著者

金坂 清則

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.3, pp.252-295, 1975-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

103

被引用文献数

4 1

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Many studies have been published to deal with Japan's urban growth which began at the Meiji era, but there seems to be very few works which focus its examination on the urban functions and city and region relationship on a meso-scale, and have a scope to develop into macro-scale study of the whole region. Since a regon exists as a part of the whole, attention to such a direction will be urgently needed.The writer intends to explain a historical change in the city and region structure in the Niigata Plain-the country's second largest plain-and its surroundings for the period of about seventy years since the early Meiji era. To this end the processes of forming the Ura Nippon Region must be unraveled dynamically and regionally, and location and the sphere of influence of urban functions, which may be classified into four categories-administrative, cultural, economic and transportational, are examined in relation to city size and distribution of cities. Parts of the results obtained are summarised as follows.1. In 1879 there were thirty-three cities and towns in the objective region, and thirty-four in 1935. Cities in 1879 are classified into three, ie. a city in Class I, four in Class II, and twenty-eight in Class III (See Figure 1).2. The four cities in Classes I and II were separated each other by 30 to 40 kilometres, and the distances between Class III cities were around 6 to 9 kilometres, the intervals being quite uniform. The outline of this structure had already been formed by the middle of the eighteenth century. Since that time most of those cities have had periodical fairs, and half of them were nuclei of textile and hardware industries which had been located at the rural settlements around them (See Figures 1 and 2).3. On this foundation the administrative and cultural institutions such as government offices and schools began to be located corresponding to city size at the early years of Meiji. At the same time economic activities, especially of modern manufacturing industies which tend to be unevenly distributed, began to be accumulated around those cities. The framework of established orders among cities was therefore not broken down but was solidified more as the time passed.4. Consequently larger cities genarally developed more in proportion to their scale. If the Zipf's rule is applied, the three largest cities had smaller scale than the rule's ideal value, and Class III cities larger than the same in 1887, and the case was reversed in 1935. As a result the difference in the scale of the largest and the smallest cities increased by 2.7 times during the period. This was also the process when the order among cities became rank-sized (Table 11).5. After the middle of the Meiji era the objective region was gradually subordinate to Tokyo, and formed into a part of the Ura Nippon Region. The trend was definitely fixed at the mid-Taisho years. The cities developed only slowly in this region, and their influence over the countryside remained weak. Therefore the countryside began to be controlled by the cities outside this region and by the outer realm. The large-scale landlordship was the most important internal factor to keep the rural country into stagnation.6. Another factor to bring about such change to the region was a drastic change in transportation: a shift from maritime and river-borne traffic to the modern railway. This should not be overlooked.

著者

三上 正利

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, no.2, pp.94-108,173, 1952-04-30 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

40

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Originally Slavs were farming peoples that dwelled in forests. A forest, on the other hand, served as protection of an agricultural, society such as Slavs' against surrounding enemies, and at the same time it provided its people with furs, one of the important exports of Russia since olden times. And yet this trade in furs as a direct motive plus international economic situation contributed to the conquest and first cultivation of Siberia. In course of time, however, with a sudden decrease of the number of furred animals in this region a fanatic state which might have been properly described as the “fur age” began to move from the west to the east of Siberia only to disappear. And in place of the “fur age, ” settlement by farming people in the southern part of Siberia began to stretch out from one steppe to another.When we see a chart of population distribution in Siberia of the present day, we have to take into account such a historical background as stated above.

著者

池内 長良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.1-24, 1992-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

