著者

岩本 美砂子

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.1, pp.171-205,316, 2006-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)

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The concept of gender took place of the patriarchy in the feminist discourses in the 1990s. But the word patriarchy was not very popular in Japan. The concept of patriarchy is still effective when we observe the power hierarchy between men and women. In Japan the idea of multiple discrimination has been and is so unpopular, that the country report to the CEDAW (Committee of Elimination of the Discrimination against Women of the United Nations) didn't refer to the minority women, who suffer from not only the sex discrimination but also the discrimination against diverse minorities, such as indigenous people (Ainu and Ryukyu), foreign people (old comers: Koreans and Taiwanises whose ancestors came to Japanese main land when their lands were Japanese colonies, and new comers: especially Asian people and the descendants of Japanese planters in Latin American countries), people who are called Burakumin, disabled people and so on.In 2001, the first DV Act in Japan was enacted as a private members' bill owing to efforts of the women senators of the Research Committee of the Diverse Society. But it had many loopholes. In 2003, the revision of the Act started. Some survivors (of violence), volunteers supporting them, women lawyers and women scholars of legal studies presented their criticism to the project team members of the Research Committee of the Diverse Society in the senate. The cause of special consideration for the foreign and disabled survivors is included in the second DV Act in 2004. The reason of it is partly the presser from the CEDAW in July 2003, criticizing the Japanese country reports for no reference to any kind of minority women.Some foreign women depend on their Japanese husbands to renew their visa as the spouses of Japanese people. Without any visa, not only failing the renewal of the spousal visa or other visa such as for entertainers, they were to be reported by all kind of public servants to the Bureau of Emigration and be sent back to their home land compulsory. In the process of making the second DV Act, the chief of the Bureau of Emigration issued a notice that, according to the situation, not every case of survivors without visa have to be reported. So they became able to keep living in Japan, struggling against the gender patriarchy and the state patriarchy of the Emigrant Bureau.Many disabled married women depend on their husbands to connect themselves to the society. These survivors suffer from the difficulty in accessing information such as what is DV and supports for them. And both formal and informal shelters are of ten built with physical barriers. The introduction of the consideration clause and the prefectual basic plan helps and will help the disabled survivors to ride out the gender patriarchy and the hierarchy between ordinal and disabled people.The modern state is not always a monolithic patriarchal entity. But it still keeps some patriarchal moment. The DV Act in 2004 is a challenge to defend the equality not only between majority men and women but between majority and minority people, destroying the multiple patriarchies.

著者

金子 智樹

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.1_202-1_224, 2018 (Released:2021-07-16)

参考文献数

53

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日本は長年 「新聞大国」 と称されてきたが, 新聞発行部数は近年になって急速に減少しており, 市民の政治参加に対する影響が懸念されている。本稿は, 新聞の中でも特に地方紙に注目し, 異なるリサーチデザインを用いた2つの分析を行うことで, 「地方紙普及率の低下は有権者の投票参加に悪影響をもたらしている」 という中心仮説を検証する。1つ目の分析では, 鹿児島県の地方紙である鹿児島新報が2004年参院選の直前に突然廃刊されるという自然実験的事例に注目し, 鹿児島新報の普及率が高かった地域ほど, 2004年参院選において投票率が相対的に低下したことを示す。また2つ目の分析では, 2001年以降の6回の参院選における都道府県別投票率と新聞普及率のパネルデータを用いて, 都道府県や時点の固定効果などの変数を統制してもなお, 地方紙普及率が投票率と統計的有意に正相関していることを明らかにする。地方紙普及率が低下することで有権者が政治や選挙に関する有用な情報に接触する機会が減ってしまい, 投票参加が抑制されると考えられる。

