著者

太田 麻衣子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.2, pp.354-387, 2015-03

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江蘇省淮安市から出土した運河村墓は戦国中後期の境に造営された楚国の墓とされ、楚が前四世紀末には[カン]溝以東まで支配を拡大していた証左とされた。しかし本稿では同墓が土着の習俗を保持した楚墓とは異質な墓であることを指摘し、江東の情勢と比較することで、淮安に楚の実効支配が及んだのは戦国後期以降だったことを明示した。つまり戦国中期には楚が淮河・長江両下流域をも支配するようになっていたとする従来の認識は誤っており、春秋戦国に江漢地区で栄えた楚と秦末漢初に江淮地区で興った楚とを単純に同一視することはできないのである。秦末に楚の勢力として挙兵した人々のなかには戦国時代に楚の支配を短期間しか受けていない地域の人々も少なくなかったのであり、淮安出身の韓信もその一人だった。彼らが楚のもとに結集した一要因としては楚文化の共有が指摘でき、今後は漢帝国の成立に楚文化が果たした役割について考えていく必要がある。

著者

田中 淳子

出版者

学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.5, pp.1-33,794, 2001

著者

安永 知晃

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.779-805, 2015-11

著者

安永 知晃

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.779-805, 2015-11

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前漢代は最末期を除いて皇帝との実際の血縁・姻戚関係によって皇后・皇太后の尊卑秩序が構築されていた。文帝や昭帝が生母を皇太后に尊び、哀帝が実の祖母や生母を尊位に即けていたようにである。皇帝の妻・母である皇后・皇太后の地位自体も、皇帝に近いが故に諸侯王国の王后や王太后に比して格上げされ続けた。こうした秩序立ては前漢末には「漢家の制」と回顧され皇帝の至尊性を示すのに一定の効果があったが、皇帝ごとに秩序が構築されるため、非嫡子の皇帝が即位すると生母と先代皇后との尊卑が逆転し政治的対立を生むこともあった。しかし前漢末に皇后の地位が確立し皇太后となるための基本的地位となったことで、実際の血縁関係に左右されることのない、皇帝を中心とした礼制上の関係による秩序が構築されることになった。これにより、秩序の逆転や皇太后と皇帝生母の対立による政治的混乱は回避されるようになる。皇后位の確立は、実際の母子関係に左右されない安定的な皇帝支配体制をもたらしたのである。The Former Han period was that of the establishment of the broad framework of the imperial system, and a body of studies on the Former Han has been compiled, but the structure of the status order of the elite of the Han Empire has not been examined sufficiently. The status order of the elite was both a large-scale framework within the imperial system, but as it was also deeply related to concept of political rule during the period, elucidating it is a necessary step in clarifying the rule of the emperor during the Han period. In this article, I focus on the fact that the institution of the Hanjia (漢家之制: the ruling house of the Han), which entailed favoring the mother of the reigning emperor, is concentrated in historical sources from the last period of the Former Han and the early period of the Latter Han, and aim to elucidate the process of the establishment of imperial rule in the Han period by clarifying the changes in the status of the huanghou (皇后: empress) and huangtaihou (皇太后: empress dowager). In this article, I carefully re-examine the appellations huanghou and huangtaihou and those for the consorts of the emperors, and the fact that I compare the inner courts of the emperors with those of the Feudal Lords is a methodological characteristic of this study. Previous research has employed the actions of the huanghou and huangtaihou as the object of study, yet these were governed not only by these women's individual characters but also frequently limited by political circumstances and are thus not appropriate for an objective diachronic approach. From this point of view, taking the absolute change of appellations in the inner court, and making a comparison of the inner courts of the emperor and those of the Feudal Lords are convenient ways to grasp relative changes during the Han Empire, and effective in marking the changes in the position of the huanghou and huangtaihou. As a result of this consideration, it has become clear that the status of the huanghou and huangtaihou were intimately related to that of the emperor and an impetus for the growth of the system of imperial rule. In the Former Han monarchy the status of the huanghou and huangtaihou continued to be elevated, in contrast to that of wives and mothers of the Feudal Lords, in order to increase reverence for the emperor, and this was ultimately because they were wives or mothers of an emperor. Before the huangtaihou was appeared as appellation of mother of emperor in the historical material, Empress Lu (呂后), the wife of Emperor Gao Zu (高祖), was in particular called huangtaihou by her ministers as she ruled with the heir following her husband's death, and based of this, Emperor Wen Di (文帝), who had risen to the rank of emperor from that of Lord, honored his mother Consort Bo (薄氏) by calling her huangtaihou, which is a representative example of this trend. As Emperor Wen Di was no longer a Feudal Lord but an emperor his mother Consort Bo was not to be addressed as a mother of a Lord (王太后: wangtaihou) and must be called by the appellation fit for the mother of an emperor. Empress Lu and Consort Bo were related to Emperor Gao Zu as wife and concubine, but what was important was the sole fact that they were mothers of emperors. It was necessary to honor Consort Bo with the title huangtaihou as Empress Lu had been. In this manner, this way of ordering the world (called the Hanjia Institution at the close of the Former Han) used actual relationships to an emperor by blood or marriage as the criteria. On the one hand, the status of consorts of the emperor was elevated in relative terms, but the consorts of the Feudal Lords could not use high status appellations, and they received little financial support. In this ordering of the world, the tendency to favor the mother was visible prior to the Han, and it can be located as an undercurrent from the Qin of the Warring States Period. The Hanjia Institution can be understood as demonstrating ultimate reverence for the emperor on the one hand, but as each emperor constructed the order, the reversal of the status order could occur and become a cause of political confrontation. However, the status of the huanghou and huangtaihou was firmly established through the impetus of the strengthening of Wang Mang (王莽)' s power base at the end of the Former Han, and this also led to changes in criteria for ordering the world. While Wang Mang was the nephew of the taihuangtaihou (太皇太后: grand empress dowager), as he lost power in the period of Emperor Ai Di (哀帝) and suffered bitter setbacks, he aimed to enhance the status of the huanghou, which was the fundamental position of the taihuangtaihou, in order to harden his political base. As a result, the status of the huanghou became recognized as the fundamental position for becoming huangtaihou, and a consort would never again become huangtaihou in place of the huanghou. This was a shift from ordering the world based on actual blood relationships to the emperor to one of ordering the world based on relations in a ritual system based on the medium of parent-child relations of a ritual system born out of the imperial succession. Thus, there would be no reversal in the status order, and political turmoil caused by confrontation between the huangtaihou and the mother of the emperor was avoided. The establishment of the status of the huanghou brought about a stable system of imperial rule that was not swayed by actual blood relations.

