著者

戸口 伸二

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.6, pp.584-595, 1996-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

52

著者

荒山 正彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.6, pp.551-564, 1989-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

5 6

著者

岩鼻 通明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.33, no.5, pp.458-472, 1981-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

5 4

著者

滝波 章弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.2, pp.121-143, 1994-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

71

被引用文献数

5 2

---

Since the second half of the 1970's, there have been many studies in the literature of tourism on the spatial behavior pattern. But most of these studies have failed to built a general model of tourist space, focusing too closely on specific facts derived from simple correlation analysis between a certain spatial pattern and other socioeconomic or spatio-temporal variables. In the present article, we discuss the fundamental geographical notions of region and distance, creating a concentric tourist spatial model by integrating two existing models: S. C. Plog's (1973) and J.-M. Miossec's (1977). What we mean by the concentric model is that the trip “distance” influences the tourist's behavior, perception and the frequency of trips, and vice versa.We collected the data for this study in September 1992 at an elementary school in Yokohama (a large city situated about 30km south of Tokyo). It is a binary matrix of 338 recreational family trips from Yokohama in the line and 94 tourist-/trip-variables in the row which indicate different types of tourists and trip patterns. Trip-variables include destination (s), trip duration, trip organizer, group composition, means of transportation, nature of activity at the destination, tourist's image of the destination, etc. Tourist-variables include quantity of information and ability to use it, duration of holidays, expenditures for tourism and frequency of recreational trips per year, etc.First of all, we showed how several “tourism regions” (S. L. J. Smith, 1989) are created by the two “regionalizations” (Smith): the regionalization based on the denomination by tourists of the destination zone and the regionalization based on the route taken in a real trip.Next, we summarized the trip matrix data and verified the concentric spatial model, applying Hayashi's “theory of the quantification 3” -mathematically almost the same analysis as the correspondence analysis in the Anglo-Saxon or French world. This analysis of quantification changes the original and arbitrary arrangement of the trips on the axis of the line into a new significant and revealing arrangement (simultaneously, every trip is given a quantity indicating its point on the axis). In other words, this method locates closely on the axis trips which resemble each other in their reaction pattern to the variables, and it distances trips which do not resemble each other. This analysis also changes the original arrangement of the variables on the axis of the row into a new meaningful arrangement; it locates closely/distances the variables according to their reaction pattern to the trips. This analysis replaces, in fact, both the trips and the variables on the axes in order to keep the highest possible correlation between the quantified trips and the quantified variables. The highest possible correlation means the new arrangements of the trips and of the variables have the same structure and the same meaning. Thus this analysis creates from one original binary matrix several new binary matrices independent from each other which summarize the data structure of tourist behavior, whereby the first matrix is the most important, and the second matrix is the second most important. We can explain these new matrices with the variable-axes.We found three important variable-axes: the trip “distance” (the most important element), the nature of the activity in the destination zone and the tourist's ability to travel (economic status and information level). Observing the three-dimensional data space composed by these axes, we found one dominant and five secondary variable masses of the tourist's profile and behavior pattern. The dominant one is about a two day 100km family trip, not planned by a tourist agency but by the family itself, for the purpose of enjoying nature and practicing sports.

著者

吉田 容子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.6, pp.559-580, 1994-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

