著者

小宮 京 小宮 京

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.145-166, 2012-03-26

著者

橋内 武

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.2, pp.337-352, 2011-03-28

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Tono-Monogatari, The Legends of Tono, is a collection of 119 folk narratives specific to the remote town of Tono and its neighboring villages of Iwate Prefecture. This paper is an attempt to answer the two questions: 1)How did the humble yet influential publication come about? 2)How did it grow to be a modern classic and to make Tono a pilgrimage site for folklore lovers? Tono-Monogatari is the first Japanese challenge to publish the oral tradition in book form. Actually, there were three people closely linked to this publication. Various forms of narratives were told by Kizen Sasaki, a young country man from Tono to Kunio Yanagita in Tokyo in 1908. These two men met for the first time by the introduction of Yoshu Mizuno, a young thriving writer living at the same boarding house with Sasaki. Mizuno was a ghost story lover, Sasaki was a great folk story teller himself, and Yanagita, public servant and writer, was a very attentive listener eager to dictate what Sasaki told. Then Yanagita travelled to Tono in August, 1909, to observe the setting of stories told. The result is the Tono-Monogatari, first printed and published privately for 350 copies. Thus this little book was known only among the restricted group of literary men and scholars until 1935 when there appeared its second, expanded version with enormous success. However, Tono has been a sleepy country town for a long time until 1970s, when the National Sport Games Soccer Venue and the Annual Convention of Japan Folklore Society were held. Since then there has been built such institutions as Tono City Library, Tono Folk Museum, an outdoor museum called Denshooken, and a folktale theater named Mukashi-banashi-mura. In 2010 Tono celebrated a hundred anniversary of Tono-Monogatari, with such exciting local events as the renewal opening of Tono Folk Museum, a centenary performance of folk drama, and 2010 Tono Seminar focused on this modern classic. Today Tono-Monogatari is still well read and provides the city identity to Tono, which remains to be a destination for Japanese folklore lovers.

