著者

萩原 大輔

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.6, pp.814-836, 2010-11

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Although religious violence was a characteristic of medieval Buddhism, the amount of research devoted to the topic has been rather sparse despite recognition of its importance. This study attempts to clarify the special character of religious violence in the temples of medieval Yamato by preparing a printed text of a portion of a group of extant documents o Hoshu-in 宝珠院 (Items 27-46 bundled together in Box 7). The nineteen items on 22 sheets of paper are a group of paper slips that were produced to appeal to Shukngoshin (Sk. Vajrapani) of Hokkedo at Todaiji for religious sanctions against those who had committed some sort of transgression. The sheets can be divided into three types: type A that have no indication of either the date or issuer; type B that are dated but the issuer is not recorded; and type C that have both the date and issuer recorded. In temple society of medieval of Yamato, "confining a name" (romyo 籠名) and cursing (juso 呪咀 or chobuku 調伏) were thought to have been completely different types of religious sanctions, but in each type of sanction was accompanied by the act of "confining a name". Types A and B can be described as a "name-confinement slip" 籠名札 and type C as a "curse slip" 調伏札. The monks of the Hokkedo at Todaiji would write the name of the object of the sanctions (creating s name-confinement slip) on a rectangular slip of paper 10 centimeters square, place it "in confinement" before Shukongoshin, and then receive the determination that the named parties were enemies of the temple (implementing the name confinement). If the required actions were not carried out within the fixed period of "name confinement", a new curse slip would be created and it would be "confined" before the deity and the more severe sanction of a curse would be applied. Cursing of a name was a common practice in medieval Buddhism, but the special characteristic of medieval Yamato temples was the existence of the sanction of "confining a name" that guaranteed the lifting of the determination of one being an enemy of the temple by removing the name, as the first stage of religious violence, and furthermore this sanction can be clearly located Within the reform of the system of "temple law".

著者

石川 禎浩

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.1, pp.152-187, 2019-01

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近代西洋由来の文明史観は、東アジアの「歴史学」の形成に大きな影響を与えた。文明史観(東西文明論)をその価値観とともに中国に紹介し、根付かせたのは、戊戌政変によって日本に亡命した梁啓超、あるいは中国共産党の創設者の一人となる李大釗らであり、それを可能にしたのは、梁にあっては福沢諭吉や浮田和民の著作、李にあっては茅原華山の著作という日本語の出版物を参照できたことだった。「四大文明」という呼称も、二〇世紀初頭には日本、中国ですでに登場していたものであって、一部の歴史家がいうような戦後の発明品ではない。その後、中国でいわゆる「東西文明論争」が一九一〇年代半ば以降に華々しく行われると、文明史観から派生した地理環境決定論が東西文明の違いを説明するものとして、いったんは主流の言説となった。ただし、歴史の発展を単線的、一元的なものとみなす唯物史観が中国左翼論壇を席巻していくと、文明史観、特に地理環境決定論に依拠する歴史解釈は、次第にその影響力を失ってしまうことになる。The concept of civilization derived from the West exerted tremendous influence upon the formation and development of the modern historiography in East Asia, and caused the boom of the "historical perspective on civilization" 文明史観 at the end of 19th century and early in the 20th century. In China, Liang Qichao 梁啓超 who was a famous journalist and activist in the era of the Hundred Days' Reform, pioneered the early introduction of the "historical perspective on civilization, " and was followed by Li Dazhao 李大釗, one of the founding members of the Chinese Communist Party, who had once applied the perspective to his unique understanding of the significance of the Russian October Revolution. In fact, in understanding the "historical perspective on civilization, " Liang and Li were deeply influenced by the publications by Japanese journalists, such as An Outline of a Theory of Civilization (Bunmei ron no gairyaku), General Introduction to the History (Shigaku Genron), and A History of Human Life (Ningen Seikatsu shi), written respectively by Fukuzawa Yukichi 福沢諭吉, Ukita Kazutami 浮田和民 and Kayahara Kazan 茅原華山. Thus, we see that the "historical perspective on civilization, " according to those Japanese intellectuals, was commonly accepted as new knowledge by Chinese intellectuals regardless of their political positions, be they reformist or revolutionary. It is noteworthy that Liang and Li accepted the so-called "geographical determinism" with the historical perspective on civilization. They argued that the rise and fall of peoples, the flourishing and demise of civilizations throughout history had been determined by geographical factors such as topography and climate. Their understanding of the relationship between geography and civilization can also be explained by the influence from the above-mentioned Japanese intellectuals. Today, historical research that is based on the "theory of geographical determinism" is rejected by both geographers and historians because the theory is seen as superficial. However, it was recognized as an important and core element of the historical perspective on civilization at that time. Furthermore, it was also the important theoretical foundation that supplied the backing for the early field of human geography as a science in the West. In the prolonged debate on the East-West notions of civilization during the May Fourth period China (from second half of 1910s to the first half of 1920s), the theory of geographical determinism was frequently used as convincing evidence to explain the differences among civilizations of the world. Some intellectuals went as far as to recognize the historical materialism as a theory analogous to that of geographical determinism. Li Dazhao was none other than one of those who came to espouse historical materialism via geographical determinism. However, as official dogmatic historical materialism prevailed among the left-wing intellectual community in China after the 1930s, geographical determinism along with the historical perspective on civilization was not only criticized as a 'wrong' interpretation of social and economic phenomena, but also at times considered anti-Marxist. Thus, geographical determinism, the most popular ideas of one era, gradually lost its influence thereafter, and was completely rejected in the early decades of the People's Republic of China. This essay also critically examines a recent argument by some Japanese historians that the origin of the well-known term "the four major ancient civilizations" was created only after the World War II (in 1952) and has currency only in Japan. The argument is unsound, because the term appeared as early as at the end of the 19th century in both Japan and China.