74

被引用文献数

7 1

---

An elucidation of the labor market's structure has been one issue under debate in textile industry studies in economic geography in Japan. Many reports explain socio-economic attributes including sex, age and pay from detailed investigation, and define the labor force in the labor market. It goes without saying that the textile industry is typically labor-oriented, in that it employs a younger female labor force which is placed at the bottom of the pay scale. And textile studies have pointed out the structure of the labor market, paying attention to this younger female labor force, however, but have not yet examined the discussion that labor quality, which is related to gender difference, is an important factor that places female labor force in such a position within the labor market. Moreover, there is a growing need for consideration of labor quality in the context of a new production system, that is ‘flexible production’, therefore it is thought that in the complicated and multiplied labor structure today, an examination from the standpoint of gender is important.This article attempts to examine the male and female labor force in the textile industry placed in the labor market, focusing on their labor quality. Currently, technological innovation and restructuring are also under way in the textile industry in Japan. There have, however, been few detailed reports of the topic of gender difference in the labor market, that is to say, about how these factors affect the supply structure of male and female workers in the labor market and the gender division of labor. The subject hitherto has received but scant attention even in foreign countries irrespective of differences in industrial sector. Worthy of note in our country is that since the 1980's, sociologists and economists have been engaged in exploring macro aspects such as nationwide trends of division of labor by sex. Nonetheless, they have neither dealt with the spatial dimensions of the trends nor have they made an exhaustive study of a particular industry or region. Thus it cannot be denied that their studies are far from satisfactory especially at meso or micro levels. Needless to say, these problems must be solved through geographical investigations.Keeping in mind the status quo of research, the second section of this paper examines spatial dimensions of gender difference in the local labor market of each manufacturing sector in Aichi Prefecture, which shows one of the highest rates of manufacturing workers in Japan. A difference of dependence on female labor force between manufacturing sectors, and the changing of dependence on their labor force from the transition period (1970) to recent years (1985) were clear. The following shows that concretely. A higher female employment rate (60∼68%) in the textile sector in both 1970 and 1985 suggests that this sector depends on female labor forces. However, contrasting to this sector, steel, general machinery and transportation machinery have a lower female employment rate (10∼30%). This suggests the existence of a sector-specific gender division of labor. Moreover, a remarkable reduction of the female employment rate in the textile sectors observed in two regions, both the western part of Owari and the southwestern part of Mikawa. The former region, which is a traditional textile district and has a high rate of industrial added-value, is selected as the study area here.The third section is devoted to exploring a changing source of labor force supply in this region. Examination is made for two separate periods: from the special procurement boom of the Korean War (1950∼53) to the first oil crisis in 1973, young female workers (especially new school leavers) were dominant, while, after the crisis, middle-aged and old workers have played a major role.

著者

島田(松本) 豊寿

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.3, pp.343-359, 1968-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

16

著者

岡田 俊裕

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.5, pp.445-460, 1987-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

64

被引用文献数

4 2

---

The concepts of landscape (Landschaft, paysage) spread through the geographic world in Japan since the latter half of 1920's. The discipline of geography in Japan before the war's end was characterized by studies based on these concepts, the theory of man-land relationships, and geopolitics. This paper is the first historical review of studies of geographical landscape in Japan.Japanese geographers had tried to translate landscape (Landschaft, paysage) into Japanese since 1925, using such terms as“fukei (風景)”,“fudo (風土)”,“keiso (景相)”, “chiriteki keikan (地理的景観)”,“fukei keitai (風景形態)”,“keiiki (景域)”,“chisokei (地相景)”,“kansho (環象)”,“keikan (景観)”and others. Keikan was by far the most popularly used term. It is thought that Tsujimura Taro had a great influence on this state of affairs.The concepts of landscape can be classified into three major interpretations: (1) the synthetic contents of a (unit) region, (2) common regions as a type, (3) the visible and morphologic objects in a region. On the basis of this classification, the writer puts interpretations of these concepts before the war's end in the order stated above, number (1) being the most frequent interpretation. Other Japanese equivalents besides“keikan” were used frequently in interpretation number (1). However, it is said that interpretation number (3) came into wider use than number (1) in field studies.“Keikan”was used frequently in this case. Therefore, many theoretical studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (1), while most field studies were conducted on the basis of interpretation number (3). Interpretation number (2) appeared in a few cases, but it is not thought to have been used frequently.In the 1910's in Germany, the concept of landscape (Landschaft) was introduced to the system of geography, and the form or shape of landscape was treated as the object of landscape study. Studies which had some resemblance to those in Germany were seen before and after the 1930's in Japan. The studies of relations between landscape and social, economic and cultural conditions were deepened and developed later in Germany. However, research on form of landscape were, in Japan, still being carried out, and the function and phylogeny of landscape were not developed enough in Japan. But theoretical studies did develop some what. The development of landscapes was studied, and some researchers began to point out that it was necessary in landscape study to clarify the development mechanisms of human societies. Moreover the landscape was grasped from a view-point of social science, in that the landscape is thought to be determined by the mode of production.A problem that was little discussed throughout the pre-war and post-war days is the role of subjectivity in human societies in the formation of the cultural landscape. This is the main reason for the criticism that early studies of geographical landscape were not really connected to the contemporary world. In the first half of 1930's in Germany, O. Maull and H. Hassinger proposed that the nation state was the builder of landscape. Their propositions were soon introduced to Japan, but have not yet been really discussed. How are human societies including nation states related to the formation of the cultural landscape? The writer concludes that this discussion remains as an unsolved problem.