著者

藤村 直史

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2016, no.2, pp.99-119, 2016

著者

塩沢 健一

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.2, pp.2_203-2_224, 2009

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In a "yes or no" type referendum, people are forced to choose "all or nothing" on a specific issue. However, voting for "yes" or "no" may not be the optimal behavior for those who have neutral attitude toward the issue. In this paper, I analyze the degree to which the choice set of "yes or no" is adequate for referendums and the degree to which referendums can work as a policy-making device for discovering the "will of the people." The data is based on a mail survey conducted in Iwakuni City of Yamaguchi Prefecture.   Although Iwakuni voters "disapproved" of transferring extra forces from an-other base to Iwakuni by an overwhelmingly large margin in the referendum, respondents were divided when I asked them a question that included a choice that considering the financial benefits brought about by presence of U.S. forces. The case of Iwakuni suggests that the "will of the people" cannot be settled with a single balloting and that using a referendum is not necessarily the most appropriate approach when an intermediate solution is available.

著者

網谷 龍介

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_78-2_98, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)

参考文献数

33

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本論文は, 議会制デモクラシーをめぐるわれわれの理解について, 歴史的な視点から再検討を行うものである。現在, 民主政の経験的研究においては, 「競争」 を鍵となるメカニズムとするのが通例である。本論文はこのような想定を相対化し, 「競争」 ではなく政党による社会の 「統合」 と, そのような政党が多数決を行うためにうみ出す 「妥協」 が, 20世紀ヨーロッパの議会制民主主義の核となるメカニズムであった可能性を指摘する。具体的には, まずオーストリアの国法学者ケルゼン (H. Kelsen) の民主政論が検討され, 20世紀政党デモクラシーの理論的存立構造の一つのモデルが提示される。そして, 彼の議論が単なる理論にとどまらず同時代の現実の政治制度や政党における議論にも対応物を持つことが明らかにされる。現状分析に持つ含意としては, 制度のみでは担保できない社会的 「統合」 のような諸条件に民主政の機能が依存していることが示唆される。

著者

吐合 大祐

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.1_293-1_315, 2018 (Released:2021-07-16)

参考文献数

63

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選挙制度は政治家の再選戦略に影響を与えるのか。多くの先行研究が, 選挙区定数が議員の再選戦略の一環である選挙区活動や議会内行動に対し影響を与えると指摘してきたが, 実証的証拠は不十分である。本稿は, 「選挙区定数が大きくなるにつれ, 当選に必要な得票率が低下するため, 政治家はより特定の有権者から支持を得るために分配政策を志向すること」 を主張する。本稿は日本の都道府県議会を対象とし, 議員の関心分野を委員会所属から把握する。分析結果より, 選挙区定数の大きい選挙区から選ばれた議員ほど, 建設や公営企業などの分配政策を管轄する委員会へ, 定数の小さい選挙区から選ばれた議員ほど, 総務や財政などの一般政策を管轄する委員会へ所属する傾向にあることが示された。

著者

藤村 直史

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.2_99-2_119, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)

参考文献数

46

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政党は, 政治資金, 政府・議会・党の役職, 選挙区への利益誘導など, 所属議員の当選に資する複数の資源をもっている。本稿は, 政党資源として, 党首の選挙期間中の候補者訪問に焦点を当て, 政党執行部が党の議席を増加させるために, どのように党内の資源を所属議員に配分するのかを検討する。日本の参議院議員選挙における内閣総理大臣の候補者訪問の分析から, 政党執行部は, 制度や文脈に応じて議席を増大させられるように資源を配分していることを明らかにする。より具体的には, 政党執行部は, 政党投票に依存している候補者や, 当落線上にある候補者に対して, より頻繁に総理大臣を訪問させていることを示す。本稿の知見は, 制度や文脈のもとで, 政党が合理的な選挙戦略を採用し, かつ総理大臣の人気が所属候補者を当選に導く重要な資源であることを提示する。

著者

築山 宏樹

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.2_185-2_210, 2014 (Released:2018-02-01)

参考文献数

31

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In Japan, local legislators often seem inactive and redundant. In fact, they introduce much fewer bills than local governors. However, why don't these local legislators devote themselves to legislative activities, especially introduction of bills?   Using the panel data of 47 Japanese prefectural assemblies from 1967 to 2006, this study investigates the determinants of bill introduction by local legislators. We mainly focus on the effect of political institutions: executive-legislative relations, parliamentary rules, and central-local relations via the party system. The results of Poisson and a negative binominal regression model with unconditional fixed effects show that parliamentary factions tend to introduce more bills in following situations: while opposing the governor, when the factions are large enough to introduce bills on their own, and when they don't have a close connection with the central government via the party system. These results imply that the institutional restrictions of local legislatures cause their legislators to be inactive in introducing bills.