著者

青谷 秀紀

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.1, pp.69-102, 2015-01

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中世後期のキリスト教世界では、信徒たちが、煉獄での滞在期間を可能な限り短くするため、様々な方法で贖宥を獲得しようとした。個人が限定された空間で想像のうちに聖地へと旅立つ仮想巡礼や、都市空間にエルサレムやローマの表象を重ね合わせることで都市を聖地化するプロセッションなどの集団的儀礼はその有力な手段であった。本稿では、内省的な宗教運動が広まりを見せると同時に、高度な都市化を経験した中世後期のネーデルラントを対象に、一見対照的とも思われる双方の実践が、ともに聖地の表象を喚起することで聖なる時間と空間を追体験し、救霊のための祈りを試みるという同質性を有していたことを明らかにしたい。そこからは、中世後期のキリスト教世界に特有な集団と個、公と私の関係性が浮かび上がってくるだろう。

著者

井上 勝生

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.2, pp.432-439, 2008-03

著者

上野 大輔

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.3, pp.390-417, 2010-05

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本稿の課題は、幕末期長州藩における民衆動員と真宗との関係について究明することである。まず、欧米勢力の来航に対する海防に当たり、人々を国家に服従させ、進んで死に赴かせることを重視した村田清風は、そのために真宗を利用することも試みた。一方、月性『仏法護国論』は、蓮如教学の有効性を重視しつつ、国家への服従としての海防に向け門徒を扇動した。文久年間以降、藩内では諸隊の編制が進展し、僧侶を中心とする隊も結成されたが、中でも真宗僧侶の活動は顕著であり、月性門下の僧侶も主導的な役割を果たした。ここでは、来世での極楽往生と共に、現世での「皇国」への患誠を積極的に志向するという、蓮如教学的構造をとった思想が、活動の一基盤をなした。また、欧米勢力や幕府との戦争を通じて民衆動員が進行する中、真宗僧侶による支配安定化・軍事動員のための活動も展開し、かくして真宗は、藩による民衆動員を促進する役割を果たしたのである。

