著者

阿部 康久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.53, no.2, pp.99-122, 2001-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

109

被引用文献数

3 2

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The purpose of this article is to clarify employment policies and to provide some background regarding Chinese workers developing a colony in Sakhalin during the 1920s, paying attention to the whole labor policy including those directed toward Japanese and Korean workers.The data used in this analysis were the confidential documents produced by the Karafuto government and the local newspaper, 'Karafuto nichinichi shinbun', which were obtained from the diplomatic record office of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Hakodate city library and the National Diet Library. The results of the paper can be summarized as follows.The employment of Chinese workers was caused by the need to develop the colony and the severe shortage of labor in Sakhalin. Namely, after world war I, in Sakhalin, a paper manufacturing industry developed, but labor to construct plants and infrastructure was in short supply. Therefore, the Karafuto government considered the use of Chinese workers.When the Karafuto government recruited Chinese workers, they assigned a quota to companies and contractors which expected to employ them and the authorities forced these employers to abide by this rule. Furthermore, the authorities prepared a detailed outline to manage Chinese workers and forced employers to abide by these laws. The main aspects of this outline were as follows: (1) to employ Chinese as seasonal workers in order to prevent them from permanent residence; (2) to force Chinese workers from having as little contact as possible with Japanese people, and (3) to gather Chinese workers from the same region or village in order to link friends and relatives which would serve as a deterrent to escape.Thus, Chinese workers were employed as seasonal workers from 1923 to 1927. They were gathered from around the province of Shandong in Northern China and were employed in various undertakings, such as railroad construction, plant construction, mining, and so on. Among these undertakings, the largest was the construction work of the Karafuto east coastal railroad leading from Otiai to Siritori. During construction, about 1, 500 Chinese workers were employed.However, some local residents started movements against the use of Chinese workers on this project. Merchants in Toyohara, Maoka, and Tomarioru districts were especially opposed to the use of Chinese workers, on the grounds that they would not contribute to the local economy due to their tendency to save money and send wage remittances to China.In addition, labor disputes were often raised by Chinese workers regarding their employment. The main reasons for these disputes were poor working conditions, such as a low wage level, nonpayment of wages, contract discrepancies and charges paid to middlemen for their passage to Sakhalin.In those days, the wage levels of Japanese workers who were employed in the construction and labor sectors were 2.0 to 3.5 yen a day, and those of Korean workers, who were colonized under Japan, were 1.8 to 2.5 yen a day. However, those of Chinese workers were about 1 yen a day at first, but their wages were later raised by 0.2 to 0.3 yen. Furthermore, from their wages employers deducted food expenses, charges, and so on, thus reducing their net wage to only 0.6 to 0.7 yen per day.In spite of these movements against Chinese workers and the labor disputes raised by them, the Karafuto government allowed companies and contractors to employ Chinese workers for five years in order to attempt to halt the increasing population of Korean workers. According to the results of the national census taken in 1930, the Korean population in Sakhalin was 8, 301, which accounted for 2.81 percent of its total population. Compared with the Korean population in 1920, which were 934, the number increased rapidly in 1930.

著者

加藤 政洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.164-182, 1999-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

