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1 0 0 0 OA クラスター爆弾禁止条約と「オスロ・プロセス」

著者: 目加田説子メカタトモコ Mekata Tomoko
出版者: 大阪大学大学院国際公共政策研究科
雑誌: 国際公共政策研究 (ISSN:13428101)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.13, no.1, pp.123-134, 2008-09

2015-10-08 13:40:09
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http://hdl.handle.net/11094/3693

1 0 0 0 OA Zebrafish概日時計制御におけるCryptochromeの役割

著者: 石川智子
出版者: 京都大学
巻号頁・発行日: 2002-03-25

新制・課程博士

2015-10-07 19:06:04
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1 0 0 0 OA 意匠情報に基づくデザイン評価の試み

著者: 勝本雅和大西麻未
出版者: 研究・技術計画学会
雑誌: 年次学術大会講演要旨集
巻号頁・発行日: vol.29, pp.913-916, 2014-10-18

一般講演要旨

2015-10-07 11:25:00
1 はてなブックマーク

http://hdl.handle.net/10119/12594

1 0 0 0 OA 浮遊する歴史 : 1990年代の天皇論

著者: 苅部直
出版者: 東京大学社会科学研究所
雑誌: 社會科學研究 (ISSN:3873307)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.58, no.1, pp.37-46, 2006-09-30

天皇論という視角から見た場合, 日本社会の1990年代は, その前代との変化が大きいのに比べて, そのあと, 2000年以降との違いはあまりなく, 90年代における特徴が, いまも持続していると言ってよい.言論界においては, かたやナショナリズムの復活を声高に唱える声, そして他方ではそうした動向を警戒する議論が盛んで, 天皇論も対立点の一つとなっている.だが論壇での議論の熱さに比べ, 社会一般の皇室に対する感情は, むしろ希薄なものと言ってよく, そのことがかえって.ナショナリズムと政治意識との関係に, ある不安定性をもたらしているのである.

2015-10-07 03:57:01
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http://hdl.handle.net/2261/16290

1 0 0 0 OA 人環フォーラム No. 34

出版者: 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科
雑誌: 人環フォーラム (ISSN:13423622)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.34, 2015-03-10

<巻頭言> 或る汽水湖の記憶 / 内田賢徳

2015-10-06 18:53:15
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http://hdl.handle.net/2433/197215

1 0 0 0 OA 新儒学と科学 : 一つの問題提起

著者: 金鳳珍
出版者: 東京大学東洋文化研究所
雑誌: 東洋文化研究所紀要 (ISSN:05638089)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.141, pp.392-366, 2001-03

Why the Confucian countries such as China and other Asian states could not bring forth the modern science? This question has been considered an aporia for a long time.And many a scholar has answered that: Neo-Confucianism (or its reign) was the biggest factor which hindered those countries in their scientific progress.And further, it was the greatest obstacle to accept the modern science later on.Each answer is, we may say, worthy of being considered; however, it seems to me that the afore-mentioned question is not an aporia but a silly question, and therewith each answer must be reconsidered before it will go out of use.In this regard, reconsideration entails self-reflexion/criticism upon the obsession of the west-centric modernism or Orientalism.I would rather cross-question; how or why the Confucian countries could and should bring forth the modern science? It is no use answering this question-it is beyond reason.The Confucian countries has had the highly developed science of their own.It goes without saying that Neo-Confucianism had contributed much to the development of science.Neo-Confucian methods of learning, for instance, Zhu Xi's doctrine of gewu (格物; the “investigation of things”) and qiongli (窮理; the “plumbing of principle”), which evoked the scientific mind and evolved natural science in a Neo-Confucian way, have decisive relationality with the modern Western methodology of science.Seemingly most of the ifalic countries except Japan, in the late nine-teenth and early twentieth century, had failed in accepting the modern science.But we cannot say that Nee-Confucianism was the greatest cause of failure.On the contrary I think Neo-Confucianism would have contribut-ed toward accepting and developing the modern science, unless Western countries and Japan had commited an evil act in terms of imperialism.Imperial countries would not permit the Confucian countries to go to the way of selection or rejection by harmonizing the modern with the tradi-tional science or civilization.In this sense, the negative side of the modern/modernity was the greatest cause of the Confucian countries' failure.I think it will be the task of the 21st century to revaluate the scientific thinking and method of Neo-Confucianism for further developing a ‘new science.’

2015-10-06 07:54:00
1 知恵袋

http://hdl.handle.net/2261/2016

1 0 0 0 OA 政界再編と地方政治 : 岩手県釜石市の事例を中心として(<特集>社会の希望・地域の希望 : 希望学の現在)

著者: 上神貴佳
出版者: 東京大学社会科学研究所
雑誌: 社會科學研究 (ISSN:03873307)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.59, no.3/4, pp.39-80, 2008-03-14

国政レベルにおける政党再編成は,なぜ地方政治に浸透しないのであろうか.本稿は岩手県釜石市議会議員に対するアンケート調査を用いて,国と地方における政党政治が連動する程度は政治家間のリンケージのあり方と地方議会の選挙制度によって左右されるとの仮説を検証する.分析の結果によると,国政レベルの政党再編成の影響を強く受けている県政とは対照的に,釜石市議会においては,党派的変容の痕跡を見出すことが難しい.国会議員と釜石市議の関係はインフォーマルな系列関係によって結ばれており,政党によって媒介されない割合が高いこと,釜石市議を選出する定数26の大選挙区制においては,政党ラベルに基づく棲み分けよりも地域的な棲み分けが有効な選挙戦略であることの双方が確認された.我が国の市町村議会においては,系列関係と大選挙区制の組み合わせが比較的に多いと考えられるため,本稿の分析結果には釜石市の事例を超えるインプリケーションがあるといえる.

2015-10-06 00:51:21
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http://hdl.handle.net/2261/28540

1 0 0 0 OA 人魚について

著者: 菅原克也
出版者: 東京大学比較文学・文化研究会
雑誌: 比較文学・文化論集 (ISSN:0911341X)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.8, pp.86-95, 1991-06-10

2015-10-05 22:22:43
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http://hdl.handle.net/2261/48599

1 0 0 0 OA 戦時下一布教使の肖像

著者: 辻村志のぶ
出版者: 東京大学文学部宗教学研究室
雑誌: 東京大学宗教学年報 (ISSN:2896400)
巻号頁・発行日: vol.19, pp.93-109, 2002-03-31

Until 1945, missionaries from traditional Japanese Buddhist sects were sent to proselytize in China, other East Asian countries, Europe and the United States. This article is concerned with the activities of Fujii Sosen (1896―1971), a Shinshu priest of the Otani sect, who pursued missionary work in China during the Sino-Japanese War. Though he was a religious missionary, he was not personally concerned with gaining converts to his faith. Rather, his declared mission was to "modernize" Chinese Buddhism. To accomplish this task, Fujii undertook varied and seemingly contradictory activities. He persuaded Japanese Buddhist organizations to aid their Chinese counterparts, openly criticized Japan, was publicly opposed to the war, and yet at times cooperated with the invading Japanese military forces. He was finally arrested by the Japanese army for spreading "propaganda." How can his faith and mission be explained? His distinctive ideas about missionary work derived from his conviction that both Japanese and Chinese Buddhism were to be modernized in the same way. According to Fujii, both Buddhist traditions shared a single future and destiny, which was to be led by Japanese example. Both traditions were to undergo reform in the spheres of Buddhist studies, Buddhist education, economic activities, and social welfare, all of which were considered by Fujii to be important to modern institutions. This paper traces his way of thinking, and is an attempt to illuminate one aspect of the history of Japanese missionary work.