131

被引用文献数

3 1

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The rainy season in 1732 persisted for some 50 days. In the intercalary month of May, it rained day after day. Around May 10th, there was heavy rainfall resulting in extensive flood damage. Fortunately however, as the rain fell comparatively early, it was possible to minimize the damage by replanting the seedlings and also by switching to dry field farming. Following the rainy season, rainfall was moderate but the weather was unstable with thunderstorms, mixed sunshine and rain, and drizzles frequently occurring, lowering temperatures. The presumption is that the unfavorable conditions which had continued since the planting of the rice plants resulted in their feeble growth.There was an abnormal outbreak of planthoppers immediately following the end of the long rainy season and it was widely believed that this outbreak of planthoppers was related to the prolonged rains. However, recognition of the insect outbreak was based on theories of natural causes and the “In-yo-Gogyo-setsu” (Yin-yang and the Five Elements). Naturally, it was concluded that the extended rain had caused air borne planthoppers to arrive in great numbers. The presumption is now that the scant sunshine and high humidity prevailing during June and July, together with the growing conditions of rice plants, resulted in even heavier damage by the planthoppers.In the Kyushu, Chugoku and Shikoku districts, all private and Shogunate domains sent in urgent warnings (notifications) concerning the outbreak of planthoppers to the Shogunate government. Even when we examine the detached territories, we find that it was only the Mimasaka domain of the Annaka Clan that failed to send in a notification. In the Kinki district, 21 private clan domains (out of 57) and 11 magistrates' offices of the Shogunate domains (out of 15) sent in urgent warnings. The majority of the private domains in Kyushu also sent in their notifications at an early date. With respect to the private domains in Chugoku and Shikoku, the periods when notifications were sent in differed between the western and eastern halves of the districts assuming that a line is drawn from north to south down the center of these two districts. Notifications from private domains in the eastern parts of the Chugoku and Shikoku districts were sent in a at a later date as was the case with the Kinki district. Their notifications were sent in late because it was after harvesting that they realized than the damage was far worse than first expected.In Kyushu, abnormal insect damage caused by white-backed rice planthoppers occurred from the beginning of June. The Omura domain suffered severe damage in early June, and similar damage, the “Kabudae” phenomenon, struck the Isahaya and Saeki domains in mid-June with the result that these three domains resorted to switching to dry field farming. In Westen Japan, abnormal insect damage had occurred in almost all areas by mid-July. Particularly in villages in the Suo Hagi and Aki Hiroshima domains, rice crops were completely destroyed in a matter of a few days around July 15th. This date coincided with the period when late rice formed ears. The damage suffered during this period was that caused mainly by brown rice planthoppers. Shiinoki Village of the Chikuzen Akizuki domain experienced damage from both white-backed planthoppers and brown rice planthoppers. However, around July 11th the principal cause of rice plant damage changed from white-backed to brown rice planthoppers.Discovery of the oiling method to exterminate planthoppers marks an epoch in the history of agriculutral techniques of the modern age, but there is as yet no established theory concerning this method. Information on the oiling method spread primarily around the Fukuoka domain, the Omura domain and the territory controlled by Hitadaikan. In the Fukuoka domain, the villages were notified to adopt the oiling method as a “divine message from the Tenman-sama.”

著者

天野 太郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.48, no.2, pp.128-147, 1996-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

89

被引用文献数

1 1

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The main purpose of this paper is to make clear the plan of Ishiyama-Honganji's Jinaimachi and restore it on a map.Jinaimachi are temple compound towns from the late 15th to early 17th century in Japan. They have a characteristic form and most of them have walls or moats, and were primarily to facilitate defence against feudal lords (especially, Oda Nobunaga) and some old Buddhist factions.The spatial and social structure of this Jinaimachi has been studied for about 50 years principally by historians, and some effective proposals were preshnted by Yamane Tokutaro (1954), Ito Tsuyoshi (1987), and Niki Hiroshi (1994). Above all Ito's plan is considered most effective. But I think these have some serious problems in both position, and the plan itself. Therefore this paper attaches importance to both position and plan geographically.First, the restoration research of this plan is based upon the“Tenbun Diary”(written from 1536 to 1554 by Saint Shonyo, the tenth chief abbot of the Honganji-Temple), and “Shishinki”(also diary by Jitsuju, the chief of Junkoji-Temple, in the network of the Honganji-Temple). Preceding research used these diaries also, and this paper rechecks their details geographically. As a result, the precise arrangements of temple and six quarters (inside the Ishiyama) can be recognized.Second, in the point of position, this paper is based upon the name of sections and the old configuration around Osaka castle. Consequently it is clear that the positions shown in preceding reseoches are not correct, and have to be modified to the South.Third, this paper looks at the results of archaeological excavation. It attempts to make clear the spatial structure of this Jinaimachi.From these three viewpoints, I suggest the plan in Fig. 8. It shows that the position of the centre of it, “Honganji-Temple”, exists at“Terayama”, the name of the section. It is a more suitable place for configuration than one in the preceding research. And I suggest that the port“Jinainoura”was separated from the town, and connected to it by a road. This structure looks like the precedent of Deguchi Jinaimachi, in Osaka Prefecture.This paper deals with only one Jinaimachi, but the Ishiyama Honganji's Jinaimachi is the most significant in the history of Jinaimachi's, and can point out the existence of the succession of plans from among Yamashina, Ishiyama.I am convinced that such a study of plan contanins some important elements in studying spatial and social structure of Jinaimachi, and about medieval towns and villages in Japan.