130

被引用文献数

3 1

---

There has begun to develop a burgeoning new problematic in recent works in human geography addressing the debate around postmodernism and the city. David Harvey's The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) and The Urban Experience (1989), and Edward Soja's Postmodern Geographies (1989) are major works on this theme. While their contribution to 'postmodern geography' is now widely accepted, they have been criticized by some feminist geographers such as Massey (1991) and Deutsche (1991) for their suppression of difference, their failure to be aware of masculinity and their lack of recognition of feminist theories of representation in their works. There is one other matter which is important in these criticisms. As Deutsche and Gregory (1994) have acutely pointed out, Harvey and Soja read the city as a distant silhouette and both accord a particular privilege to this distant view.The purpose of the present paper is to outline a series of debates, as mentioned above, around ways of seeing the city in contemporary urban studies in general, and to undertake a critical assessment of Harvey's voyeurism in his 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience and Soja's solar Eye (looking down like a God) in 'an imaginative cruise' in particular. In addition to this purpose, I am going to suggest two directions for a postmodern geographical critique of the modernist gaze on the urban condition-the politics of representation and the politics of scale.The second section of the paper explains the change in Harvey's attitude towards the city. We can observe this change in the transfiguration of the leading figure from a 'restless analyst' (in Consciousness and the Urban Experience) to 'the voyeur' (in The Urban Experience). Harvey, as the restless analyst, places an exaggerated importance on wandering the streets, playing 'flaneur', watching people, eavesdropping on conversations and reading local newspapers. In short, he learns more about the city and its urban condition by engaging in microgeographies of everyday life and pursuing a view from the city streets. As the voyeur, however, he makes a point of ascending to a high point and looking down upon the intricate landscape of streets, built environment and human activitv. In the 'Introduction' to The Urban Experience, Harvey so obviously prefers the view from above as a voyeuristic way of seeing the city that homogenizes street life, urban life and everyday life in a desire for legibility/readability. Thus, the privileging of the high viewpoint is his particular method of conceptualizing 'the city as a whole'. For Harvey as the voyeur, therefore, the position of restless analyst in the street 'cannot help acquiring new meaning'. This goes to his modernist sensibility.In Postmodern Geographies, Soja introduces his most exciting essay on Los Angeles as an attempt to evoke a 'spiraling tour' around the city that he made with Frederic Jameson and Henri Lefebvre. This essay is not a mere field report, but he tries to recapture their travels as ';an imaginative cruise'! The third section of the paper points out that his 'imaginative cruise' is conducted from many vantage-points and so Soja's position on urban studies implies a Foucaldian panoptic gaze. For example, although Soja declares that 'only from the advantageous outlook of the center can the surveillant eye see everyone collectively, disembedded but interconnected', he climbs the high rise City Hall building and looks down on the landscape of downtown. The view from this site is especially impressive to Soja as one of surveillance.What I try to show in sections 2 and 3 is that there is a great similarity between Harvey and Soja in their ways of seeing the city.

著者

浮田 典良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, no.4, pp.266-283,330, 1955-10-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

57

被引用文献数

2 1

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Although the cotton production in Japan rapidly fell into decay after the middle of the Meiji period under the pressure of imported raw cotton, it once flourished remarkably during the Edo era and the first half of the Meiji period as one of the most advanced fields of agriculture in Japan.The writer tried to trace back and see the geographical distribution of the cotton production in Japan in the Edo era, and further, made research for its location in the regions of dense distribution. As a result of the research, the following points were made plain:1, Raw cotton was cultivated chiefly on the sandy upland-field, especially old sand bar and reclaimed land, on the delta of big rivers.2. On the other hand, in the Kinai (Osaka, Kyoto, Nara and their neighbourhood), the district which advanced in civilization from old times, raw cotton was cultivated, as well as rice plants, in a paddy-field in alternate years.3. These are the two types of location for the cotton production in the Edo era. The latter was started from comparatively early years, but the part it played dwindled toward the closing years of the Edo era, while the former has gradually come to play a dominant part. That is to say the location for cotton production shifted from the paddy-field to the sandy upland-field. The reasons for this were (1) sandy soil of the upland-field was suitable for the cotton production, (2) no other suitable crops could not be cultivated on the sandy soil, and (3) the upland-field being a new land, taxes on it were rather low.