著者

坂 昌樹

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.189-267, 2000-03-31

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Die deutschen Geschichtsschreiber des 18. Jhs. bezeichneten ihre Geschichtsschreibung als "pragmatisch". Spater, in der ersten Halfte des 19. Jh.s bezeichnete sie beispielsweise W. T. Krug (1770-1842), der Nachfolger Kants in Konigsberg auch im Substantiv, namlich als den deutschen "Pragmatismus." Ein Zeitgenosse Krugs wie Hegel sah aber vom Standpunkt des Historismus die "pragmatische" Geschichtsschreibung als negativ an, weil sie die Vergangenheit nicht "an sich", sondern nur "fur sich" darstelle, d. h. den gegenwartigen Interessen des Geschichtsschreibers dienstbar macht. Daruber hinaus betrachtete auch Kant die "pragmatische" Art der Gelehrsamkeit kritisch, soweit sie die "Nutzlichkeit" der Kenntnisse wichtiger als die Wahrheit nehme. Die vom deutschen Idealismus an dem Pragmatismus geubte Kritik laβt uns deshalb vermuten, daβ die "pragmatische" Art der Gelehrtheit im 18. Jh. verbreitet und anerkannt war, sich aber an der Wende zum 19. Jh. nicht mehr rechtfertigen konnte. Dies zu bestatigen ist die Aufgabe meiner Arbeit, und dabei mochte ich das "pragmatische" Denken nicht nur in der Geschichtsschreibung, sondern auch in der damaligen Politik behandeln. Kurz gesagt, in diesem aus sechs Kapiteln bestehenden Aufsatz wird der "pragmatische" Charakter der deutschen Aufklarung in drei verschiedenen Auspragungen beleuchtet: politische Reform, Geschichtsschreibung und Staatswissenschaft. In Kapitel II beginne ich meine Untersuchung mit Kant, weil Kant selber seine "Anthropologie in pragmatischer Hinsicht" geschrieben hat, und z. B. noch C. S. Peirce (1839-1914) seinen Begriff "Pragmatism" von Kant entlehnt hat. Hier mochte ich zuerst die konkreten Verwendungen, die das Wort "pragmatisch" in den Schriften Kants gefunden hat, untersuchen, um dann als das "Pragmatische" die am "Gemeinnutz" orientierte "Anlage" der menschlichen Tugend und die alltagliche "nutzliche" Erkenntnis naher zu betrachten. Indem Kant das "Pragmatische" in Bezug auf die "angewandte Philosophie der Sitten" wurdigte, waren sie unentbehrlich fur sein Verstandnis der Menschen. Der "angewandten" stellte er aber die "metaphysiche Philosophic der Sitten" als die endgultige gegenuber und trat so den Vertretern der popularen Moralphilosophie, wie sie beispielsweise J. G. H. Feder (1740-1821) in Gottingen lehrte, gegenuber. Aus der deutschen Geschichte fuhrte Kant noch weitere Beispiele des "Pragmatischen" an, namlich "Sanktionen" und "Geschichte" im Sinne einer bestimmten Form von Geschichtsschreibung. In beiden Fallen kann die Welt "ihren Vorteil besser, oder wenigstens eben so gut als die Vorwelt besorgen" (Anm. III-1). Aufgrund dieser Beispiele behandle ich die "Sanktionen" in Kapitel III und die "Geschichtsschreibung" in Kapitel IV. In Kapitel III lenke ich die Aufmerksamkeit zunachst auf die "Pragmatische Sanktion" von 1713, durch die Kaiser Karl VI. die habsburgischen Lander fur unteilbar und untrennbar erklart hat. Wie J. J. Moser (1701-85), ein damals bekannter Reichspublizist meinte, gehore diese Art von Gesetzgebung in den Aufgabenbereich der furstlichen Hoheit. Auf diesem Wege konnten die Fursten ihre "Vorsorge" um die gesellschaftliche Wohlfahrt beweisen. Wenn der Ubergang des Absolutismus von der "hofischen" zu seiner "aufgeklarten" Form, wie es W. Roscher typologisch dargestellt hat (1874), auf die sogenannte "Sattelzeit" (Koselleck) der deutschen Geschichte zu datieren ist, dann figurieren in ihr die Sanktionen oder Polizeiordnungen als Hebel zur aufgeklarten Reformpolitik. Diese Reformpolitik wird hauptsachlich von den praktisch ausgebildeten Beamten vertreten. Erst durch ihre Tatigkeit konnte die Landespolitik von dem willkurlichen Despotismus der "hofischen Gesellschaft" befreit werden. Hier besteht der deutsche Pragmatismus also vor allem in der Polizei des "Bevormundungsstaates". Im nachsten Kapitel behandele ich als ein pragnantes Beispiel der damaligen Geschichtsschreibung J. C. Gatterer (1727-99), den Begrunder des ersten "Historischen Instituts" in Deutschland an der Universitat Gottingen. Seine "pragmatische" Charakteristik findet sich besonders in der Methodologie seiner Geschichtsforschung, die er hauptsachlich in Aufsatzen fur eine von ihm selber herausgegebene Zeitschrift formuliert hat. In der Geschichte fand er das "System der Ereignisse" und er erkennt in diesem "System" den kausalen Zusammenhang als das historische "Triebwerk". Kraft seiner "Einbildungskraft" soll der Geschichtsschreiber sich das geheime "Triebwerk" der Geschichte als "ideelle Gegenwart" vorstellen. Dann kann er durch die "Dichtungskraft" diese "ideelle Gegenwart" wie ein Theaterstuck darstellen, um dadurch das Publikum historisch aufzuklaren. Indem der Leser auf diese Weise "Exempel" der guten oder schlechten Begebenheiten prasentiert bekommt-ahnlich wie z. B. auf der Schaubuhne Schillers-kann er lernen und daraus "Belehrung" fur sein Leben gewinnen. So wird er "klug" und "pragmatisch" in Kantischem Sinne. In Kapitel V erweitere ich den Begriff "pragmatisch" von der Musteranfuhrung Kants zu der "Staatsgelahrtheit" A. L. v. Schlozers (1735-1809). Schlozer, zu seiner Zeit einer der bekanntesten deutschen Publizisten, war Professor in Gottingen und stellte diese "Gelahrtheit" in demjenigen "System" dar, wo man sowohl die "politische Geschichte" als auch die "politische Philosophic" nebeneinander findet. Jener Teil enthalt noch die statistische "Staatskunde" als "stillstehende Staatsgeschichte" und eigentliche "Staatsgeschichte", dieser dagegen "Metapolitik", "Staatsrecht" und "Lehre von der Staatsverfassung". Im Vergleich zu Gatterer fallt bei Schlozer der normative Ansatz auf, wie er ihn z. B. in der Naturrechtslehre seiner "Metapolitik" entwickelt hat. Denn er deduziert seine Beurteilungskriterien aus den politischen Normen seiner Gegenwart. Die Vergangenheit wird so durch die Beurteilung des Historikers fur die gegenwartige oder zukunftige Politik "nutzlich" gemacht. In diesem historischen "Engagement" des Historikers sah Hegel gerade die von ihm kritisierte negative Art der "pragmatischen" Geschichtsschreibung. Schlozer aber bezweckt mit seiner normativen Auffassung von der Politik und seiner exemplarischen Interpretation der Geschichte die Beamten staatswissenschaftlich auszubilden. Einerseits fordert er dazu auf, durch die Reform des burokratischen Polizeistaats die unumschrankte Herrschaft des hofischen Absolutismus zu beseitigen. Andererseits mochte er dem ungebildeten Volk eine Teilnahme an der Politik verweigern. In dieser "pragamatischen" Art sind Geschichte und Politik miteinander verbunden. Im 18. Jh. konnte der Pragmatismus die polizeiliche Bevormundung des aufgeklarten Absoltismus rechtfertigen, insofern die Polizei zum "Gemeinnutz" der Untertanen beitrug. Mit dem Ausbruch der Franzosischen Revolution und der Napoleonischen Kriege avancierten aber Liberalismus und Nationalismus zu den beherrschenden Ideen der Zeit. Damit verloren der bevormundende Polizeistaat und die nicht volkstumliche Geschichtsanschauung des deutschen Pragmatismus drastisch an Legitimation. Wahrend die pragmatische Sozialphilosophie durch die Kritik des Historismus als vorwissenschaftlich abgelehnt wurde, erhielt aber die Reformpolitik des Pragmatismus noch im 19. Jh. eine Fortsetzung. Dieser "Reformabsolutismus", der auch als "defensive Modernisierung" (Wehler) bezeichnet wird, wurde besonders von denjenigen Beamten vertreten, die etwa zwischen 1750-70 geboren und an Universitaten wie Gottingen ausgebildet worden waren. In der Vorstellungswelt dieser burokratischen Tragerschicht lebte der Pragmatismus wie ihn etwa Gottinger Gelehrte vertreten hatten, auch im 19. Jahrhundert weiter.