著者

勝山 清次

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.6, pp.813-848, 2014-11

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一一世紀前半以降、神社による怪異の訴えと朝廷でのト占(軒廊御卜) の実施が急増する。本稿はその要因と歴史的な意義を究明したものである。軒廊御トが増えはじめる一一世紀前半、貴族の間でその時代を乱れた末世とみる末代観が深まるにつれ、彼らは将来の災厄をもたらす神の崇りの予兆である神社の怪異に敏感に反応するようになり、神社側が自己主張を強化したことと相挨って、卜占の盛行をもたらすにいたった。卜占が盛んに行われるようになると、貴族たちは崇りをもたらす神事の違犯に鋭敏になり、穢れを避けようとして忌避を強化する。それは日常的に神事に関わっていた天皇周辺から始まり、次第に範囲を広げていった。一一世紀後半以降、天皇の名で行われる恩赦において、しばしば神社の訴えに触れるものを対象から除外する措置がとられるが、これも神慮に背く行為を慎み、神事不信による神の崇りを避けようとする点で、穢れ忌避の強化と同根である。神社における怪異はまた、神の崇りが現れる前に、それを人間に知らせ手立てをこうじさせる予兆の意味をもっていた。神はあらかじめ予兆することによって、崇りを避けるための対応を求め、そうした人間の行為に応えようとしているのであり、ここに中世的な「応える神」が明確な形をとって現れているとみることができる。一一世紀前半から中葉にかけては、こうした神が性格変化をとげる画期でもあったのである。

著者

金 玄耿

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.4, pp.465-490, 2017-07

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貴種は日本中世権門の上流階層の身分を表す概念であるが、その語は古代の史料からも見られる。古代史では貴種を天皇の血統と関連付けて、中世の貴種との関係は言及されなかった。本稿は、史料上の「貴種」の用例を検討し、その成立と転換の考察を通して、古代から中世への転換期における社会の変容の様相を捉える。まず、九世紀の文人貴族による文書から「貴種」が三位以上ないし公卿の子孫、ひいては王臣家の子弟を指すことを明らかにした。歴史学ではあまり使われなかった詩序を史料として活用し、貴族日記の記事を分析することで、持続的な公卿地位の継承なしに「貴種」と称される家柄の存在を一一世紀後半から確認した。同じ先祖を持つ門流から「貴種」の家とそうでない家が分岐する現象を通して、一一世紀中葉には貴族社会の変動に伴って「貴種」の家が成立し、家格の性格を帯びるようになった「貴種」が中世権門の身分へとつながった点を指摘した。Kishu 貴種 (noble birth) is used as a term while discussing the class structure of Medieval Japan. This term is related to the theory of kenmon taisei (the system of governance by several powerful families) proposed by Toshio Kuroda. It is said that kishu is the primary social class for a group of leaders from powerful aristocratic families, and prescribed by the standard of an official rank. However, although Kuroda brought the word kishu from historical records in the medieval period, it is also found from 9th century documents. In the aspect of ancient Japanese history, kishu is considered as the word concerning the lineage of the Emperor. The relationship between ancient and medieval concepts of kishu has not been argued at all. Establishing a consistent understanding of kishu is important for a discussion of the turning point in Japanese history, a serious change from the ancient society to the medieval one. In this article, I clarify the meaning and the indicated target of kishu using examples of historical records during the Heian period, especially shijo(preface of poems) which was rarely used in historical researches, so that new findings on families and the family status in Japan's medieval age can be provided. The first appearance of kishu in historical documents is in the early 9th century. It is used by a scholar-nobleman who used to be a monjōshō (student of literary studies in the Imperial University), as a meaning of 'offsprings of 3rd court rank officers or higher.' It is determined that the word kishu came from literature and history books of ancient China, which were textbooks for monjōshōs. According to those examples, it is found that kishu was relevant to the blood of noblemen who had high court rank. It does not apply to the Imperial family. However, Sugawara no Michizane, a scholar-nobleman with a monjōshō career, was using the word kishu in a different way in the late 9th century document. He called a daughter of the Emperor as kishu, so that a member of the Imperial family was treated like offsprings of high rank noblemen. Each of 3rd court rank officers or higher was given his own domestic governing institution, and it was same for sons and daughters of the Emperor. Those families were called Ōshinkes, which were so powerful that they began to have influence over the appointment of monjōshōs in the early 9th century, when the word kishu first appeared. Therefore, considering the actual situation at that time, kishu indicated descendants of Ōshinkes as powerful families. After that, the word kishu did not appear until the middle of 11th century. It is remarkable that kishu is not shown during the Sekkan period. In the late 11th century, the first example of kishu was found froma diary of a nobleman, used with the word kaimon (family of the minister). Compared to the 9th century, kishu was focused on a certain family, not the personal court rank. Many examples of kishu in shijos of the 11th-12th centuries are found with words like families of ministers or court nobles. In other words, descendants from families of ministers or court nobles were called kishu. A family of ministers or court nobles is a group of people who have their ancestors of ministers or court nobles. If a member of that family is not in a position of court noble, he could still be called kishu. On the contrary, even though a person who does not belong to the family of kishu became a court noble of high rank, his family could not get the name of kishu. Unfortunately, it is difficult to find out when the family of kishu was established, because we lack historical records in the Sekkan period. However, if we search the last generation of court nobles in a family of kishu and the first person who could not reach the position of court nobles as an ancestor of a non-kishu family, they were people in the middle of 11th century. At that time, the meaning of the word kishu as a family status became clarified. It was because Fujiwara Sekkan family declined and found it hard to produce many court nobles. In contrast, members of other families obtained promotion to become court nobles. Therefore, the word kishu became limited to families around the Sekkan family. And there is some possibility that the concept of kishu as a family status was started to be made from 10th century, when offsprings of Fujiwara no Morosuke prospered. It is said that family status in the medieval Japan existed, such as kindachi (able to be court nobles) and shotaifu (under court nobles). Kishu was a different status from kindachi, and it became the name of the social class for powerful families of the Heian aristocracy.