著者

山野 正彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, no.1, pp.46-68, 1979-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

114

被引用文献数

18 7

著者

森 正人

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.6, pp.535-556, 2002-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

101

被引用文献数

2 3

---

This paper discusses the changing spatiality and movement modes of the 'Henro' pilgrimage on Shikoku Island from 1920-1930. The pilgrimage is one of principal topics in the geography of religion, and geographers have analysed its spatial structure using historical, quantitative and humanistic approaches. For those researching the spatiality of the pilgrimage, it is necessary to clarify the contested processes by which spatiality was produced and the manner in which discourses concerned with modes of movement were produced in order to control the flow of pilgrims. Though pilgrims mainly traveled on foot for religious training, there were no statements concerning the pilgrimage route in guidebooks published at Edo era.Since the modern Japanese government created a transport system to create homogeneous space in Japan, several transport systems-train, bus and ship-were available in Shikoku until the middle of 1930s. For pilgrims who used these transport systems, movement patterns during the Henro pilgrimage became diversified. However, since the end of the Taisho era, 'the intellectual class' who had hardly previously participated, became interested in the Henro pilgrimage. As a result of this change, the Henro pilgrimage became involved in domestic tourism as alternative form of tourism at the end of the 1920s, and pilgrims using the new transport system and taking casual pleasure in were referred to as 'Modern Henro'.On the other hand, in 1929, 'Henro-Dogyokai', which aimed to organize pilgrims and provide several activities concerned with the Henro pilgrimage, was founded at Tokyo. Its goal was to enlighten people along national policy and to criticize the Modern Henro because they regarded its style as religiously regressive. Through providing information about the Henro pilgrimage in their monthly journal Henro and their activities, they emphasised the authentic style or way of the Henro pilgrimage, and at the same time they emphasized that pilgrims should journey on foot.In short, from the end of 1920s to the middle of 1930s, while Japanese tourism or 'Modern Henro' represented the space of the Henro pilgrimage as tourist space, 'Henro-Dogyokai' represented it as religious training space. However, both agents reconstituted the network in the space of the Henro pilgrimage; indeed the space of the Henro pilgrimage was a contested one in this period. Of course, traditional pilgrims-those who had not been admitted to live their village community and could do nothing but carry on the pilgrimage with begging -also existed. In this context, the reconstituted Henro pilgrimage was appropriated within Japanese fascist policy through its articulation with hiking in the middle of 1930s, and Modern Henro' and 'Henro-Dogyokai' were placed within national ideology. The Japanese government coerced people into walking to make proper bodies and to pray for victory in World War II. In this policy, adopting various modes of movement in pilgrimage was unacceptable since pilgrims were compelled to walk. However, despite this policy, some pilgrims refused to comply and some of them preferred to use transportation.

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.1, pp.83-97, 1993-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

73

著者

松田 敦志

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.5, pp.492-508, 2003-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

81

被引用文献数

1

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In the suburban residential areas developed before World War II, some problems, such as the division of a housing lot, the rebuilding of a residence and the progress of aging, have been arising recently. Development of residential suburbs before the war is thought to be a part of urban development and to have produced the present life style, that is, the separation of home and workplace so that it has an important historical meaning from the viewpoint of the formation of city and urban life style.We cannot ignore the private railway company, especially in Kansai region, when we consider the developments of residential suburbs. Therefore, in this paper, I study the private railway company that has influenced developments of residential suburbs. And I clarify its management strategy and the specific characteristics of the residential suburbs developed by the private railway company, Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company.It was necessary for the private railway company to increase transportation demand by carrying out various activities, in order to secure stable income, because it had only one or a few short and local railway lines. But, since Osaka Denki Kido Railway Company had many sightseeing spots along its line, it first aimed for the stability of management not by developing any areas along its line, but by promoting its sightseeing areas and expanding its routes. However, it began to set about the developments along its lines gradually after the end of Taisho Period. It developed the residential areas along its lines, utilizing the advantage as a railway company, for example, preparation of a new station and offering a commuter pass as a gift to people who moved to residential areas along its lines. Some characteristic scenes such as little streams and roadside trees, some urban utilities and facilities such as electrical and gas equipment, some playing-around spaces such as parks or tennis courts, which the middle class who were aiming for a better life wanted, were prepared in these residential areas. It tried to obtain constant commuting demands by urging them to move to these suburbs.For example, it connected its route to Yamamoto and built a station there consciously. And then, it developed the residential areas around Yamamoto Station in collaboration with the Sumitomo Company. Osaka Denki Kido Railway and Sumitomo produced the image of residential suburb as an education zone by inviting schools there, and tried to maintain the good habitation environment by imposing housing construction regulation on residents. In this way, many of the middle class families moved into the residential area at Yamamoto before the war. Moreover, Osaka Denki Kido Railway encouraged residential developments around that area, and consequently the suburbs were expanded.After all, Osaka Denki Kido Railway produced some residential suburbs along its line for the middle class before the war, although that time was a little later compared with Hankyu Railway. The reason was that its management strategy was to secure stable demands of transport. As suburban life grew up gradually there, that increased the number of suburban residents, and the residential suburbs were developed around them further. In other words, Osaka Denki Kido Railway has been responsible for the expansion of the suburbs.