著者

遠城 明雄

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.341-365, 1992-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

96

被引用文献数

3 2 3

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In Japan, studies on “community” and the reality of everyday life in the city have been both assumed and largely ignored by geographers. This study, in exploring the role of various social bonds within a local area and the influence of some institutions on its bonds, attempts to clarify some aspects of “community” and its transformation in the city. Though “community” is a highly ambiguous notion, it could be defined as the complete range of relationships an individual is led to establish with other peoples within definite place and that members of it conform to certain unwritten rules or informal norms which can't be applied to outsiders.The research field for this study is Hakata, Fukuoka City, from the 1910's to the 1930's. In Hakata, the “Hakata Yamakasa” has long been held and is one of the most famous festivals in Japan.The main results of this study are summarised as follows:1) There is a mutually supportive role of neighbors materially and emotionally. The inhabitants conform to informal norms, for example, the duty of mutual aids at ceramonial occasions and payment of money used for local community's everyday expenses.In consumption, the inhabitants buy daily necessfties mainly through pedlars and retailers who depend on face-to-face local interaction. It seems that this mode of buying has a potential role in the reinforcement of connection within the neighborhood.Though it is clear that the residents keep close contact with each other, we must pay attention to the difference of these interactions according to gender, age, occupation, socio-economic status and so forth.2) As at “Yamakasa” the various and heterogeneous residents are integrated together in the internal system, they recognize each other as members of the local community and preserve identity and loyaly to their own community through various observances. This identity is necessary for the formation and maintenance of community. The division between the internal system and the external one is kept strictly during the festival. This is, however, not absolute and consistent, but relative and contingent. The nature of each grovp is context-bounded and contingent on two relationships, both intragroup-relation and intergroup-relation. The author emphasizes the contingency of these relationships and the relationship with externalities at various levels.3) In the process of modernization and urbanization, the intervention of administration and capital to the local community is thorugh the labor process, consumption and relief of the poor, etc. Although from the standpoint of inhabitants, local community forms an ‘absolute territory’ which can be a place of identity, from the standpoint of capital, it is a ‘relative territory’ and an obstacle to capital interests occasionally. The new systems gradually include or substitute for the existing institutions and social order or norms which depend on mutuality within the local community. In short, these institutions make individuals subject to control and the accumulation of capital. It seems, however, that there are cases where through the struggle around these institutions a different consciousness from the old one is generated.

著者

山野 正彦

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.146-167, 1990-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

3 3

著者

大城 直樹

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.3, pp.220-238, 1990-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

75

被引用文献数

4 3

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This study aims at presenting some concrete features of Kohama, a Ryukyuan traditional settlement, in order to illustrate“Personality”of place, which may be considered as the whole dynamic relation of life and land. Attempts have been made to grasp their interrelations, namely“genre de vie”in Buttimer's sense, which includes not only material-social aspects but also mental-cultural phases in the analysis of a place. It should be understood, however, that the physical and socio-cultural matters examined here are quite selective, and limited to only the essential ones.The physical aspects are analyzed applying the concept of“high and low island”(by W.L. Thomas, Jr.). The basic physical features of the survey field, Kohama, can be defined as a“high island”, but since the island is relatively small, the characteristics of “high island”are not very apparent. However, the island's peculiar geologic formation, that is, the Quaternary limestone on a terrace and its unconforming position between the underlying surfaces, is favorable to hydrographic process of accumulation-drainage, and is better equipped with water supply for multiple agriculture (mainly sugar cane and rice cropping). For these aspects of the island's ecosystem, the relation between the physical aspects and subsistence form on this island is explicit. However, it is also a fact that the island's small area is a weak base for diversity. On the other hand, the siting of settlements was not necessarily disadvantageous under the medieval policy of giving preference to cultivated land. Rather, given the hydrological characteristics of the island, they can be said to be as appropriately located as the agricultural land.Regarding social matters, vertical relations, which specifically mean the relations between the upper and lower parts of social structure as suggested by hierarchies in kinship and the landlord/tenant system within the settlement, are not dominant, but equal or horizontal relations are noticeable. For instance, as for rice field possession, it is unusual for the main families to occupy well-watered rice fields. Spatial arrangement of residences also shows such a tendency: the houses of the main and branch families are not remarkably segregated. Generally speaking, in the Yaeyama Islands including Kohama, we can find no socially hierarchical system in rural communities such as that peculiar to the main island of Okinawa. It is safe to say that the horizontal social relations in the settlement have reflected a multi-centered and multi-phased rather than a centripetal and vertical social structure.Calling attention to cultural matters, particularly agricultural rites, which enable us to catch a picture of an unusual world and a hidden meaning of place, we are able to understand that, as a cultural apparatus, they embody ties of interdependence among the matters of“genre de vie”. The above-mentioned multiphased structure in the social context is ascertained not only from the different participants in those rites, but also sacred/profane territory and places implying boundaries. Besides, in the physical context, such a structure no doubt makes good use of the landscape surrounding the settlement under investigation.

