors, employers of itinerant traders, friends and so on.Fourthly, these concentrations of Chinese residents were reinforced by some ecological factors. For example, the occupational form of itinerant traders was based on the relationships between employers and vendors and affected their residential patterns. Thus, different groups of itinerant traders from Shandong, Zhejiang and Hokkien Provinces organized their own communities in Tokyo Prefecture.On the other hand, cooks and barbers tended to rely on kinship in the local Chinese community. However, some cooks and barbers worked for Japanese owners probably to obtain better working conditions. Indeed, there were approximately 500 Japanese owners of Chinese restaurants in Tokyo Prefecture and they provided the Chinese with considerable job opportunities. In addition, these factors resulted in a further dispersal of Chinese cooks.Lastly, the author examines how Japanese Government employment controls affected residential differentiation. During the early 1920s, it is noted that there were loopholes in the law, antipathy toward Chinese people within the Government, and a lack of integrated regulations related to their activities among Prefectures. Therefore, it can be said that employment regulations were fragmented at that time and that these in turn came to influence the occupational and residential patterns of Chinese people in Tokyo Prefecture from the late 1920s.

著者

米家 泰作

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.6, pp.546-566, 1997-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

225

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the history of the mountain area in Japan with special reference to differing viewpoints expressed by historians and other scholars such as folklorists, geographers or ethnologists. This difference of viewpoint between historians and other disciplines is notable. The former has mainly concentrated on economic development and the formation of political systems, while the latter have been concerned with systems and the processes of cultural decline. These two approaches are in contrast with each other, but have the potential to complement each other. Consequently, the author surveyed researches on cultural, political and economic points of view to explore more comprehensive schema.A good place to start is to inquire into the genetical approach to mountainous area culture by folklorists, ethnologists and cultural geographers. Some have advanced the hypothesis that subsistence economies such as shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering, which still remain in modern mountain villages, date back to the Jomon period, that is to say, before the time when paddy cultivation developed in Japan. Assuming this hypothesis to be true, it can be said that the mountain people are successors of the Jomon culture, which is supposed to be the base of all Japanese culture.This opinion begs the question how and when the non-paddy cultural system has been carried into modern mountain villages. It is necessary to discuss this on two points. Is the modern inhabitant of the mountain area, who is isolated from the alluvial plain, a descendant of Jomon people? Has the non-paddy cultural system survived only in mountain areas since ancient times?First, some folklorists emphasize that medieval warriors retreated into the mountain area afther defeat. Some historians have studied the governmental forestry system in ancient times, and reclamations expanding toward mountain areas in medieval times. Results of these researches suggest that we must pay more careful attention to the dynamic process of the immigration from low lands to the mountain area and to their relation with the political and economic context.Secondly, recent historical and historico-geographical studies have recognized the importance of dry field and shifting cultivation in the alluvial plain from ancient to medieval times. We can, consequently, presume that the subsistence economies without paddy had developed both in the mountain area and in the plain, but that in early modern times the cultural characteristics in the mountain area presented a clear contrast with the culture concentrating on rice cultivation in the plain.These points lead us to the question how did non-paddy cultures survive at a time when the strong tendency was to concentrate on rice cultivation in Japan? In other words, what was the relationship between the Japanese political and economic system and the people in the mountain area prior to early modern times?This paper also re-examines the works focusing on the peasant revolts in mountain areas in early seventeenth century. Some folklorists and cultural geographers have suggested that these uprisings happened in the process of mountain people being ruled by the unifying political powers based on paddy cultivation in the plains. However, these revolts were not the first contact between them. Other folklorists pointed out that the mountain people were already ruled by a centralized government in ancient times. Some historians have argued about the medieval territory as a manor or a legal unit in western Japan, and pointed out that the medieval political power had a reason to keep estates in the mountain area to supplement rice production with various products of dry field cultivation, shifting cultivation, hunting and gathering. This way of control contrasts with the early modern political system which demanded timber and charcoal from mountain villages.