著者

小林 功

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.1, pp.40-74, 2019-01

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六三〇年代以降、アラブがビザンツ帝国の領域への侵攻を開始し、シリア・パレスティナ地域やエジプトなどが短期間にビザンツ帝国の手から奪われた。当初ビザンツ帝国の人びとは、アラビア半島からの侵攻者がどのような人びとであるのか、十分に理解できていなかった。だがアラブ国家が安定し、彼らとのさまざまな形の交渉が進むにつれて、アラブがどのような人びとであるのか、ビザンツ帝国の人びとも徐々に理解していく。そしてアラブとの対峙が続く中で、自らを「神の加護を得ている皇帝が支配するキリスト教徒の共同体・地域=ローマ帝国」とみなすアイデンティティも再確認されていった。一方アラブもビザンツ帝国を滅ぼすことができなかったため、「ローマ帝国の後継者」となることができなかった。そのためビザンツ帝国との併存が確定的となった七世紀末以降、独自のイスラーム文明を形成していく道を選ぶことになる。

著者

黒河 星子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.92, no.3, pp.525-564, 2009-05

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一九五九年二月一二日、岸信介内閣によって決定された在日朝鮮人の北朝鮮帰還事業の背景には、五年以上の検討期間があった。その間の日本赤十字社と日本政府の役割をめぐっては、研究者の間で意見の相違がある。本稿では、この課題を再検討することを目的として、在日朝鮮人の帰国運動の変遷とそれに伴う帰還計画の変更を論じる。五二年の主権回復後、日本政府の方針と在日朝鮮人運動との対立は激しく、在日朝鮮人政策は限界点に達しつつあった。そのなかで、五三年の朝鮮戦争休戦協定後に浮上した北朝鮮帰還問題は、この状況にひとつの打開策を提示する。一方、在日朝鮮人の帰国運動は、運動団体の再編等を経てその目的や規模を転換してゆく。その過程で生じた帰国運動側の要求との対立は、韓国との外交問題とともに、日本政府が帰還事業を実施する上で大きな障害となった。本稿では、これらの矛盾を乗り越えて岸内閣が閣議了解に至る過程を考察する。