著者

善教 将大 秦 正樹

出版者

木鐸社

雑誌

年報政治学 = The annuals of Japanese Political Science Association (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2017, no.1, pp.159-180, 2017

著者

永井 陽之助

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.89-131,en6, 1966-09-26 (Released:2009-12-21)

参考文献数

3

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I Introduction II The Russian Revolution and the American Intellectuals III The New Deal Coalition and the Left-Intellectuals IV The End of Ideology and the American IdeologyIn contrast with the question posed by Werner Sombart at the turn of the century in the title of a book, “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?”, this article examines the ideological adaptability of American Liberalism, as a surrogate for socialism, to the contemporary crisis home and abroad.The impact of Russian Revolution on American liberals who shared the optimistic expectation of the inevitable spread of democracy throughout the world, had failed to impress them as a challenge on the basic value-system of American regime, because of the misunderstanding about the nature of the Bolshevik regime by the narcissistic projection of American creed. That moralistic idealism, often indicated by the reformist prejudice for the machine politics, had prevented from the. understanding about the nature of “Revolution of rising expectation” in the developing areas.In addition to the creed, the unique character of New Deal coalition in terms of the ethnic, cultural heterogenity, the nationalization of socialism during the happy day of “popular front”, had contributed to the postponement of radical reapprasement of American creed. After the war, the democratic coalition had become so furiously disintegrated by 1952. The domestic crisis in the tortuous period of political indecision and pluralistic stagnation at a decisive turning point in America and world history, is largely a refection of the fact that the nation no longer has an effective majority and never has an stable organized opposition.Although the American Liberalism, saved by the twenty-five years' war, hot and cold, survived under the optimistic atomosphere of “The end of Ideology”, we cannot neglect the fact that “The end of Ideology” did not mean “The end of American Ideology”, particulary for the hard-boild, tough-minded realists.On the other hand, the reaction to “hard-boild” radicalism, with its exaggerated faith in the efficiency of direct political involvement during the day of “popular front”, often took form of the exaggerated skeptism about politics. However, it is no accident that “brilliant realists” of the Kennedy Administration has been so little concerned with the non-European world that the underdeveloped areas home and abroad was the blind spot of the Kennedy foreign policy as well as the negro problems.

著者

宮本 融

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.83-124,264, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

93

被引用文献数

1

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“Japan; Who governs?” This has been one of the main themes in the Japanese political science. Since the bureaucracy had been the core of the pre-war imperial system, the establishment of the elected officials' supremacy under the new Constitution became, the priority objective. This goal was achieved by the decades of the Liberal Democratic Party's one party dominance. However, recent studies have re-discovered the significance of the bureaucracy.After reviewing the academic literature, this article brings three new perspectives. First, the new type of bureaucracy, “administrative conservator, ” is emerging. Second, this “re-discovery” of the Japanese bureaucratic leadership might be temporary. Japan has become a front-runner who has to choose her own shape of the state. Bureaucrats have to work together with politicians since only politicians can make legitimate decisions. Therefore it's time for us to discuss the constructive relationship between those two, instead of asking which has the dominance. This identifies factors that define the bureaucracy itself. Finally, this article demonstrates the knowledge that defines bureaucracy is not some knowledge on particular areas, but the certain attitudes towards policies.

