著者
渡邉 義浩
出版者
中国文化学会
雑誌
中国文化 (ISSN:02896648)
巻号頁・発行日
no.73, pp.14-26, 2015
著者
戶川 貴行
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.4, pp.545-576, 2015-03

Ceremonial court music, the substance of which varied according to the period, disappeared with the collapse of dynasties. Ceremonial music, for example, embraced folk musical works during the Zhou, Han, and Southern and Northern dynasties. While maintaining the pretense of restoring rituals conducted by former dynasties, new elements were, in fact, added to ceremonial music, and consequently the music varied in response to changing times. Previous studies have indicated that such cases can be found in the Han, Northern, and Sui dynasties. Then, can we find similar cases in the Southern dynasties ? If so, what were they like concretely ? The problem of ceremonial music in the Southern dynasties must be clarified in order to show how Jiangnan governments created their new traditions in place of extinct ones, and to provide a perspective on history that differs from Yuanyuanlun 淵源論 of Chen Yinke 陳寅恪. Nevertheless, the problem has never been researched sufficiently from this viewpoint. Based on this point of view, I examine in this paper the scales of ceremonial music adopted by the Jiangnan governments through analyses on the introduction of folk music into the ceremonial music of the Liu Song dynasty, the relationship between such a policy and the scales, the derivation of the Songshichi 宋氏尺, and the length of the shadow based on it. As a result, following four points concerning the actual process of establishing the legitimacy of the Jiangnan governments. First, in addition to the turmoil at the end of the Western Jin, some in the Eastern Jin advocated that state rites should not be prepared until the Central Plains were recaptured, and consequently the ceremonial music of the Western Jin faded away and become extinct. The Liu Song, on the other hand, introduced folk music to make up for such a loss when they prepared ceremonial music. Second, there were gaps between the ceremonial music of the Western Jin and that of the Liu Song in terms of tunings as well as composition of the programs, which were linked to the introduction of folk music and adoption of the Songshichi. Third, when the Jiangnan governments tried to reconstruct ceremonial music using the same scale as that of Xun Xu 荀勖, it had to be recreated almost from scratch given the loss of the Western Jinʼs ceremonial music Yuezou 樂奏 and the musical texts Yueshu 樂書, and it required a large investment of time. Even Emperor Wu 武帝 of the Liang, who was steeped in knowledge of ceremonial music, failed to complete it over 40 years. Fourth, aiming to justify their official adoption of the Songshichi, the Liu Song declared that the Songshichi was derived from the armillary sphere 渾天儀 invented by Zhang Heng 張衡 and that the shadow of an 8 chi 尺 gnomon (based on the Songshichi) attained a length of 1 chi and 5 cun 寸 when it was measured on the summer solstice.
著者
吉井 涼子
出版者
二松学舎大学文学部
雑誌
二松学舎大学論集 (ISSN:02867206)
巻号頁・発行日
no.58, pp.179-203, 2015
著者
吉井 涼子
出版者
二松学舎大学文学部
雑誌
二松学舎大学論集 (ISSN:02867206)
巻号頁・発行日
no.58, pp.179-203, 2015
著者
稲垣 剛志 木村 昭夫 萩原 章嘉 佐々木 亮 新保 卓郎
出版者
Japanese Association for Acute Medicine
雑誌
日本救急医学会雑誌 (ISSN:0915924X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.24, no.4, pp.192-199, 2013
被引用文献数
1