著者

村中 淑子/黎 婉珊 黎 婉珊

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.48, pp.113-134, 2013-08-30

著者

シュミット・クラウディア・カロリネ

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.46, pp.33-53, 2012-08-31

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Samurai is an important genre in Japanese entertainment media, such as books, television, and even manga. It has been a genre especially for male target groups for a long time, but during the last decade, there has been a tendency for samurai manga to focus on female target groups. In my research, I focus on the difference between the image of samurai in manga for male and female target groups, and afterwards I describe the possible social reasons for those differences. For the analysis I chose Okita Soji from Watanabe Taeko's Manga "Kaze hikaru" as an example for a samurai described for a female target group, and for a male target group, I chose Miyamoto Musashi from Inoue Takehiko's "Vagabond" as a representative samurai. I mainly follow Yomota Inuhiko's method as presented in his work "Manga genron", adding a focus on the keywords social life, love and life as swordfighter, especially analysing problems and solutions concerning these themes. Through the analysis I found some interesting answers. While the image of Okita in "Kaze hikaru" obviously is adapted to classical genres for female readers (the keywords love and social life are the main points and the story itself is similar to high-school campus stories), Miyamoto's description focuses on his work of building a strong self, especially by countless action scenes. The two represent a different ideal of masculinity, on the one side showing an Okita who is influenced by the typical effeminate male aesthetics of Japanese male pop idols-an image mainly created by aiming towards female fans. And on the other side there is a Miyamoto representing a classical warrior image, which can be interpreted as a counter flow to the new male aesthetics. Yet, Miyamoto's warrior journeys and his life far from civilization can also be seen as criticism of young men's reaction to the growing demands of their working lives, but also in their daily lives as some kind of escapism from their daily lives. In contrast to Miyamoto, Okita shows an exaggerated image of loyalty, especially to his troops' leaders and his protegee a girl dressed up as boy who joines his samurai troop. Especially his relationship to his protegee shows the uncertainty of young women concerning gender constructs and shows the desire of women to take part in social life or even to create history. In summary, it is obvious that the image of the samurai is fit to the gender of the target groups and it seems as if it gives the reader an entertaining possibility to compensate for the limits of everyday live.