著者

福岡 万里子

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.2, pp.2_13-2_41, 2022 (Released:2023-12-15)

参考文献数

49

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安政の五ヵ国条約が天皇の承認を得ず調印されたことは同時代的にも国内に広く知れ渡り幕末の政治動乱を引き起こす重要な契機となったが、無勅許調印の事実は、1859年以降日本に着任した西洋外交官らには幕府により秘匿され、それをおそらく察知していたと見られる米国駐日総領事ハリスも、その経過については外交団内で沈黙を守った。そのため、駐日外交団や居留外国人の間で、日本の主権者により現行条約が批准されていない事態として、条約無勅許をめぐる認識が形成されるようになるまでには、最も早く見積もって1862年頃までの数年間がかかった。本稿は、こうして生じた西洋外交官らの間の日本認識上のギャップが、通商開国後に浮上した度重なる外国人襲撃殺害事件や開港開市延期問題等に関する彼らの対日外交に水面下で影響を与え、西洋駐日外交団の間の外交方針の分裂や転回を引き起こしていた実態を論じ、条約勅許獲得が最終的に外交団の政策目標になっていく経過を展望する。

著者

増山 幹高

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.1_79-1_109, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

参考文献数

39

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Why do opposition parties propose votes of no-confidence they know will not pass? Although there is an extensive literature on the confidence relationship between parliament and the executive, it tends to focus solely on the vote of no-confidence as a mechanism for the parliamentary majority control of the executive. This article fills a gap in the literature by exploring the vote of no-confidence as a tool of the opposition, focusing on its use in the Japanese Diet. I suggest two possible reasons for the vote of no-confidence to have utility to the opposition, even when they know it will not pass. The opposition might use the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, using the no-confidence vote as a delay tactic or filibuster. Or the opposition might use it for electoral gains, using the no-confidence vote as an opportunity to publicize unpopular government policies or actions. Although the traditional literature on the Japanese Diet has suggested that the opposition uses the no-confidence vote for legislative gains, the evidence presented in this article suggests that electoral gains hypothesis better explains no-confidence votes in postwar Japan.

著者

田村 哲樹

出版者

JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.2, pp.11-35,263, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

72

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In this article, focusing upon the recent development in deliberative democracy studies, I clarify the current state of relationship between normative theory and empirical research and consider its future.Deliberative democracy had been discussed by normative theorists. But in recent years, some important empirical studies have emerged. There are two ways of inference among those studies: one is descriptive inference, and the other is causal inference.Some normative theorists also try to take some empirical moments into account. We can find two approaches. One is to suggest institutional design of deliberative democracy. The other is to use the empirical knowledge in order to develop normative theory.Some scholars insist that both normative and empirical can not be separated. But it is hard to conceive the dissolution of normative/empirical distinction. One of the most important differences between the two is the way to understand “reality”, while this does not mean that there is no point of intersection between the two.My conclusion is that: there are some points of intersection between normative theory and empirical analysis. Trying to engage in issue-oriented research, we may be able to close the gap between normative and empirical.

著者

萩原 淳

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.1_70-1_95, 2018 (Released:2021-07-16)

参考文献数

38

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本稿の目的は, 昭和初期テロ事件の司法過程を, 減刑嘆願運動の展開及び, 運動を契機とした政治勢力からの圧力に対して司法部・陸海軍がどのように司法権の運用を行ったのかという視点から分析し, 一連のテロ事件をめぐる司法部・陸海軍の司法権の実態と人心の変化を明らかにすることである。 本稿の結論は主に次の2点である。第1に, 五・一五事件の陸海軍側公判開始後, 減刑嘆願運動は初めて全国的運動となったが, 海軍側判決後には停滞した。以後, 運動の主体は国家主義団体に移り, その性質も相沢事件後には皇道派による公判闘争へと変化したことである。第2に, 司法部の動向を陸海軍との比較の上で分析を行い, 五・一五事件において海軍側は当初, 法に基づく刑罰を科そうとした。しかし, 論告反対運動と加藤寛治らの圧力を受け, 陸軍と同様, 寛大な判決が下された。一方, 司法部は減刑嘆願運動や他の政治勢力の動向からの相対的自立を模索し, 概ね法に基づき対処したことである。