著者

竹内 淳彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.5, pp.479-492, 1965-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

20

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The writer has investigated the distribution of camera manufacturing Industry, and inquired the geographical significance of its location in Japan. The following have been disclosed.1. About 65% of camera production comes from Tokyo metropolis, the main part of Keihin industrial area, furthermore; 70% of its workshops are also concentrated in Tokyo, forming the core of distribution in Japan.2. In Tokyo area, some 60% of the workshops are in Jonan district (Ota, Shinagawa, Meguro etc) southern parts of Tokyo, which is the core area of the Keihin industrial belt. And about 30% of the works are provided in the Johoku districts (Itabashi, Toshima etc), northern parts of Tokyo, being a nucleus district of binoculars production.3. About 2, 000 kinds of parts are required to manufacture any kind of camera. Such being the case, most parts of camera are supplied from subcontact parts-makers operated on a small scale. For the convenience of concentration most of them are located in the neighborhood of the camera makers to keep production at low cost.

著者

中村 周作

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.310-331, 1985-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

59

被引用文献数

4 3

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Itinerant peddling has played an important role in the retailing of seafood predating shop-selling in Japan. The origins of peddling forms we find today go back to the early Meiji Period (the late 19th century). In this period, the goods dealt with by peddlers were salt, fish and shellfish, which included fresh, salted and dried varieties. The author has classified the retail forms from the viewpoint of the relationships in the goods, the place of purchase, and markets:I: salt-peddling.II: peddling of fresh fish and shellfish, II-a: from the suburban fishing villages to urban region, II-b: from the fishing villages located in the region which distibutes the salted and dried fish to urban region, to the neighbouring farming villages, II-c: from the remote fishing villages to their neighbouring farming villages, II-d: activity within the urban region.III: the peddling of salted and dried fish (from the remote fishing villages to the broader hinterlands).Since modern times, however, such trade forms of peddling have been largely transformed along with the changing socio-economic circumstances. For instance, first the salt-peddling disappeared through the enforcement of the salt monopoly-system. Also, the peddling areas of fresh fish expanded and the remote fishing villages were included in the distribution-networks of the cities with the development of transportation facilities.The aim of this paper is to consider the spatial pattern of such behaviour, because some past studies on peddling in Japan have been lacking in this viewpoint. For this purpose, the writer first tried to make clear the distribution and distinctions of the peddling forms all over Japan and next investigated in detail the distribution and behavioural patterns of peddling in the San'in District, Western Japan.The results are as follows:1. The peddling forms according to how the goods are carried are classified as follows; a), carrying poles with hanging bamboo baskets (“Ninaiuri”), b), bamboo baskets carried on the head (“Kaberi” or “Itadaki”), c), handcarts, d), bicycles, e), motorcycles, f), automobiles.But a) and b) disappeared about 1960; c) and d) have been used since about 1960; e) and f) since about 1965.2. The number of peddlers who can be observed today is estimated to be roughly 37, 600 persons. Among them, the number using automobiles is about 15, 500 persons.3. The peddlers, except for those using automobiles mostly distribute to the markets located at the place of seafood production and the fishing villages in the metropolitan suburbs. On the other hand, the automobile-using peddlers are mainly working in the inland and isolated regions. Furthermore, in the San'in District, the latter spread remarkably from seashore inland.4. The motives for forming a peddling group are to purchase the goods in the same place, or to use the same transportation facilities.5. Finally, the behavioural patterns of peddling are classified as follows according to the distinctions among peddling forms and purchase-place:I: peddling in the place of production, II: paddlinng in the place of consumption, A: peddling without automobiles, B: peddling with automobiles.Therefore, these combinations make four types; I-A, I-B, II-A and II-B. In the San'in District, with respect to the age structure of peddling groups, in general, A) consists mainly of an old-aged class and B) of a middle-aged class. Concerning the sex of the peddlers, females predominate in I-A. On the other hand, the number of males increases more in proportion as the types tend towards I-B, II-A and II-B. These groupings can be further divided into twelve behavioural patterns.I hope that such results gained from this case study can be applied to more general issues.