著者

菅野 峰明

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.180-194, 1977-04-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

28

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About sixty-four per cent of the existing incorporated places in Georgia have circular or arcuate corporate limits. The use of the circular boundary first appeared in northeastern Georgia in the first decade of the nineteenth century. It spread into middle Georgia, western and southern Georgia during the nineteenth century along with population expansion into these areas. The present distribution pattern of the circular and arcuate places was almost completely established by 1920.By 1830, all circular places were located in the Piedmont and they were separated by no more than two intervening counties. These places defined the courthouses as the center of the circular limits. Between 1831 and 1860, circular places spread into the western Piedmont, northwestern and western Georgia. This pattern shows outward spread from northeastern Georgia. Circular boundaries became common among municipalities in the Piedmont. Courthouses accounted for more than fifty per cent of the center points of the circular limits.Between 1861 and 1890, the adoption rate of a circular boundary reached to ninety per cent. Circular places expanded into western Georgia and the Coastal Plain. This process, too, was outward expansion of adoption of circular boundaries. The adoption of circular limits, however, was characterized by small local places. Since Georgia had small minimum population requirement for incorporation, many small places were incorporated during this period. The main function of these places was a commercial center. A small town consisted of a compact commercial core and surrounding residential areas. The length of a radius of a circular limit was arbitrarily set so as to encompass built-up areas and outlying areas. This simple method of fixing a boundary was widely used throughout Georgia between 1861 and 1890.Between 1891 and 1920, circular places spread into the Coastal Plain along with the creation of towns in expanding agricultural lands. As circular boundaries were adopted by local places throughout Georgia, center points of the boundaries were diversified. Between 1861 and 1890, railroad stations were predominant in the central points. After 1891, the use of intersections of major roads, and specified stores as centers of circular limits increased.The use of the circular boundary appears to have been very efficient for small municipalities because circular limits were described only in terms of a fixed center point and arbitrary length of radius without actual field survey.

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.4, pp.352-374, 1999-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

106

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the actual situation of land reclamation caused by the local landlord in Medieval Japan, focusing on the relationship between his residence and the evolution of irrigation systems. This paper lends weight to studies of village landscapes in Medieval Japan, consisting of settlement, landlord's residence, irrigation canals and paddy fields. It seems reasonable to suppose that the social structure of the seigneurial regime is reflected in the spatial structure of Medieval landscapes.Considering irrigation systems from a spatial point of view, the author demonstrates that the location of the landlord's residence is closely related to the structure of paddy field irrigation in the Medieval Period. It followed that the local landlord constructed irrigation systems, and reclaimed waste land such as terrace surfaces and alluvial fans. Particularly in the early Medieval Period, the local landlord was concerned with the formation of the manorial system, being in complete control of Kannou-with rights being mainly based on water supply.The case study of the Ane River basin made it clear that the local landlord-Kokujin-Ryoushu-strengthened his control over irrigation in the 14th century. It has been generally considered that the developing village community, So-son, was responsible for the construction of irrigation systems and the reorganization of villages in the latter Middle Ages. However, the author demonstrates that the role of the local landlord in such situations was much more important than had been expected since it is obvious that some nucleated settlements were formed under his leadership. The spatial structure of such nucleated settlements reflects the process of Kokujin-Ryoushu expanding his territory by making his branch families invade the villages.The author considers that the purpose of studying landscape is not only to restore the different components of landscape to their original state, but also to clarify the driving forces behind its formation. Therefore, in future, it will be more important to emphasize the formation process of landscape in any historical geographical inquiry.

著者

木下 良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.336-354, 1988-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

119

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

木下 良

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, no.4, pp.370-405, 1969-08-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

247

被引用文献数

2 1

著者

海道 静香

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.5, pp.538-552, 1977-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

51

著者

岡村 治

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.3, pp.216-236, 1989-06-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

63

被引用文献数

1

---

The aim of this paper is to clarify the regional differences in the network of periodic markets in Niigata Prefecture. The regional system of the network of periodic markets is examined through the analysis of both the number of linkages and the degree of connectivity. The former indicates a combination among periodic markets, which is brought about by visiting trade, and the latter indicates the centrality of the periodic markets in the network.The main results of this study are summarised as follows:1. It became clear that the distributional characteristics of periodic markets in Kanbara, Iwafune and Kubiki regions in Niigata Prefecture differ from each other in terms of sellers, kinds of goods and market days; and the residences of sellers are distributed agglomeratively in certain areas according to each commodity.2. Sellers in Niigata Prefecture are classified into two types, i. e., farmers who sell their products, and traders. Furthermore, the traders are divided into part-time traders and full-time traders based upon the extent of speciality on periodic markets. As the traders occupy some 70 percent of all those selling in the market, the importance of the traders for the existence of periodic markets is much higher than previously discussed.3. The linkage conditions among periodic markets by visiting traders are measured by the index of“the number of linkages”. As a result of analysis, it became clear that the network of periodic markets does not extend all over the prefecture, but that there are independent networks in each region.4. By examining the centrality of each periodic market through the analysis of“the degree of connectivity”, it became clear that these three regions have different distribution patterns.A major reason for the regional differences in the networks is based upon the difference of their formation periods. The periodic markets in the Kanbara Region have existed since the Edo Period. Therefore, the rational spatial composition of today's networks is derived as a result of historical adjustment. On the other hand, in the Iwafune Region the periodic markets came into existence due to the increase of demand for perishable foods from the end of Meiji Era to the beginning of Taisho Era.