著者

井上 文則

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.87, no.4, pp.518-543, 2004-07

著者

山岸 常人

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.5, pp.675-707, 2015-09

著者

鈴木 栄樹

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.73, no.4, pp.p591-611, 1990-07

著者

守川 知子

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.1, pp.62-91, 2007-01-01

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.588-619, 2015-07

著者

佐野 静代

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.588-619, 2015-07

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本稿では漁業史からの環境史研究へのアプローチを試み、近世琵琶湖における蜆漁と採藻業という二つの漁業史料の新たな読み解きによって、山地までを含む琵琶湖南部の集水域における近世の人間活動と生態系の変化を解明した。田上山地の荒廃とそれに対する土砂留政策が、一八世紀半ばに草肥に代わるものとして湖産の貝灰肥料の導入を促し、それまで里山に頼っていた村々を「里湖」の循環的システム内へ編入させる契機となった。また一九世紀には菜種の栽培技術の革新が湖岸の半湿田での裏作を可能にし、さらに京での菜種油の価格上昇がその栽培肥料としての藻取りを加速させたことが明らかとなった。水草肥料を自給できた当地は金肥高騰に悩む他産地を抑え、全国有数の菜種産地に成長しえたのである。藻取りは水域からの栄養塩の除去にもつながっており、このような「二次的自然」としての「里湖」の生態系には、近世後期に確立の画期があることがわかった。