著者

藤塚 吉浩

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.4, pp.495-506, 1992-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

42

被引用文献数

9 7

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This article aims to analyze the origin of and characteristics newcomers, the characteristics of them, the attribute of their dwellings, and the problems of displacement in Nishijin, Kyoto.Nishijin has been the historical weaving center of Kyoto. A lot of textile factories, however, have closed in recent years. The townscape of this district is attractive, because the streets are lined with a neat row of houses. Since most of the buildings were constructed before the Pacific War, they have deteriorated in recent years. And the district is rapidly losing population, especially the younger generation. From this point of view, Nishijin is a typical inner city area.During the early- and mid-1980's a number of residential buildings were constructed mainly in the place where the textile industry stood. And in-movers to this district have increased since the mid-1980's. Particularly in-movers from within the city of Kyoto have increased. This trend is related to the stage of urban development of this city. The population density of the central area is high, so there are still many outmovers from there. Since the suburban residential districts have not fully matured, there are relatively few members of the younger generation, who live away from their parents. Therefore in-movers, who lived inside the city, out-number those returning from the suburbs.During the first half of 1980's a number of residential buildings were constructed, and then new types of people come to the district. The increase of the white collar class is remarkable.There are two types of residential buildings. One is a condominium which has four or five rooms. As a residence it has enough room for three persons, the average house-hold size. Its style corresponds to that of gentrifiers. Its residents are young couples in their late twenties or thirties, and most of them have one or two children. It is a feature of Japanese gentrification that the predominant type of residents are familes with children. The other type of bulldings are apartment buildings which consist of single rooms with private kitchen and bath. Their residents are singles, mainly students. Most of students had hitherto dwelled in rented rooms without private kitchens and baths. Since they preferred to live in the upgraded comfortable dwellings, landlords have constructed such apartment buildings for them. This means gentrification by landlords. And the residents are marginal gentrifiers.The construction of residential buildings is made possible the existence of sites of closed textile factories. Since the demand for the residential buildings has increased in the latter 1980's, they have been built in sites where houses have been pulled down. Therefore displacement of residences has increased in recent years.This phenomenon has many points of resemblance to gentrification in the Western countries. If this trend continues the local inhabitants and the attractive townspace of historical houses will be lost. There is a danger that the pecuriality of this district cannot be maintained.