著者

米山 喜晟

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.141-192, 2007-12-10

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As I showed in my previous three papers, though the Novellino had been an excellent forerunner of the Italian novellas, only with the appearance of the Decameron was the basis for the Italian novella truly founded. Almost all the elements of the novella can be considered as heritages of the Decameron but, referring to the definitions of the novella form, I selected firstly the adoption of the `cornice' or framework device, secondly the setting within the realm of the believable, and thirdly the audacious expression of Eros and of sexual relations. In this paper I focus on the Pecorone of Ser Giovanni Fiorentino, the Trecentonovelle of Franco Sacchetti, and the Novelliere of Giovanni Sercambi, all of which were included by Di Francia in his Novellistica as epigones of Boccaccio. I find that these three works imitated Boccaccio's cornice device to various extents. I also find a remarkable increase of settings within the realm of the believable by the three authors compared to works published before the Decameron, and a similar increase in the percentage of novellas in which sexual relations take place. From the high number of incidences in the Novelliere, in particular (49.68%), we can imagine how the people of Tuscany, where the tradition of Dante and Petrarch had forbidden them to see women in sexual terms, must have welcomed the appearance of the Decameron as the liberator of Eros.

著者

野尻 亘

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 = ST.ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC AND BUSINESS REVIEW (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.1-43, 2015-09-30

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Since the latter half of 1980's, actor-network theory (ANT) introduced the methodology of global production network in economic geography. ANT comes from the science technology history and post-structuralism. ANT's key concepts in economic geography are heterogeneous relations, and `acting at a distance', and `actants' consisted of humans and nonhumans. ANT shows power of networks and relations in global production system. Translation in ANT exchanges old `actants' and new `actants' and are negotiations or `modes of ordering' which is balancing mutual profits of each actant. The concept of hybrid network, mode of ordering, and `action at a distance' is examined power relations between globalization space and long distance network. The long distance of extended network needs to `actants' to maintain the relation within network. Actants are crucial process in network construction. The strength, durability and stability of network are constituted by mode of ordering. Moreover, the durability of long distance network requires the strong organization in the network in order to construct the pattern of social and environmental practice in particular times and spaces.

著者

和栗 珠里

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.197-222, 2009-03-10

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It is said that the nobility of the Republic of Venice was a caste, because the noble status was a hereditary privilege of certain families. A series of decrees issued in 1297-1323 defined its Serrata (closure), which continued until the middle of the 17th century, when noble status became purchasable, although at a very high price. However, if the nobility was inaccessible to the Venetian non-nobles, foreigners could obtain Venetian noble status. In fact a large number of foreigners, especially condottieri (mercenaries), were accepted into the Venetian nobility even under the Serrata system. In this article I examine some cases in which condottieri came to be ennobled. These were agents in wars to whom Venice turned in fighting against the Terraferma (mainland) powers such as the Scaligeri of Verona, the Carraresi of Padua and the Visconti of Milan, against the king of Hungary, and even in the wars against Turkey. Those appointed to the rank of Captain General of the Venetian army found it easy to be ennobled. It is not always easy to determine whether a condottiero obtained a hereditary status in the Venetian nobility instead of a personal one, but not a few condottieri did so. Moreover, some families kept a special relation with the Republic of Venice. The Malatesta of Rimini provided Venice with many able men of arms, and Venice in return protected them from their enemies. The Martinengo of Brescia also contributed military talent to Venice and weaved a matrimonial network with other condottieri families with Venetian noble status. Interestingly enough, we find a dozen condottieri members in the Compagnie della Calza, fete-organizing associations composed of young members of prominent noble families, which had much to do with the growing self-consciousness of the Venetian nobility in the late 15th and 16th centuries. The ennoblement of condottieri may have been, in the first place, a reward to military commanders. But it had another function; namely, to give more `nobleness' to the Venetian nobility who had non-feudal origin. Most of the condottieri were already nobles with feudal titles (duke, marquis, count, etc.), or at least semi-nobles with rule over a dominion. Thus they helped not only to conquer the Terraferma but also to establish a substantive definition of the Venetian nobility after the Serrata.

著者

松平 功

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学キリスト教論集 = The St. Andrew's University journal of Christian studies (ISSN:0286973X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.51, pp.3-43, 2016