著者

菊地 利夫

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.6, pp.485-498,579, 1959-12-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

13

---

The explanation which the village itself moved is generally recognized about the movement of the villages in Kujukuri-Hama coastal region, Boso Peninsula. That is, in this region the villages consist of three types, the Furumura village which was situated on the hill, the Shinden village and the Naya village, and they are different from each other in the time of the establishment, so that the Furumura village was established in the middle ages, the Shinden village was established by the middle of the modern ages and the Naya village was established in the last time of the modern ages, one hundred and several decades ago. In the history of those establishments the villages have the relationship with each other, which the Furumura village cultivated the Shinden and there the Shinden Village was established afresh, and moreover both the Furumura village and the Shinden village moved to the Naya village.In this paper, the new materials which were unable to be pointed out in the former explanation are reported, based on our investigation of the villages. It is as follows. In the history of the sardine fishery along. Kujukuri-Hama coast since the begining of the modern ages, 5 heavy catch periods of the sardine fishery and 5 poor catch periods of it between the heavy catch periods are found. Through its history the Naya village was formed at the 2nd heavy catch period of the sardine fishery, 300 years ago and thereafter it was forced to move to the place nearer the coast by the Shinden village at the following 2nd poor catch time and at the same time the Shinden village developed at the former trace of the moved Naya village. Such movement of the Naya village may be explained by such way that the Naya village itself moved from the former site to the later site. On the other hand, the Naya village greatly developed at the 3rd and 4th heavy catch periods of the sardine fishery and has got the present form. This development of the Naya village is owing to the movement of the villagers from the Furumura village and the Shinden village at the latter period of the modern ages. This development of the Naya village is mostly unable to be explained by the movement of the village itself, but by the movement of the villagers which means not only the movement of the number of the villagers but the movement of the social combination of the village community. Thus, the villages along Kujukuri-Hama coast have got the present form, repeating the changes that they changed into the fishery village at the heavy catch period of the sardine fishery and changed into the farm village at the poor catoh period.

著者

野間 三郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.4, pp.415-425, 1965-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

西田 博嘉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.26, no.2, pp.217-231, 1974-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

19

被引用文献数

3

著者

滝波 章弘

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.4, pp.340-362, 1998-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

63

被引用文献数

2 2

---

What do tourists experience in travel? What is the meaning of contemporary tourism? These questions have been proposed since the mid 1970's by geographers, anthropologists, and psychologists of tourism in the English-speaking world. Most of the studies attempt to verify MacCanell's theory of authenticity, Turner's process of communitas or Cohen's systematic typology of tourist experience. Are these hypothesis also applicable to the Japanese contemporary tourist experience?The popular travel monthly“Tabi”proves an indispensable source concerning Japanese tourism. Each edition contains travel essays contributed by readers. I compared 155 travel writings in“Tabi”from 1992 to 1995 with the contributors ranging from the young to the aged.In the first analysis, I examined three hypothesis. Turner's communitas was verified only in 3 essays; MacCanell's authenticity in 25 essays; and Cohen's typology in 47 essays. These results show that the existing models are insufficient to explain the Japanese tourist experience.In the second analysis, I tried to treat the 155 travel narratives without hypothesis. Based upon the structuralist textual analysis, I extracted six main subjects: encounter of people, perception of panorama or landscape, discovery of another world, observation of culture and history, solution of problem which arise during travel, and recognition of ones life.The relations between the demographic category and the subjects of tourist experience are summarized as follows. The younger writers emphasize the spatial contrast: they often compare their chosen destination with their everyday environment, and the smaller places they explored with popular tourist sites. The comparison is not neutral: what is unknown or idyllic is evaluated positively, while what is popular or metropolitan is portrayed negatively. The older writers are likely to underline the spatio-temporal contrast: they frequently speak of a spiritual experience following an ordeal, e.g., reverence of a panoramic view after a painful ascent. In terms of encounter, the nuance between age-groups is also clear. The younger tend to analyze systematically the encounter: they underline the contrast between the fragile tourist from the city and the kind and tough local people. For the older, the encounter is more realistic: there exists mutual communication between the local and the tourist.Regarding gender, more of the men observe the culture, history, and life style of the destination than women. Observation often leads to comprehension by accompanying the discourse of cultural comparison between native country and destination. On the other hand, women are more concerned with the solution of problems which may happen in their travel. In some cases, they write about the aid given by a local person in an encountered difficult situation; and in other cases they stress their sense of accomplishment after surmounting difficulties. Women are more concerned with self-presentation than men.Under divers tourist experiences, we can find out one common structure the spatiotemporal contrast. Men seek the spatial contrast between life-space and tourist space, between famous place and little place, and so on. Women pursue temporal contrast between difficult situation and accomplishment, between assisted tourist and assisting local person, and so on.The structure of contrast in the tourist experience resembles the system of objects proposed by Baudrillard. Both try to contrast some elements with others: goods in Baudrillard, and spatio-temporal experiences in travel writings. In this respect, we can say that travel writing is a part of a contemporary semiotic world. But we can also remark that there is a considerable difference: the contrast is symmetric in the system of goods and asymmetric in the narrative of travel. The asymmetry of the latter is the result of the real space.