著者

外山 秀一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.5, pp.407-421, 1985-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

120

被引用文献数

3 3

著者

Masataka SUZUKI

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

Japanese Journal of Human Geography (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.6, pp.541-554, 1978-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

53

被引用文献数

1 3

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Spatial perception is the one of the most important problem to decide the behavior pattern in folk society where the people are living with nature. This paper proposes a study of spatial perception in folk society through the orientation in Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa prefecture of Japan. Yaeyama Islands is located in the southernmost part of Ryûkyû archipelago and therefore is the most southern of the whole Japanese area. These islands have been researched by many Japanese and foreign anthropologists, whose conclusions have had an important role in larger studies of Ryûkyûan culture. Using this anthropological approach, we will make clear up the indigenous concept of cosmology and find out the mode of spatial perception in this area.Through the analysis of myth and ritual, we may observe that Yaeyama islanders employ both the relative orientation shifting 30°-45° from the cardinal points and the absolute orientation of the cardinal points indicated by the twelve earthly branches _??__??__??_ . We call the former “folk orientation” and the latter “natural orientation”. It seems to me that “folk orientation” in Yaeyama Islands has been formed by the direction of monsoon because the term of ‘the north’ and ‘the south’ in “folk orientation” is the same as the names of wind. According to the meteorological data, the winter monsoon blows from northeast and the summer monsoon blows from southwest. Then, the pair of northeast-southwest relationship in “natural orientation” coinciding with the compass, is ‘the north-south’ relationship in “folk orientation” shifting 30°-45° from “natural orientation”. As for ‘the east-west’ relationship in “folk orientation”, the same shifting process is observed. For example, in Hateruma Island, one of the Yaeyama Islands, Simazasu in the north-western part of this island is in the islanders' conception very ‘west’ and as such connected with cape Takana in the southeastern edge of this island as the very ‘east’.On the folk village of Yaeyama Islands, these two systems of orientation are used for indicating the direction in ordinary life and make meaningful their spatial perception. For example, among the houses having three front rooms facing generally to the south of “folk orientation”, the male sides being the south and the east in “natural orientation” are superior to the female sides being the north and the west, but in religious affairs, the whole situation is reversed. Generally speaking, the pair of south-east relationship in “natural orientation” will be superior to the one of north-west relatioship. However, at the rituals on island level, cosmological concept based on a dualism that is characterized by superiority of ‘west’ and ‘female’ over ‘east’ and ‘male’, is found out. Though such value systems connected with spatial perception, are changed by the situation and the context, there are some principles formed by the indigenous concept of cosmology.In the above, we have examined spatial perception through the orientation. Lastly I will offer some interpretations of what might be called “Uyân” as it emerges in the “pan” (ritual invocations). In a passage of “pan”, “Uyân” (the deity) is praised. It runs as follows, “yuru nu isïma-ndô pïsu nu nana-ndê pïsê ôru bûyân pïsûyân” (great Uyân, Uyân looming large, who is always present during the five hours of the night and the seven hours of the day.)

著者

有薗 正一郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.332-353, 1985-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

65

被引用文献数

2

著者

木村 宏

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.6, pp.432-443,482, 1957-02-25 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

20

被引用文献数

1 1

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Some ports of Yoda River had gradually changed since ancient times. Through the study of the transportations process, I have made it clear that the function of P. Yoda was most important in the middle ages, and consider that the changes of the economic location by Historic-Geographical Research.The welfare of P. Yodo can be divided into five stages as follows.1) The transpartation of Yodo R. and the Locatian of “Yodo” in pre Nara Era [710∼784. A.D.]2) The change of main road and the beginning of the P. Yodo in the first period of Heian Era [794∼907. A.D.]3) The comparative consideration about the function of P. Yodo and P. Yamazaki[_??__??__??_]4) The enlargement of P. Yodo's hinterland and change of P. Yamazaki's functions.5) The divided process of P. Yodo's fuction. The centre point of problem lies in the function of P. Yodo and P. Yamazaki.Two port competed to obtain the hinterland of Miyako Kyoto in the first period, but P. Yodo is more developed by the forwarding agents (Toimaru)[_??__??_]of Shoen[_??__??_].With the advancement of the Shoen at P. Yodo consequently P. Yamazaki, P. Uji[_??__??__??_], P. Kizu[_??__??_]had been on the decline. Since P. Fushimi[_??__??_]had established (about A.D. 1594) and set up marine products market (Sakkoba)[_??__??__??_]in Osaka P. Yodo has gradually been declined.