著者

山田 朋子

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.5, pp.428-450, 2003-10-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

114

被引用文献数

3 2

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Hideaki Ishikawa was one of the most important Japanese modern city planners. He was convinced that cities had to enrich people's lives, and he wanted to establish modern city planning as a discipline. Ishikawa was well-known as a man of unique ideas and he enthusiastically studied amusement places (sakari-ba). In this paper, I focus on how he developed his ideas on amusement places and how he put them into practice in designing amusement places for rich people's enjoyment during the period of time he worked in Nagoya (1920-1933).To better understand Ishikawa's practices, I refer to H. Lefebvre's conception of recognition of space. Lefebvre's conception has three dimensions. "Representations of space": conceptualized space, the space of planners; "Space of representation": space as directly lived, the space of "inhabitants" and "users"; and, "Spatial practice": creation of space by the interaction of the other two dimensions. From this, therefore, city planning would be regarded as "representations of space", while amusement places in which people enjoyed their lives would be regarded as "space of representation." "Space of representation" has the possibility of creating a new movement of thought to counter the control of space by city planning.Ishikawa always criticized Japanese city planning as being just a plan for land use which did not significantly consider people's lives. So he searched for a way to create a city planning for the people. He wrote a series of thirty-four articles on "The story of a Local City" in the magazine, Creation of the City (Toshi Sousaku). He explained his vision of the modern city and about how city planning should be conducted. Ishikawa was gradually able to create his own theory of amusement places in his planning.The following four keywords characterize his modern city planning in his serial writing. The keywords are: "city planning for the night", "small city doctrine", "a bustling and lively square", and "hometown city". The first one, "city planning for the night", was an idea to restore the functional role of the night. Ishikawa thought that many planners made a plan for the "industrious time" when people worked during the daytime, but, at night, people were set free from their labors and relaxed. Ishikawa changed this idea and reorganized a plan for people to enjoy their leisure time at night. He paid attention to street lighting, especially lighting for buildings, the layout of amusement facilities, and so on.The next idea is "small city doctrine". Ishikawa rejected the big city. He insisted that an ideal city should be within the scale where people could feel intimacy among neighbors. Though a city may be big, each town in a city should have a center which would be a psychological anchor for people, which should be combined organically, and in which the center should be a lively square.The next idea is "bustling and lively square". Ishikawa recognized that people tend to gather in a square to look for closeness with one another, and also a square should offer people some way to satisfy their desires. Thus, he noted the importance of shopping and regarded shopping malls as "an casting vote". He therefore combined squares with shopping malls.The last keyword is "hometown city". Ishikawa recognized the importance of the square in Western cities, but stressed that Japanese city planning should not blindly imitate Western cities without considering the character of each city. Ishikawa thus decided to transform the Western square into an amusement place (sakari-ba in Japanese) where people could enjoy flowing down the street.

著者

寺谷 亮司

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, no.1, pp.6-22, 1989-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