著者

水津 一朗

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.1, pp.1-6, 1986-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1

著者

Shimpei SEGAWA

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.3, pp.215-236, 1995-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

94

被引用文献数

4 3 8

---

Buildings are moulded by and reflect order, social relations and ideas. However, how people build not only results from but also exerts influences upon how they think: order, social relations and ideas find expressions in actual buildings.As a message any building has to be decoded by those who use or observe it. But while it is composed of a multiplicity of signs, it also invites a plurality of readings and meanings. It must thus be considered on the basis of whose beliefs or whose view of the world a particular reading and meaning circulated in society is made up.The powerful in society often bring up unintentionaly as well as deliberately a certain reading and meaning of a building. Rather, the dominant are those who manage to present them that may be taken in as unquestioned and thus “natural”. Buildings are major arenas where reading and meaning publicly unfold.The material of my discussion is the Taman Mini Indonesia Indah (Beautiful Indonesia in Miniature Park), popularly known as Taman Mini, located in a suburb of Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia. It is both a recreation park and a cultural theme park containing examples of traditional architecture, museums, religious buildings, movie theaters, gardens, and other cultural and historical exhibitions and facilities alike. It is designed to provide visitors with an overall insight into Indonesia's people, arts, social customs, history and living environment.My purpose is to reveal the use of the Taman Mini by investigating its design, location and way of representing, considering the socio-political setting of which it is a part. Both in the selectivity of its content and in the signs and style of representation the Taman Mini works to support the order favorable to those who have built it.In November, 1971, when the government was shifting to pro-capitalistic development policies, the President's wife first announced an idea to build a museum-park complex aiming at making Indonesia known to international tourists and raising national consciousness. A few years before, the republic saw the most crucial time in its post-colonial history. Late on the evening of 30 September 1965, army units launched a limited coup in Jakarta ostensibly to remove a group of generals said to be plotting against the then (and first) president. They killed six leading generals, the corpses of whom were later discovered in a well near the present site of the Taman Mini. The coup was crushed in twenty-four hours by special forces commanded by Major General Suharto. These events laid basis for a gradual seizure of power by him and the installation of the so-called New Order.Mrs Suharto's idea immediately came under attack by intellectuals and students, for being for her prestige and a waste of domestic funds, and for the compulsory clearing of small-holder farmlands at the site at a low rate of compensation. She insisted on fighting for her project and declared it was of service to the people to deepen their love for the fatherland. At last the President uttered a statement affirming his full back-up to his wife's project. Construction of the vast park began in 1972, and the opening by the President occurred on April 20, 1975.Some facilities and exhibitions of the Taman Mini are precise replicas with more perfection than their originals. Others are drained from immediate functions and actual life by being replanted regardless of the backgrounds on which they should be. They are all signs of“Indonesian-ness”, and the Park serves as a sketch map showing in public space how Indonesia is organized.The Taman Mini conveys a set of values. The juxtaposition of provincial architectures, houses of worship, folk ways of life, handicrafts, and performing arts visualize the cultural diversity and relativism of Indonesian society.