著者

法貴 遊

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.41-71, 2020-01

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アラビア医学史研究において医療実践は、史料上の制約もあり、主な研究対象とはならなかった。この状況で、十一世紀から十三世紀半ばにかけて書かれたカイロ・ゲニザの医学関連文書が、医療実践を記録している史料として注目されている。本稿では、カイロ・ゲニザの二通の書簡における実践の記され方について考察する。一般的なアラビア語医学文献は普遍的な知識を記述対象とするため、個々の実践は記述されない。中世アラビア医学では、個体は普遍的な枠組みを通して認識されるため、言論では分析できない事柄を医療の現場で非言語的に把握することが求められた。カイロ・ゲニザ文書に記された実践例を読み解くことで、当時の医者が言論では把握できない事柄(患者の自然本性の動きや四性質の微妙なバランス)に注視し、これとの関係で治療方針を定めていたことが推測できる。The practical dimensions ofmedieval Arabic medicine have not been sufficiently studied due to the dearth of historical documents. Concrete cases were excluded from most medieval Arabic medical writings because subjects ofmedical books were limited to universal scientific knowledge ('ilm). In this situation, the Cairo Genizah fragments, which were written during the 11th‒13th centuries, are drawing attention because they record unique information about practical aspects of medicine. This article takes up epistemological problems concerning medical practice, and inquires which aspects ofmedical practice were, and which were not, put into words by examining medieval Arabic medical books and two letters ofthe Cairo Genizah (T-S 10J16. 16 and T-S NS 327. 93). Both letters concern ophthalmology, and describe the whole process from diagnosis to treatment. These documents reveal that some elements ofpractice were not caught in the net ofscientif ic language; nevertheless, ophthalmologists conducted treatment by observing these nonverbal elements. The first section encapsulates medieval physicians' arguments concerning the epistemological status ofmedical practice. al-Majūsī (d. 990) divided medicine into theory ('ilm) and practice ('amal), and defined practice as putting ideas into execution. However, the practical sections in his book do not contain concrete information on actual practice, but knowledge about medicinal substances and treatment plans for specific diseases. Ibn Sīnā (d. 1037) found al-Majūsī's inconsistency between the definition and real content a flaw. He accordingly defined theory as theoretical knowledge and practice as practical knowledge. Hence, Ibn Sīnā entitled both theory and practice to scientific knowledge, whereas information on actual practice ('amal bi-l-f'il) was not regarded as scientific knowledge and thus excluded from medical books. Medieval physicians acknowledged that some elements of actual practice passed through the mesh oflanguage. Ibn Rushd (d. 1198) argued that objects defined by language are limited to things related to forms (s. ūra), whereas things related to matter (hayūlā) are only roughly described because the latter is infinitely changeable in various relationships with other matter. However, medieval ophthalmologists, who appeared in the genizah letters, conducted consistent treatments based on the observation ofthese non-verbalized things related to matter. The second section discusses diagnoses and treatments written in the two letters. We firstly focus on the diagnoses. In T-S 10J16.16, an ophthalmologist called Abū Zikrī identifies a patient's eye diseases as conjunctivitis, an eruption ofthe eyelid, and a corneal ulcer, and describes their characteristics in detail. Meanwhile, the writer ofT-S NS 327. 93 enumerates several symptoms: excavation, severe pain, floaters, leucoma. Considering their depictions, their diagnoses are found to have properly reflected medieval Arabic diagnostics. These two examples indicate that the diagnostic theory written in medical books was perfectly implemented. Next, the treatments are examined. The condition ofthe eye described in T-S 10J16.16 was regarded as a composite ofthe three ailments. Abū 'Alī, Abū Zikrī's correspondent, instructed him on several treatments, each of which is effective against a specific disease and does not aggravate the others. Medieval ophthalmologists recognized a need for treatments suitable for complicated cases; however, ophthalmology books did not always present concrete instructions. The treatments should have been adjusted to the subtle balance ofthe temperament ofa complicated condition; nevertheless, ophthalmologists did not have technical language to estimate the ratio ofthe temperament. This letter suggests that the actual treatment was affected by the observation ofthe nonverbalized elements. Meanwhile, the writer of T-S NS 327.93 mentions four different treatments that were done at some intervals oftime . Medieval ophthalmologists supposed that every disease progresses along four stages: incipient (ibtidāʾ), increasing (tazayyud), terminating (intihāʾ), and convalescent (inh. it.āt.). Therefore, the four treatments written in the letter are presumed to have been allotted to the four stages. A characteristic of this letter is that the writer mentioned the number ofdays each stage lasted. However, the span oftime is not mentioned in ordinary medical books. It is because the actual treatment process was affected by the relationship between patient's nature (t. abī'a) and medical intervention. According to Maimonides (d. 1204), nature is an independent efficient cause external to the medical system, and not totally defined by scientific language. This letter indicates that ophthalmologists had to determine treatment plans by reconciling nonverbal elements with the medical system. These two examples ofmedical practice basically follow medieval Arabic medical theory. However, the theory is a large-meshed net. It is comprehensive; nevertheless, on the practical level, many elements (subtle nuances ofthe temperament and patient's nature) spilled out ofthis net. By comparison ofthe Cairo Genizah letters with Arabic medical books, we can infer that ophthalmologists grasped these elements and decided treatment plans.