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More than fifty years, Rene Girard has developed a hypothesis which is alled the mimetic theory. According to this theory, human beings imitate each other, and this tendency spreads mutually among people and leads to rivalries. This mimetic also causes mutual conflicts in a community. Since the mimetic rivalry that develops from the struggle for the possession of objects is contagious, it leads to the threat of violence. According to Girard, such conflicts are partially solved by a scapegoat mechanism, but ultimately, Christianity is the best appeasement to violene. Girard believes that the gospel texts have instead acted as a catalyst that brings about the break-down of the sacrificial order. The evangelical "good news" clearly affirms the innocence of the victim, thus becoming, by attacking ignorance, the germ of the destruction of the sacrificial order on which rests the equilibrium of societies. The Old Testament already shows several turning points, and also exposes the mythic accounts with regard to the innocence of the victims. The Hebrew people were conscious about the uniqueness of their religious tradition. The gospels fully clarify this hidden system, and unveil the Satanic order which has continued since ancient time. The gospels also describe the foundation of this order as the murder in the account of the Passion. Medieval Europe showed the face of a sacrificial society that still knew very well how to despise and ignore its victims, nonetheless the efficacy of sacrificial violence has not decreased, in the measure that ignorance has receded. Girard sees the uniqueness and of the transformations of the Western society whose destiny today is one with that of human society as a whole. The purpose of this paper is to research about the mimetic theory and the scapegoat mechanism, and to provide a deeper understanding about a relationship between those hypotheses. Through criticizing Girard's concepts, this paper will provide an accurate recognition concerning the redemption.

著者

寺内 謙元 川井 太加子

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学総合研究所紀要 (ISSN:1346048X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.41-72, 2016-12-05

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"A Field Study on the Actual Conditions of Senior Citizens with Dementia in Izumi City," a joint study conducted by Izumi City and St. Andrew's University, was presented in March, 2014. The purpose of the study was to collect basic data on measures taken for persons with dementia in the municipal area of Izumi City, to identify any underlying issues, and to analyze what the next steps should be. The data was collected by investigating the understanding of dementia, and the everyday lives of persons with dementia and their family members, the support being provided to patients by medical institutions and designated in-home long-term care support providers, the beliefs and principles dementia supporters were guiding themselves by, and the ways that communities could be aided. Our aim was to grasp the current situation and issues of senior citizens with dementia and find ways to provide them with in-home care so that they can lead their lives with their wishes respected, concern-free and, most importantly, in their communities. Therefore, since the focus of the aforementioned field study was on the municipal area of Izumi City, we decided to adopt the items presented in the study and look further into them. In order to acquire a logical understanding of the actual conditions of senior citizens with dementia, we researched a number of items, such as nursing care services covered by insurance, the present state of family caregiving, and the provision of social resources to caregiving and medical services, and examined how strongly these items were interrelated. The data obtained from investigating the actual conditions of senior citizens with dementia in Izumi City were sorted according to certain conditions, subjected to statistical processing, and analyzed. In this study, we dealt with primary insured persons. From our analyses, we found that the amount of the burden felt by caregivers varied depending on the length of time they were undertaking caregiving. Caregiver burden, or stress, was found to be lower in caregivers with experience of under a year but to increase considerably as the length of time exceeded a year and continue to be felt strongly into the third year ; the burden was found to then gradually lighten. In order to maintain enough strength to continue caregiving, caregivers must not become isolated from society. Consulting experts in one's community is known to be an effective way to stay in touch with society. In our study, care managers were found to be the most consulted. This fact most likely reflects the current need caregivers have for care managers to serve as consultants when applying for nursing care services. Family members and relatives were the next most often consulted, which suggests that caregiving is not something that can be performed by a single caregiver but requires a team of family members and relatives. The next most often consulted were care facility operators and care service providers, indicating that caregivers seek advice when experts from home-visit nursing care facilities or senior citizen day care centers pay daily visits. One of the most difficult cases of caregiving is when the receiver is suffering from dementia. In our study, nearly 70% of caregivers who responded that their receiver was either "diagnosed with dementia, or was not but is highly likely to have dementia," said they were feeling stressed from caregiving. When caregivers sought consultation, especially in the hope of relieving their stress, those who caregivers found particularly helpful were again experts from home-visit nursing care facilities and senior citizen day care centers, as well as their care receivers' doctors. Of these three sources, the one that caregivers responded they felt relieved the most after consulting were home-visit nursing care providers. This is most likely because "home-visit nursing care providers" have more opportunities to interact with caregivers as well as care receivers than do care providers at "senior citizen day care centers" or "their care receivers' doctors." Such opportunities must be enabling home-visit nursing care providers to build interpersonal relationships with caregivers, through which caregivers are finding care providers helpful in relieving stress. In addition, a cross-sectional analysis examining the struggles and problems encountered during caregiving revealed that caregivers did not know who they could contact for consultation on dementia or knew much about this disease. Dementia's status as a lesser known disease among the general public could be the cause of this situation. Another cross-sectional analysis, which examined the responses from caregivers feeling stressed and the symptoms care receivers were showing, found that a great number of these caregivers reported symptoms such as "memory loss" and "repeated questions or statements." This shows that caregivers are finding it difficult to communicate with their care receivers. In addition, a concern shared by these caregivers was expressed over the decreasing levels of independence that their care receivers were showing each day and how much further they may decrease. This concern indicates that some amount of these caregivers' stress is coming from the unpredictable ways in which the symptoms of this disease develop. For the reasons above, rather than simply advising caregivers "not to leave persons with dementia alone (but to watch over them closely)," discussions must consider the diversity of symptoms by which this disease deprives sufferers of the self-reliance necessary for daily life, as well as the fact that the unpredictability of this disease is causing caregiver burden, and move towards reviewing the support services currently offered and revising the current support system where necessary, such as the application procedures for receiving nursing care services. Since an analysis covering all circumstances related to support measures for persons with dementia and their caregivers would be beyond the scope of this paper, we focus our analysis on the amount of caregiver burden, whether care receivers were diagnosed with dementia, and the receivers' level of care. From our analysis, we argue that the support that caregivers and care receivers require changes as the course of caregiving proceeds, and that they need support accordingly.