著者

小川 有美

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.2, pp.2_36-2_61, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)

参考文献数

60

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Charles Tilly (1929-2008) was a boundary-less scholar, who liked to think of his own approach as akin to Mozart. His works cover a wide range of topics, such as state-formation, revolution, collective violence, social movements, urban history, and sociological methods. However, as Sidney Tarrow posits, “even Tilly never completely integrated his work on war and state-building with his work on revolutions and contentious politics.” Did Tilly's two major topics, state-formation and contentious politics, remain disjunct ad finem? This article discusses the various aspects of his work, and ascertains whether his works on (de-)democratization and regime-contention interactions successfully integrate state-formation and contentious politics. The books Tilly wrote in his final years provide systematic accounts on how trust networks can be connected with public politics, and how low/high capacity regimes can be changed in interaction with contentious politics. Thus, to conclude, Tilly did not fail to integrate state and contention in his innovative historical political sociology. Moreover, his latest works are based on political opportunity structure theory and methodological nationalism, which make his arguments more innocuous than his arguments in his earliest work, The Vendée (1964) (this work drew a lively picture of state institutions and political actors, all in the making).

著者

原 彬久 大嶽 秀夫 御厨 貴

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.3-20, 2005-01-21 (Released:2009-12-21)

著者

千々和 泰明

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.1_332-1_351, 2014 (Released:2017-07-01)

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This study points out that the limitation of the analytical framework of “Autonomous Defense (or jishu bōei) vs. the Japan-U.S. Alliance” that scholars on Japan's postwar national security policy often use. On previous researches, this framework is applied arbitrarily and “Autonomous Defense” is compatible with “Alliance” in some cases. Then this research adopts analysis by “Defense Force Building vs. Operation” as another angle of vision. And it explains that the concept of “Repelling Limited and Small-Scale Aggression without External Assistance (or gentei shōkibo shinryaku dokuryoku taisho)” which appeared in the “National Defense Program Outline (or bōei taikō) 1976” and the “Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation 1978.” This concept played the role as a measure for “Defense Force Building” in the two and then abandoned in the NDPO 1995 and the Guidelines 1997 by “Operational” request.

著者

奥 健太郎

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.2, pp.2_156-2_180, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

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How do politicians achieve the profit of interest groups? This research is a case study analyzing the political process during which the Medical Diet Members (representatives who spoke for the interest of doctors) have succeeded in emasculating the law that provided the separation of medical practice and drug dispensation. The three viewpoints of the analysis are the following:   First, how did Kato Ryogoro (Liberal Party), who was the mediator of the Medical Diet Members, bring the Liberal party measures closer to the JMA? Secondly, what kinds of pressures or adjustments were observed between the JMA and the Medical Diet Members during the process of the emasculation of the law? Thirdly, how did the Medical Diet Members managed to form a majority including non - partisans in order to emasculate the law?

著者

酒井 大輔

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.1_185-1_207, 2016 (Released:2019-06-10)

参考文献数

67

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大嶽秀夫の政治学の特徴について, 従来の日本政治学史研究では, ①多元主義, ②実証主義的・自然科学的な方法, ③戦後政治学と大きく相違するもの, として理解されてきた。また, 彼の方法の時間的変化を捉えていないなど, 一面的であった。しかし1980年代以降の大嶽の変化は, ①~③のイメージの再考を迫るものである。本稿は, 彼の80年代以降の実証研究の内容にも立ち入って, 彼の方法や理論枠組の変化を検証する。大嶽は既に1970年代当初から, 影響力の遮蔽性やパースペクティブの概念により, 多元主義の弱点の克服を試みていた。そして80年代には, イデオロギー対立の枠組により, 構造的対立や政治潮流のサイクルをその分析の中心とした。こうした変化は, 多元主義の枠組からの移行であるとともに, 政策過程分析に思想史的方法を導入するなど, 戦後政治学の方法を継承するものであった。