66

被引用文献数

1 1 2

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This paper aims to clarify the development process of a frontier urban settlement from its beginning with special reference to its changes in urban function. Takikawa is a central city with 50, 000 inhabitants in the Naka-Sorachi Region where agriculture (rice) and mining (coal) form an inportant economic base. Takikawa was one of the earliest settlements in inland Hokkaido. It is blessed with water transportation, located at the junction of the Ishikari River and the Sorachi River. As a result of this study, it was discerned that there are three stages in the changes of urban function in Takikawa City. They are as follows:1) First stage; gateway city (1886-97)In 1886, Takikawa was selected as the base site for road construction of National Route 12 which started from this point. And in 1887, it was determined that a tonden-hei-son (pioneer column settlement) would be established here, which was completed in 1890. The first Takikawa settlements were at the river ports site, namely Sorachihuto and Shinhatoba. These two river ports had the depots in which the materials for construction workers were stored. Furthermore, the traders in Takikawa expanded their tributary areas to the Kamikawa Region, which is 50km away upstream along the Ishikari River, with the openning of the railroad in 1892. In this period, therefore, Takikawa had a gateway function which was connecting newly-opened inland frontier to the settled regions by transport and wholesaling.2) Second stage; central place city (1898-1954)In 1898, the railroad was extended up to Asahikawa, which took on the gateway funtion in the northern and eastern regions of Hokkaido. Accordingly, Takikawa lost its long distance trade with these regions and it began to put stress on retailing activities within the Naka-sorachi Region. Traders in Takikawa began to specialize in dealing instead of managing Aramono-sho (general stores) and they strengthened the controlling power over their tributary areas in the Naka-sorachi Region through collecting and distributing. The two river ports were abandoned and the commercial centers were built around the focus of the railroad station. In addition, several governmental offices controlling the Naka-sorachi Region were also opened in Takikawa. Takikawa functioned as the central place city in the Naka-sorachi Region throughout this period.3) Third stage; economically advanced city (1955-)Throughout this period, the most important change of commercial activities in Takikawa has been the agglomeration of branch offices of large enterprises from the outside. In 1985, these branch offices accounted for 43.7% of total wholesale sales and 39.7% of total retail sales in Takikawa. This indicates that there was a decline of local commercial capital which played the main role of central place function before.To sum up the above discussion, there are three different functions in the course of urban development of frontier settlements: a gateway function for the first stage, a central place function for the second, and an agglomeration function for the last (Fig. 5).

著者

飯田 耕二郎

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.85-102, 1994-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

33

被引用文献数

1 2

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This paper is a study of the Japanese in Hawaii who emigrated to work since the early Meiji Era. The methods of study and the results of the analysis are as follows:1. The resident distribution of Japanese immigrants in Hawaii and the structure of the population, classified according to birthplace, in each residence are analyzed using The Hawaii-Japanese Annual. “THE NIPPU JIJI, THE HAWAII-JAPANESE ANNUAL & DIRECTORY 1929” was used as basic material, and the number of people from each prefecture in Japan was counted residence by residence. First, in the case of the resident distribution, the number of residents in each island and, in addition, the number of residents in each section of each island was determined. On the basis of these results, a resident distribution map was made and then it was compared with the distribution map of Japanese schools, organizations, churches, etc. Consequently, it became clear that the resident distribution was closely related to the position of sugarcane fields where many Japanese worked. Second, with respect to the number of people classified according to birthplace, for all of Hawaii the highest number came from Hiroshima Prefecture, followed by Yamaguchi, Kumamoto, Okinawa, and Fukuoka Prefectures, respectively. This emphasizes the fact that there were many people from the southwest prefectures of Japan. Analyzed by island, it is noticeable that the number of people from Okinawa Prefecture was the second highest on Maui and the number from Kumamoto Prefecture was the second highest on Hawaii (the Big Island). Then, in each section, a study was done of all the prefectures people came from to determine which prefecture had the highest number of people. As a result, it was discovered that people from Yamaguchi Prefecture tended to disperse evenly, while, on the other hand, people from Okinawa Prefecture were likely to live communally within a section.2. To find the reason why many people from each prefecture lived in their particular sections, the relationship between the birthplace of the Japanese workers and the fields where they worked during the time of Japanese government contract labor emigrants (when the first mass emigration into Hawaii occurred) was made clear with Japanese Foreign Ministry documents. Then this was compared with the distribution in 1929, mentioned in No. 1, and to what extent changes occurred became clear.3. To examine the population movement during the time between 1885 and 1929, the course which people took while moving was investigated on the basis of the records of personal life history. Although only ten people were examined, it was discovered that people changed their residences three times on the average, and they did not have a tendency to settle.

著者

成瀬 厚

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.1, pp.1-19, 1997-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

56

被引用文献数

5 1

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How can we recognize this world with finite extent as a globe? This question is the starting point of this study. This question leads us to another one: how do we represent the world? In this paper, I examined some cultural texts which seem to contribute to our view of the world. The texts which I chose here are exhibitions or collections which consist of several hundred photographs taken all around the world, specifically, from The Family of Man held at The Museum of Modern Art, New York in 1955, through photos with a similar theme, to Takeyoshi Tanuma's works produced with the theme‘children in the world’. In order to analyze such geographical representations, I adopted the method of literary criticism. Especially, I paid attention to the ‘order’of each text.The feature of texts which I analyze in this paper is that while each photograph recorded the local context in which it was taken, these works themselves represented the global world. The globalist intent of these photographs was to promote cosmopolitanism, universalism, or humanitarianism, but it is sentimental and not persuasive. For example, photographs taken in the USA were 45% of all photographs carried in The Family of Man, and photographs of the Third World were distributed into specific sub-themes: labor, death, and war. The insistence of universality was asserted under the biological commonality of Man. Man is born, works, gets together, takes pleasure, feels sad, consists of male and female, belongs to a family, eats, talks, plays, suffers, and dies. Such a life path became a commonality among photographs of people around the world. On the other hand, in one text produced in 1994 by Tanuma' who has created many works in a Japanese context, photographs were arranged in order by region. I found a significant structure in the arrangement of this text. Compassion of Japanese on Third World people, identification with two continents, Africa and South America, as others for Japanese, and uninterchangeablity between advanced countries and Third World were found in the structure of this text.From this analysis, I gained the insight that the World Order is a projection of‘a world’which is a logical unity consisting of whole objects and events in‘the world’ which is a concrete geographical space with finite extent. We can locate each event in a world informed by journalistic media about our world order as an idea which was formed by a world representation including the photographic texts selected here.