【目的】鈍的頭頸部外傷患者において,頸椎CT撮影の新たなclinical decision rule(CDR)を作成することを目的とした。【方法】Derivation研究の対象は2008年4月1日~2010年8月14日に当院へ救急搬送された頭頸部外傷患者のうち頸椎CTを施行した1,076症例,Validation研究の対象は2010年8月15日~12月31日に当院へ救急搬送された頭頸部外傷患者887例とし,診療録および救急患者データベースから後ろ向きに情報を得た。頸椎損傷の定義は骨折もしくは脱臼とした。頸椎損傷の有無と相関する因子を解析した後に,感度100%となるような新たなCDRを導けるか検討した。【結果】単変量解析では,年齢,後頸部痛の有無,神経学的異常所見の有無,来院時のGlasgow coma scaleスコアにおいてCT上の頸椎損傷所見の有無で有意差が認められた。また年齢が高い群で受傷機転における階段等からの転落の有無も有意差が認められた。二進再帰分割法を行った結果,意識障害や後頸部症状に加え,年齢や具体的な受傷機転を含めた新たな頸椎CT施行基準が導出され,感度100%を保ち,損傷の見逃しを回避することができた。以下に新基準により頸椎CTの適応となるものを示す。(1)GCSスコア13以下の患者。(2)GCSスコア14-15の患者で後頸部圧痛か神経学的異常所見を有する患者。(1) (2)以外の患者のうち,(3)60歳以上:受傷機転が階段等からの転落であった患者。(4)60歳未満:受傷機転がバイクの事故か墜落であった患者。【結語】従来より提唱されているGCSスコア,頸部症状,神経所見に加え,年齢や具体的な受傷機転を評価項目に含めた新しい基準は感度が高く,頸椎損傷の見逃しを回避しうるCDRである。
著者
渡邉 將智
出版者
東方学会
雑誌
東方学 (ISSN:04957199)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.130, pp.19-35, 2015-07
著者
土口 史記
出版者
京都大學人文科學研究所
雑誌
東方学報 = Journal of Oriental studies (ISSN:03042448)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, pp.1-47, 2015-12

This paper focuses on the functions of the cao (曹) in the Qin period and its development, mainly drawing on the Liye Qin slips (里耶秦鯵) excavated in 2002. The duties of the cao were discharged by the prefecture clerk (令史 , or lingshi). The lingshi is a secretary of the prefect (令, or ling) or the deputy prefect (丞, or cheng), and composed the core of the prefectural government, which was called the prefectural court (縣廷, or xianting). Under the xianting's order, administrative affairs are carried out by the prefectural bureaus (官, or guan), and not by the cao. As an administrative organ, the cao does not seem to have existed in the Qin period. The cao has never appeared in Qin legal codes, and there are no entries in the list of local officials for members of the cao. However, a similar list at the end of the Han period clearly lists members of the cao. In the Qin period, the cao appeared only in very limited contexts. When officials sent documents, the addressee was clearly marked by the phrase "this must be opened by a certain cao." In another case, compiled documents, such as account books or administrative reports, were occasionally titled "a certain cao's book/report." The cao thus appeared only in such contexts as a label for documents or as a title for compiled documents. It was simply a unit for handling documents. After the middle of Han period, the function of the cao began to change, and it began to function as an administrative organ. This remarkable change was connected with the emergence of the yuan (掾) and shi (史), categories of officials unique to the cao. At the same time, the cao encroached upon the administrative functions of the guan, thus acquiring substance as an administrative organ.
著者
太田 麻衣子
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.2, pp.354-387, 2015-03

江蘇省淮安市から出土した運河村墓は戦国中後期の境に造営された楚国の墓とされ、楚が前四世紀末には[カン]溝以東まで支配を拡大していた証左とされた。しかし本稿では同墓が土着の習俗を保持した楚墓とは異質な墓であることを指摘し、江東の情勢と比較することで、淮安に楚の実効支配が及んだのは戦国後期以降だったことを明示した。つまり戦国中期には楚が淮河・長江両下流域をも支配するようになっていたとする従来の認識は誤っており、春秋戦国に江漢地区で栄えた楚と秦末漢初に江淮地区で興った楚とを単純に同一視することはできないのである。秦末に楚の勢力として挙兵した人々のなかには戦国時代に楚の支配を短期間しか受けていない地域の人々も少なくなかったのであり、淮安出身の韓信もその一人だった。彼らが楚のもとに結集した一要因としては楚文化の共有が指摘でき、今後は漢帝国の成立に楚文化が果たした役割について考えていく必要がある。