著者

成田 千尋

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.3, pp.446-486, 2014-05

著者

坂口 満宏

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.1, pp.133-170, 2014-01

著者

坂口 満宏

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.1, pp.133-170, 2014-01

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ここにいう国策移民事業とは、一九二〇年代から四〇年にかけて日本政府がブラジルへの移植民を奨励するため進めた、渡航費補助や支度金支給などの一連の施策のことである。一九二八年から一九三四年までの七年間はブラジル移民の最盛期で、この間に九万人余りの日本人がブラジルへ渡ったといわれている。では、いつ・どこから・何人の人びとが日本からブラジルに渡っていったのか。本稿の課題はこうした移民の「源流」を特定することである。まずは『伯刺西爾行移民名簿』の悉皆調査によって得られたデータをもとに、政府からの渡航費補助を受けた家族移民の輩出地を解析し、その全国的な分布を図解する。ついで移民卓越地域の事例として能本県と北海道をとりあげ、熊本県では高い小作料に苦しんだ八代郡の干拓地帯から、北海道では冷害による凶作被害をうけた道東や道中の町村から多くのブラジル移民が出たことを明らかにする。The national policy to promote the emigration enterprises described herein was composed of a series of measures advanced by the Japanese government to encourage migration and colonization in Brazil during the period from 1920s to 1940s. Those measures were programs such as assistance to defray the expenses of the voyage and an allowance for outfitting and provisions. The seven years from 1928 to 1934 were the golden age of Brazil-bound migration, and the number of emigrants from Japan reached more than 90, 000 in total during the period. Focusing on the points of origin for those moving from Japan to Brazil, this paper will discuss two major subjects. First, using the data obtained from the boarding lists of Brazil-bound migrants 伯刺西爾行移民名簿, this paper analyzes the predominant areas from which the emigrant families that received voyage subsidies from the government came and illustrates the distribution of emigrants with maps. Since the Home Ministry increased the total amount of the subsidy for voyage expenses in April 1928, most emigrants were able to receive voyage-expense assistance, which was 200 yen. This was the beginning of the Home Ministry's subsidy for family emigration. The number of emigrants, however, was also influenced by economic ups and downs, and it did not increase in a steady fashion. The travel-preparation subsidy, which was started in August 1932, drastically altered the situation. The program provided 50 yen for travel-preparation expenses for each applicant to the program. This subsidy served as pump priming, encouraging exhausted, poor peasants to decide to go to Brazil. After the start of the allowance for outfitting and provisions, prefectures such as Akita and Yamagata in the northeast and Saitama and Kanagawa in the Kanto region, which had previously produced few emigrant families, began to provide emigrants. Taking advantage of the provision-outfit allowance, emigration enterprises permeated society and developed nationally. Kumamoto was one of the "migration prefectures, " and the peak of the number of emigrants from that prefecture to Brazil came in 1929-30. The leading areas for emigrants were concentrated in the reclaimed land belt of the Yatsushiro district. Tenant farmers in the reclaimed land belt of Yatsushiro paid higher rents compared with tenants in other jurisdictions within the prefecture and, moreover, farming there required the use of a large amount of manure. The rate of leaving villages was higher than in other districts and the number of many big tenancies had also arisen. Against this historical and environmental background, Kumamoto became one of the chief "migration prefectures, " a major source of permanent emigrants to Brazil. On the other hand, in Hokkaido, the number of emigrants for Brazil increased rapidly from 1932 to 1935. One direct factor in the rapid growth of migrants was the poor harvest in 1931, as a result of which people who suffered serious damage were expected to move from Hokkaido to Brazil. Tokoro and Abashiri in eastern Hokkaido and Kamikawa in northern Hokkaido were the leading sources of families who received assistance due to the poor harvest. A considerable number of the emigrants came from families that not only received assistance for the poor harvest but also from the regular subsidy program. The flow of Brazil-bound migrants from Hokkaido continued till 1937.

著者

松島 隆真

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.273-307, 2014-03

著者

松島 隆真

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.273-307, 2014-03

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秦始皇帝の統一支配を終了させたのは陳渉の蜂起に始まる争乱だが、この秦末より項羽と劉邦の対決として知られる楚漢戦争までの時期は、戦国後期の状勢への回帰と看做されるのが通常である。しかし、かかる戦国後期という枠組みへの回帰をもたらしたメカニズムについては、これまで充分に考察されることがなかった。本稿はこの観点から陳渉挙兵後の状勢を国際関係として把握し、個々の事件の展開から、一定の傾向とルールを有した当時の国際秩序の具体相を明らかにした。ついで、本稿で復元された叛乱当初の国際秩序から見て特異に映る項羽の十八王分封体制も、分封以前の国際秩序に制約された結果がもたらしたものであること、また楚漢戦争の意義は、戦国中期以前の状況を指向した項羽の体制より、分封以前の戦国後期的な国際状勢へのゆりもどしとして考えることができよう。The collapse of the Qin Empire was precipitated by the uprising of Chen She (Chen Sheng), and the subsequent period of upheaval continued for eight years until the victory of Liu Bang in the struggle with Xiang Yu. In regard to the situation during this period, many scholars regard it as a throwback to the situation that prevailed during the latter part of the Warring States period, and in recent years some have also addressed Xiang Yu's feudal system of eighteen kings considering it the origin of the Western Han commandery and principality system. However, sufficient research has not been conducted into the mechanism of this recurrence of the framework of the latter Warring States period. From this standpoint, the author attempts to grasp the state of the circumstances of sudden rise of various kingdoms after Chen She's uprising in terms of the relationships among multiple states. As an initial step, I first examine the revival of the Six Kingdoms that had been destroyed by Shihuang-di after the start of the revolt and the course of the establishment of the kings. This period is generally regarded as one in which it was even possible for a person whose roots were not in royalty or the nobility prior to the Warring States period to call himself a king, and that the principle that made their behavior possible has thought to have been derived from their own achievements and character. However, as a result of the considerations made in this paper, it is clear that the principle that made it possible to become a king cannot be confirmed in internal domestic matters. I made clear that the framework of the multiple coexisting states led by the kings could be seen as the fundamental element and that the character of the legitimacy of the kings' position was established solely confirmed by receiving the recognition of kings of other states in the same system The multi-state system that appeared after the uprising of Chen She was defined and formed by the late Warring States period framework in which the Qin and Six Kingdoms coexisted, but at the core of this system was the existent of one king who could be called the first among equals. And this first among equals-traditionally the King of Zhou, the Son of Heaven-was precisely the one person who could ultimately confirm the legitimacy of kings of other states, and under the multi-state system of the latter part of the Warring States period, he held not only the authority to recognize legitimacy but was also a leader (従長) who could initiate military action leading multiple states. Conversely, examining the Xiang Yu's feudalism of the eighteen kings from the above angle, his system, son of heaven, hegemon, feudal lords, i.e., the Spring-and-Autumn-period, tri-level structure that existed until the middle of the Warring States period, was greatly different from the bi-level system of the latter part of the Warring States period. However, on the other hand, the new system of Xiang Yu that at first glance seems extreme was also constrained by the multi-state system that followed the uprising of Chen She. In addition, the primary cause of the devastating collapse of Xiang Yu's new system was that it was established on measures such as the divisions into various states and the movement of Wei that were politically ill-considered, but in contrast behind the appearance of such a system was the struggle between Xiang Yu's policy and the multi-state system that appeared in the latter half of the Warring States period after Chen She. In this way, the system of Xiang Yu led to a return to the situation of the latter part of the Warring States period shortly after it was initiated, and eventually the death of Xiang Yu in battle and the accession of Liu Bang to emperor.