著者

杉本 尚次

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.6, pp.445-460,482, 1958-02-28 (Released:2009-04-30)

参考文献数

32

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i) In terms of geography, the rural house, especially its roof, is an important key to approach a settlement structure. The roof of a rural house differs from one area to another, as it reflects conditions as well as the specific way of living of the people of an area. It is possible to grasp the typical regional character in the type of roof and arrangement of rooms; also, the dynamic change of life in a rural area, such as pervasion of the use of roof-tiles and the rise and fall of silkworm culture, can be made clear through the roof-type and its change.The present writer chooses the whole Western Japan an object, examines the distribution of several roof-types, and courses of their circulation, and tries to make clear settlement structures as seen through the roofs.ii) Roofing material:More isolated mountain or island villages use more thatched or shingle roofs. Tiled roofs are widely used in industrialized areas; they show the tendency to spread from suburban areas into mountain areas with the development of urbanization and traffic. This tendency will grow stronger in future.Different roof-tiles are used between each area, reflecting local conditions: the tile-guard and the Iwami red tile in the snowy area of the northern parts (although not so wide spread as in the Tohoku and Hokuriku Districts); windbreaks in the seacoast area (especially in the Pacific Coast). Chinese red tiles in Okinawa are interesting as showing foreign influences.To a large extent, roofing material is conditioned by economic backgrounds.iii) Roof-types:Many types can be recognized: the U. and L. roofs, the conical roof and other varieties beside three fundamental types-the “irimoya” (gabled) roof, the “yosemune” (hipped) roof, the “kirizuma” (barge) roof.The “irimoya” roof is spread over the Kinki District north of the median dislocation line, eastern Chugoku, north-western Shikoku.The “yosemune” roof is widely adopted in the Kii Peninsular, western Chugoku, the Shikoku District, and the Kyushu District. It is especially much used along the Pacific Coast.The “kirizuma” roof is popular in the mountain areas of Tajima, Hyogo Pref., and the Yamato Basin. In Tajima, silkworm culture accounts for its popularity. In Yamato, the “kirizuma” style has developed into the so-called “yamatomune” roof.The U. type roof, a variety usually called “kudozukuri”, is centered at the Tsukushi Plain in the North Kyushu District. It is called “U” because it has two projections in the rear.The L. type roof, another variety with one projection in the rear of the house, is found in Kyushu (“kagiya”), in the Kochi Plain (“magariya”), and on the Tamba Plateau (“tsunoya”). Old families often adopt this roof-type.The “futamunezukuri” roof, where the main body of house and the kitchen are separated, is found in Kagoshima down to Nansei Islands. This roof-type is originated in the Micronesian and the Melanesian Islands.The conical roof is found in Okinoerabu and Yoron, the islands situated at the southernmost tip of Japan.iv) As shown here, roofs in Western Japan richly vary in type. They are further varied by the use of different ridge pressings (decorative). The distribution of these roof-types, remarkably correspond with distinctive areas. It further coincide with topographical districts.The mixture of two or more types as well as the transformation of a type is seen where two distributional areas meet. Social changes have at places resulted in changes of roof-type. Adaptation to climatic conditions has also contributed to improving the roof. At defiles and mountain passes, the course of circulation of each roof-type can be traced.