著者

小口 千明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.3, pp.215-229, 1985-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

48

被引用文献数

12 8

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the situation and the process of acceptance of sea bathing during the Meiji era. In Japan, only a few people living in Ono (Aichi Prefecture) had customarily bathed in the sea (shiotoji) since the 13th century. Most of the Japanese, however, never bathed in the sea till the Meiji era.The idea of sea bathing, based on a German medical book, was introduced into Japan in 1881. The first bathing beach in Ono was opened in the following year, and the second one in Oiso (Kanagawa Prefecture) in 1885. Sea bathing in the Meiji era was intended to cure certain diseases, such as tuberculosis, internal diseases and women's diseases. At the time, it was thought that strong waves on a rock beach were needed in order to give intense stimuli for the skin. Nevertheless, the practice of immersing oneself in strong waves did not become popular among the Japanese.At that time, there were two types of sea bathing. One was the way to plunge into the sea directly (cold sea bathing), and the other was to bathe in heated sea water (hot sea bathing). Hot sea bathing was a way of making people accustomed to cold bathing little by little.By the way, the Japanese have a time-honored custom of taking a hot-spring cure (called toji). People regarded hot sea bathing as the same behavior as the hot-springcure, and this accounts for the quick spread of sea bathing to many people. Eventually, sea bathing was accepted by Japanese as a variation of hot-spring cure, and it has spreaded over many of the coastal areas of the country (Fig. 7).

著者

竹内 啓一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.32, no.5, pp.428-451, 1980-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

135

被引用文献数

6 2

著者

呉羽 正昭

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.6, pp.558-569, 2010 (Released:2018-01-19)

参考文献数

97

被引用文献数

5

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This study attempts to examine the problems and prospects of geographical research on tourism in Japan by reviewing the trends of previous studies on this topic. Geographical research on tourism has been developing in Japan since the 1920s. Most initial studies aimed to clarify the relationship between regional characteristics and tourism-related phenomena. Since the 1960s, however, researchers have analyzed tourism from various viewpoints, parallel to the development of mass tourism and the subsequent diversification of tourism in Japan. This research is classified into the following four major fields. First, most tourism research has been conducted in the context of regional geography in Japan or in foreign countries. Research in this field investigates tourism as an important factor of regional change in certain districts and discusses the changing image of tourist resorts and tourist destinations. Other research in this field examines the regional characteristics of tourism on the national scale, namely the locations of tourist destinations, tourist-related facilities, and the tourist industry. Second, researchers have analyzed the regional dimension of tourist activities to evaluate the spatial extent of leisure behavior, tourist movements, etc. Some researchers have applied imported models to Japanese tourist behavior. Third, there are an increasing number of studies on new forms of tourism or alternative tourism, such as rural tourism, ecotourism, urban tourism, and so on. Fourth, research on international tourism has been expanding since around 2000, when the promotion of inbound tourism began in Japan. Most geographical research on tourism is analyzed within the framework of case studies. The other serious problem concerns the definitions of tourism-related terms. A clear differentiation is required for the following terms: Tourism, recreation, leisure activity, and sightseeing. This problem relates to Japanese tourist activities, which used to be characterized as sightseeing rather than tourism.