著者

瀧澤 仁唱

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.73-95, 2015-10-30

著者

松村 昌廣

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山法学 (ISSN:13481312)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.51-81, 2012-03-26

著者

横井 清

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.p106-92, 1993-09

著者

松本 直也

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

人間文化研究 = Journal of humanities research, St. Andrew's University (ISSN:21889031)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.167-191, 2015-03

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The All Japan University Football Team that participated in the 2013 Universiade Games also participated in the 35th TROFEO ANGELO DOSSENA held in Italy in 2011. The purpose of this study is to analyze those games in order to measure the effectiveness of tactical models in the construction of team tactics. The tactical model outlined here consists of three defensive phases, three offensive phases, and the transition phase between offense and defense. The analysis demonstrated that a tactical model has to be suited to actual game situations. With regard to the creation of team tactics in a limited-term team, the analysis also indicated the effectiveness of training based on that tactical model in combination with training in close observation.

著者

井本 英一

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.57-76, 1996-01-30

著者

生瀬 克己

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.325-342, 1997-03-15

被引用文献数

1

著者

竹中 暉雄

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学人間科学 (ISSN:09170227)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.83-108, 1997-03-15

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Edelwei〓piraten sind eine vergessene Protestbewegung in Deutschland, und eine noch fast unbekannte Tatsache in Japan. Die vorliegende Arbeit ist ein Versuch, das feindliche Verhaltnis zwischen Edelwei〓piraten, die meistens aus jugendlichen Arbeitern bestanden, und Hitlerjugend zu erklaren. Die Edelwei〓piraten standen der Hitlerjugend feindlich gegenuber und sie haben oftmals die uniformierte Hitlerjungen, besonders HJ-Streifendienst uberrascht und angepobelt. Ein Hitlerjunge sagte, da〓 es fur HJ-Angehorige eine Zeit lang unmoglich gewesen sei, wahrend der Dunkelheit in Uniform uber die Stra〓e zu gehen, ohne befurchten zu mussen, von Edelwei〓piraten angerempelt oder gar uberfallen zu werden. Ein HJ-Kameradschaftsfuhrer hat von HJ aus dem Grund entfernt, da〓 er von den Edelwei〓piraten uberrascht worden ist. In dieser Weise sind Edelwei〓piraten den Hitlerjugen ein gro〓es Hindernis geworden, um Hitlerjugenddienst fortzusetzen.

著者

安藤 洋美

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

桃山学院大学経済経営論集 (ISSN:02869721)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.3, pp.391-422, 2010-03-31

著者

山川 偉也

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.36, pp.77-144, 2007-06-20

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According to DL6, 20_21, Diogenes of Sinope, son of Hicesias the banker, counterfeited the state coinage; and when he was detected, according to some he was banished, while according to others he voluntarily quitted the city for fear of consequences. The anecdote has its immediate connection with Diogenes the Cynic's mission "παραχαραξον το νομισμα (Deface the currency"). But the scholars have suspected the truth of DL6, 20_21. However, in this paper I deface the current interpretations of DL6, 20_21 and submit another version consistent with Diogenes' cosmopolitan way of life.

著者

橋内 武

出版者

桃山学院大学

雑誌

国際文化論集 (ISSN:09170219)

巻号頁・発行日

no.45, pp.97-114, 2012-01-31