著者

米田 巖 潟山 健一

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.6, pp.546-565, 1991-12-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

132

被引用文献数

5 2

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Nearly half a century has passed since Trewartha pointed out in his presidential address to the 49th annual assembly of A. A. G., that geography is fundamentally anthropocentric.Generally speaking, recent trends in geographical researches in Japan and abroad as well seem to have remained unchanged. However, something must have changed in those two decades. The main aim of this article is to evaluate some new underlying currents in recent geographical research work from a humanistic point of view. Just as D. Porteous has pointed out in his essay, the reason why geography is so dull and boring is closely connected not only to ways of explanation, but to presentation in geographical works. In most cases, human contents are lacking.Authors have tried to make clear other factors responsible for this present situation. Most of geographical research work in Japan and abroad has been so far made with special emphasis on“seeing”through eyes. Little attention has been paid to other human senses. It can be said that most geographers have tended to heavily depend on visual organs, suffering from auditory, tactile, olfactory, and taste disorder.In our minds, we instantly create images in a more configurative and unified way by using five senses at the same time. What is mostly urgently needed is how to reconstruct all the things we have sensed in geographical content. Some new underlying currents in humanistic geography seem to be deeply concerned with this hidden aspect as described above, and have come up as the emerging new geography. The 1980's has witnessed tremendous progress, leading surely to a so-called sensuous geography, which is not fully developed at the present time.D. C. Pocock, D. Porteous, Yi-Fu Tuan and A. Buttimer are preeminent among the sensuous geographers. Authors see that the holistic point of view can be basically traced back to J. G. von Herder. Along with these new currents, Michael Polanyi has also come to realize the importance of tacit knowing, from epistemological and ontological view points. In addition, A. Berque has also greatly contributed to opening up a new era in humanistic geography and paved the way to clear elucidiation of the complicated multi-dimensional structure of climate by applying a new concept, médiance.In Japan, T. Watsuji was the first to systematize the significance of human existence with special reference to climate (Fûdo). He often refers to the works of Herder, because the Herderian way of interpretation of our world should be properly treated. Authors are also contending that all the geographical observation so far made must be reviewed and reevaluated in these respects. Holism runs against reductionism.Thick description of geographical phenomenon is thus to be made. Fuller attention should be paid again to Herderian holism in this respect in order to humanize human geography.The objectivity-oriented scientific movement seems to have been believed to be true up to the present time. However, authors understand that objectivity-oriented reductionism is far from being complete in the sense that this methodology is based on one-sided observation and reasoning, neglecting the five human senses to the sacrifice of the richness of the lively world. Well balanced observation and reasoning can only be realized through close contact with the five human senses.

著者

阿部 康久

出版者

The Human Geographical Society of Japan

雑誌

人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.23-48, 1999-02-28 (Released:2009-04-28)

参考文献数

77

被引用文献数

1

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The purpose of this article is to analyze the occupational structure of Chinese workers during the 1920s in Tokyo Prefecture, paying particular attention to the nature of the labor market and to the impact of local community kinship on residential patterns. The data which the author uses were obtained from the Foreign Affairs Section of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The results of the paper can be summarized as follows:First, the author notes that most Chinese workers were employed in the construction and labouring sectors. While the occupational structure of traditional Chinese society has been explained in terms of chain migration, the present paper approaches this issue from a political-economic view of the labor market. Thus, the author identifies the interrelations between the occupational structure of the Chinese and their labor market. At that time, heavy and chemical industrialization had occurred, infrastructure had developed and the wage levels of Japanese workers within the economy had been rising.Secondly, as a result, Chinese residential patterns were influenced by the localization of their labor market. Indeed, many Chinese workers were segregated in the Sumida and Ara basins. In these areas, manufacturing plants were concentrating, and a great deal of energy resources and raw materials were being imported. Therefore, low-waged labor generated the greatest proportion of their employment. Consequently, these workers lived closer to those plants and Chinese communities were formed in these districts.Thirdly, there were many Chinese communities other than in the Sumida and Arakawa districts. These were composed of construction workers working outside of Tokyo Prefecture and itinerant traders, for they had to live close to such persons as contractors, employers of itinerant traders, friends and so on.Fourthly, these concentrations of Chinese residents were reinforced by some ecological factors. For example, the occupational form of itinerant traders was based on the relationships between employers and vendors and affected their residential patterns. Thus, different groups of itinerant traders from Shandong, Zhejiang and Hokkien Provinces organized their own communities in Tokyo Prefecture.On the other hand, cooks and barbers tended to rely on kinship in the local Chinese community. However, some cooks and barbers worked for Japanese owners probably to obtain better working conditions. Indeed, there were approximately 500 Japanese owners of Chinese restaurants in Tokyo Prefecture and they provided the Chinese with considerable job opportunities. In addition, these factors resulted in a further dispersal of Chinese cooks.Lastly, the author examines how Japanese Government employment controls affected residential differentiation. During the early 1920s, it is noted that there were loopholes in the law, antipathy toward Chinese people within the Government, and a lack of integrated regulations related to their activities among Prefectures. Therefore, it can be said that employment regulations were fragmented at that time and that these in turn came to influence the occupational and residential patterns of Chinese people in Tokyo Prefecture from the late 1920s.