著者

八木 康幸

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.6, pp.581-603, 1994-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

3 2

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In recent years, many wa-daiko (Japanese drums) troupes have been appearing in all parts of Japan. The wa-daiko has come into vogue especially in peripheral regions where depopulation and aging have reached a serious degree. The boom should be regarded as folklorism, relating to the concept of the German Volkskunde, rather than a part of popular culture in modern or post-modern Japan. The wa-daiko groups often insist on strong ties with the scenery, history and peasant traditions of the home town and village. They are eager to be placed as an equivalent to or substitute for the traditional folkloric performing art.In this article, I analyze the process in which the wa-daiko performances are invented and acquire meanings in a local context. My discussion is based upon the survey of the forty-one troupes in Nagasaki Prefecture which took part in the Shichoson Day (Cities, Towns and Villages Day) of the Journey Exposition in Nagasaki in 1990.I begin with an examination of the names and self-introductions of the wa-daiko groups. Most of the groups take a name for themselves after their town, a well-known landscape feature, local history, or a local tradition such as a legend, folktale, or a traditional activity of production. These are presumed to symbolize the home region. The self-introductions are announced at concerts, and also can be read in concert brochures. They explain how deeply the groups are associated with the local traditions, and claim legitimacy through representing the regional cultures, even through the wa-daiko dramming as a performing art is not authentic.Secondly, the article discusses the way the playing techniques were introduced to the regions. Most groups learned the technique from instructors whom they invited from remote regions. They also requested the instructors to compose a few pieces for them. The composers attempted, by request or voluntarily, to express regional features related to the nature and tradition. However, there is in fact no difference among the pieces played by each group. The groups, therefore, try to be distinctive from each other through the performances and costumes on stage. It is not a process in which the locality makes the sound significant. The fact is the other way round; the sound itself gains meanings through the dramatization and contrivance of performances.Thirdly, the troupe members and performers are investigated. The players consist of town and village officials, staff members of the chamber of commerce and industry, the agricultural and the fishery cooperatives, members of youth associations, school teachers, factory workers, housewives and so on. Most of them are of a relatively younger generation in their twenties and thirties, and 30 percent of them are women. They practice routine activities at the central settlement where the town office is located.Fourthly, I describe financial matters. Most of the wa-daiko groups enjoy various kinds of assistance. Some of them are organized as part of the revitalization project of the town authority and the chamber of commerce and industry. Moreover, not a few groups are financially supported by the prefectural and national governments. In Nagasaki Prefecture, for the last nine years, the total amounts of the grants were eighty-five million yen for 45 cases with the average amount per case being nearly two million yen. The prefectural government also offers another type of assistance. It makes a constant promotion of the wa-daiko groups through television programs as one of its public relations activities.The idyllic images of “homeland” or furusato that many wa-daiko groups try to express through their performances are responding to what city dwellers as well as academics expect to see.

著者

小野田 一幸 宮本 真二 藤田 裕嗣 米家 泰作 河原 典史 川口 洋

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.1-28, 2013 (Released:2018-01-26)

参考文献数

222

被引用文献数

1

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本稿では,1980年以降の日本における歴史地理学,地図史,および歴史GISに関する主要な研究成果について展望する。この30年間にわが国では,H. C.プリンスによって定義された現実的世界,イメージの世界,および抽象的世界を対象とした豊かな研究成果が生み出されてきた。現実的世界を対象とした研究では,景観や地域構造の復原が引き続き基礎的課題となっている。とりわけ,過去と現代をつなぐ役割を担う近代期の研究意義が注目されるようになった。最新の研究動向として,環境史と学際的研究の進展があげられる。後者については,地理学,歴史学,考古学の研究分野で史資料と研究方法の共有化が進み,歴史地理学の方法論が隣接分野に受け入れられて学際的研究に発展する動向がみとめられる。イメージの世界については,過去に生きた人々の世界観に関する理解を深めるために,1980年代から古地図・絵図研究が本格化した。抽象的世界に関する研究は,歴史GISを活用することにより,21世紀初頭から新たな段階を迎えた。歴史GISは,歴史地理学を含む人文・社会科学における個別研究の成果を統合する「しくみ」としても有用とみられる。

著者

千葉 徳爾

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.3, pp.292-305, 1963-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

被引用文献数

1 1