著者

立川 ジェームズ

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.308-340, 2014-03

著者

立川 ジェームズ

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.2, pp.308-340, 2014-03

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近年、中世初期の集会を聖俗の制度に区別し、制定された法規の分析を重視する伝統的な研究手法が問題法されている。こうした研究動向をふまえ、本稿ではメロヴィング朝の前半期を対象として、これまで「教会会議」として一様に理解されてきた synodus の史料におけるイメージの分析を試みた。決議史料においては聖職者のみの宗教的な集会のイメージが顕著なのに対し、トゥール司教グレゴリウスの記述や勅令においては、王権に直結した、聖俗にとらわれない役割を持ったイメージが描かれた。これは従来の「教会会議」という集会概念により捉えきれない柔軟な synodus の実態を示す。同時に、史料における synodus の取り上げ方の相違が、聖・俗や王権・教会の関係をめぐる同時代人の意識と密接に関わることを指摘した。これは七世紀以降に一層進展するといわれる王権のキリスト教化、さらにはカロリング朝との関係を考える上でも承平的である。

著者

田端 泰子

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.5, pp.1-29, 1966-09

著者

今岡 典和

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学文学部内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.p455-481, 1983-07

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個人情報保護のため削除部分あり出雲尼子氏の戦国大名としての権力の形成については、従来幕府―守護体制に対する反逆的性格が強調される事が多かったが、室町期の出雲守護京極氏との関係に注目すれば、京極氏との連続面が目立ち、尼子氏の守護としての性格が明らかとなる。京極氏の出雲領国支配は、自立性の強い国人・寺社等の伝統的在地勢力によって大きな制約をうけていた。これに対して尼子氏は、京極氏一族の守護権限代行者として近江から出雲に入り、経久の代に京極氏の家督と守護権を継承し、更にそれを幕府によって認定されている。尼子氏は戦国期における幕府―守護体制の一環に加わる事により、早期に一国支配を実現し得たのである。その事は、家臣団の構造においても伝統的国人層を中心とする出雲州衆と尼子氏の権力機構を構成する富田衆の二重構造として表われており、それは同時に尼子氏権力の本質な問題点ともなっていたのである。It has been emphasized that, as to the power of the Amagos, Sengokudaimyo 戦国大名 in Izumo, it was established against the bakuhu-幕府-shugo 守護 system. But when we pay more attention to the Amagos' relationship to the Kyogokus 京極氏, shugo in Izumo-no-kuni 出雲国 in the Muromachi 室町 period, we can find that there is a considerable continuance between the two. Therefore we may regard the Amagos as shugo. Concerning to the rule by the Kyogokus over Izumo-no-kuni, it was restricted by highly independent, traditional local powers, such as kokujins 国人, temples, shrines and so on. Against these powers, the Amagos came to Izumo from Ohmi 近江 for the purpose of acting for the Kyogokus. In the days of Tsunehisa 経久, the Amagos inherited the estates and the rights of shugo, and then was authorized by the bakuhu. Thus the Amagos was able to rule out Izumo-no-kuni as a whole by taking part in the bakuhu-shugo system earlier than the other Sengoku-daimyos. But the Amagos' power was established after such process that it was sustained by a vassal of duality, consisting of two groups : one, Izumoshu-shus 出雲州衆 who largely came from traditional kokujin class, and the other Toda-shus 富田衆 who administered political affairs. This duality remained a great problem for the Amagos.

著者

今岡 典和

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.p455-481, 1983-07