著者

水内 俊雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.289-311, 1984-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

被引用文献数

4 2

---

The importance of improvement in living condition in urban areas recently has been stressed in Japan. We can point out three issues in this trend. First, blighted areas have already appeared in suburban areas of densely built “bunka” apartment house. Second, revitalization of the inner city is being watched with keen interest. Third, criticism of existing urban policy which is busy pursuing construction of urban infrastructure is developing new ideas for improvement of urban living condition. From these viewpoints, we can see only two examples of improvement in poor housing distrcts. In fact, Japan has a long tradition of renewal of poor housing districts. Unfortunately, these kinds of districts, i.e. minority group ghettoes, we call “dowa” districts, have not been properly analysed. There are two reasons for this lack of research. First is the tendency for Japanese scholars to avoid topics and ignore groups that are the object of majority prejudice. Second is the record of heavy-handed political intervention in the conduct and findings of such research.This paper at first clarifies the historical formation of poor housing districts in prewar Japan. Second, we focus on the “Renewal of Poor Housing Districts Act” of 1927, making clear how this act was created and put in force. This research also attempts to put “dowa” districts in their proper place among all kinds of poor housing districts in Japan. In addition, we set value on this housing act as the the first public project to improve living conditions in Japan, and reveal the counter-responses of the people concerned.In post-war Japan, especially after 1960, the pace of renewal projects quickened and many projects attained good results. These results were achieved mainly by minority-group peoples' movements, and such movements were linked to political influence. The historical approach adopted in this paper aims to pursue the origin of these movements and their political attitudes in pre-war Japan.The “Renewal of Poor Housing Districts Act” was authorized by the Department of Social Welfare of the Ministry of Interior. Before the enactment of this act, the Department of Social Welfare conducted many investigations of poorer peoples' living and housing conditions. These investigations not only helped in the enactment, but also added special characteristics to this act. One such characteristic is observance in principle of rehousing people in the same location, and the other is omission of concrete standards in selection of renewal areas. The former is the result of imitating the housing acts in England. The latter is explained by the fact that the Department of Social Welfare had no need to define selection standards since they had already gained information about location of the poor housing districts.Projects in accordance with this act began in 1928, rehousing nearly 4000 households by 1942 in 6 big cities: Tokyo, Osaka, Kyoto, Nagoya, Kobe and Yokohama. The 16 districts selected or planned for selection were divided into three types. This selection reflected the existing three types of poorer peoples' districts at that time. The first type were those of minority groups, i.e. “dowa” districts originating in the pre-modern era. The second type were residential districts of urban miscellaneous laborers centering around flophouse, and the last one was residential districts of lower factory workers. The latter two emerged in modern era after 1868. Seven of the selections were of the first type, and these cases became a precedent for post-war projects. From the viewpoint of the people concerned, Nagoya and Kyoto showed special responses toward the renewal projects. Considering the historical conditions in pre-war Japan, people at that time did not possess any legal ways of opposition and had limited opportunities for achieving their demands for improvement.

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.366-412, 1992-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

著者

野中 健一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.276-290, 1989-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

20

被引用文献数

2 2

---

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how people obtain and eat Vespula sp., a kind of wasp, and how such habits are distributed in Japan. A general survey based on the literature and quastionnaires given to authorities was conducted for each part of Japan, and field work was conducted by interviewing in Central Japan, where examples of this habit can be seen. Among several kinds of wasps which are eaten in Japan, especially immature Vespula have been eaten cooked in various ways. This is because people feel it more tasty than any other wasp, and they can find the nests easily, catch them without any danger and obtain large numbers of the immature wasps from one nest. This haibit is not spread all over Japan but concentrated particularly in some parts of Central Japan.The results of the survey in Central Japan are as follows: there are six kinds of foods made of Vespula, that is, raw Vespula, roasted Vespula, boiled Vespula, mixed rice maze-gohan with Vespula, sushi with Vespula and, a kind of rice cake with soy bean sauce (gohei-mochi) containing Vespula. These recipes are listed here according to increasing complexity in cooking process. People eat these foods 1) occasionally, 2) daily, or 3) daily and on special occasions. In the area where the usage of Type 1) is found, Vespula is usually roasted and eaten only occasionally. In the area of Type 2) boiled Vespula in soy sauce is eaten as a daily food and even stored in many places. It is used as a side dish for daily meals or relish for drinking. Moreover in the area of type 3) boiled Vespula can be used on special occasions such as festivals and parties. The foods which need a longer cooking process tend to be used on special occasions. The usage of type 3) is seen in eastern Mino Province (Gifu Pref.) and its surrounding regions.People obtain Vespula by hunting or purchasing. Methods of hunting are classified into four types according to ways of discovering the nests. They are: (1) discovery by chance, (2) discovery by simply running after Vespula, (3) discovery by making Vespula hold a mark and running after it, and (4) breeding after finding the nest. An assorted mix of hunting (2), (3) and (4) is adopted in eastern and southern parts of Sinano Province (Nagano Pref.) and eastern Mino Province as well as mountainous areas in Mikawa and Owari Provinces (Aichi Pref.). People who want to eat Vespula may also purchase canned Vespula or their nests with immature wasps. The former are sold as souvenirs in some cities of Shinano Province, and the latter are mainly used as raw materials for cooking in eastern Mino Province. These are regions where active hunting is also popular.Generally speaking, the intensiveness of eating and that of hunting are closely related. That is, the more positively Vespula is eaten, the more actively hunting is conducted. The kind of foods (Figure 3), their uses (Figure 4), and the hunting methods (Figure 5), show similar areal distribution. These neighbouring three regions, that is, eastern Mino, the southernmost part of Shinano and the mountainous area of Mikawa, form the core with the highest intensity. The custom becomes less pervasive in regions that are located farther from the core. This shows a kind of cultural circle with a concentric structure. This is also the core area of Vespula eating in Japan.

著者

中山 修一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, no.5, pp.402-417,480, 1959-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

6

---

Among persons who have thought about the old capital at Nagaoka (784-794, the capital directly preceeding the one at Kyoto and to the south-west of modern Kyoto), there have been some who believed that the fact that in its center an ancient flood plain extended from north to south and that in its southeast quadrant there was a wet depression was an important reason for abandoning it. Having myself personally walked over the sites of the capitals which succeeded one another after the Taika Reform, 646 A.D., at Naniwa, Asuka, Otsu, Fujiwara, Heijo, Kuni, Heian, I have thought upon the natural conditions peculiar to the founding of the capitals.The first one was built along the upper reaches of the Asuka River where floods were few, and the later capitals gradually moved down toward broad plains and to wide slopes giving way to the southward. Still it is clear that the imperial palace which was the center of these capitals always stood upon an eminence or on the slope of one. And as their populations grew sites abundant in sail and water resources were looked upon with faver as capitals. As a result I perceived that Nagaoka with its hillock must have been a rather desirable site. I found, too, that the damp bottoms in its southeast were not in the old times flooded as much as people think. Therefore, I think it is not suitable to say that Nagaoka was abondoned because its site was disadvantageous.

著者

土居 浩

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.4, pp.398-407, 1996-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

45

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

成瀬 厚

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.6, pp.618-633, 1993-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

99

被引用文献数

11 6

著者

門井 直哉

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.1-22, 1998-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

64

被引用文献数

1

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The administrative area of Kohri, the early form of ‘county’ in late seventh century Japan, has been regarded as a succession to the territory previoasly held by a specific powerful clan. This thought is based upon the fact that many Kohri were established according to the applications by the clans. However the existence of such applications did not always mean that the territory of Kohri coincided with that of the clan, and the relation between the territory of Kohri and that of the powerful clan has not yet effectively been inquired.In this paper, the author has surveyed the distribution of ancient tombs and has reexamined the folklore on the powerful clans in the provinces of Tango, Wakasa, Hitachi, Ise and Harima. As a result, Kohri can be classified into four types: A) those consisting of the area ruled by specific powerful clan; B) those containing the area ruled by specific powerful clan as a part; C) those containing the areas ruled by plural powerful clans; D) and those not containing the specific areas ruled by powerful clans. Among these types, the old image of the territory of Kohri assumed they were all type A. However it is remarkable that there were many cases of types B, C and D. This means that the territory of Kohri was demarcated not only by succeeding to the territory of a specific powerful clan, but also by following a policy of the ancient state.Examining historical records, it has been found that type B was standard, but A was not. The process of the establishment of Kohri is summarized as follows: (1) In 646, members of specific powerful clan (Kuninomiyatsuko) in each area were appointed as local government officials, and new local administrative districts were established. (2) Considering the number of Kuninomiyatsuko, the territories of these local administrative districts might be wider than the areas originally ruled by them. (3) In 649, these local administrative districts were rearranged to Kohri. (4) Consequently the type B is regarded as the basic type of Kohri, and other types are later versions which evolved in the period of re-dividing Kohri in and after 653. (5) It is supposed that powerful clans, who missed the positions of officers of Kohri in the first stage, demanded such positions for keeping their powers in their territory, or that the necessity arose to control the territory of Kohri more smoothly.The territory of Kohri is fundamentally a region that was formed by the political intention of the ancient state, and the character as a formal region is stronger than that as a substantive region.