著者

鈴木 蒼

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.457-492, 2020-07

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平安時代においては、京内の学習施設「大学」で学識を身につけ、官人として朝廷に仕えた人々が多数存在していた。通説的には、彼らは人材主義的・反貴族的な存在とされ、世襲的な貴族層との対立や自身の質的変容により、九世紀中には姿を消していったと考えられている。しかし、そうした所説には疑うべき点が少なくない。本稿では、彼らを「文人官僚」として定義し、官歴・政治的行動の面から網羅的に検討することで、九・十世紀の官人社会における基礎的な性質を確認し、併せて従来の理解について再検討を行った。その結果、九・十世紀において文人官僚に顕著な没落や変質の形跡は見出せず、彼らが反貴族的な行動を取った形跡も何ら見出せないことが判明した。文人官僚は、その学識による能力と、学問を通じて権力者との人格的関係を構築しやすい点にその特徴を求められるのであり、むしろ親貴族的な存在として理解すべきなのである。During the Heian period many who served the court as bureaucrats had received an education at the Daigaku, the official academy in the capital. The prevailing scholarly consensus has explained that these officials were men of talent produced by the bureaucracy to serve the system, that they opposed the hereditary nobility, and that due to decline in their quality, they disappeared in the 9th century. However, as this interpretation places too much emphasis on the opposition of those who studied at the Daigaku to the nobility and positions them on a predetermined course in opposition to the nobility, there are several points in this interpretation that must be reconsidered. Furthermore, because this view has been short-term and the results of studies of the Daigaku system have not been fully incorporated within it, various issues remain to be addressed. In this article I thus make an exhaustive examination of those whom I define as bunjin kanryō, which includes the relatively large number of bureaucrats who had studied at the Daigaku and rose to high-ranking positions who were students of the Kidendō (the curriculum devoted to history and letters) and those who attended the Daigaku but did not follow a fixed course of study, by focusing on their bureaucratic careers and political activities. Based on the results of this examination, I ascertained the fundamental character of the bunjin kanryō within the bureaucracy of the 9th and 10th century and then reexamined the scholarly consensus in light of these findings. As a result I was first able to confirm that in fact the number of bunjin kanryō increased from the middle of the 9th century and accompanying this shift was the establishment of a special route for advancement of the bunjin kanryō within the bureaucracy. The bunjin kanryō had established by that time a certain fixed presence within the bureaucracy. I also determined that from that point onward until the end of the 10th century conspicuous signs of the decline of bunjin kanryō were not apparent. Furthermore, examining the actions they took in political disputes, I was unable to find any sign of opposition to the nobility and instead recognized that these officials behaved extremely submissively toward those in power with whom they maintained a subservient relationship. Judging from these findings, I concluded that special characteristics of the bunjin kanryō were to be found in their capabilities based on their scholarship and the ease in which they could build personal relationships with those in power through their learning, and they should be understood as allies rather than opponents of the nobility. From the 11th century onward when the bureaucracy experienced a great upheaval, these special characteristics of the bunjin kanryō were to face new changes.

著者

大塚 修

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.4, pp.658-665, 2019-07

著者

平松 明日香

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.3, pp.510-528, 2019-05

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The Latter Han was an age of rule by the dowager empress and the affines, or marital relations, of the emperor. In this article, I examine whether the regimes of these affines introduced their own factions as official personnel in the Imperial Secretariat (Shangshutai 尚書台). In the Latter Han one often sees records that mention the Lu Shangshushi (録尚書事), a post that has been translated as the Overseer of the Imperial Secretariat, but opinion is divided over its actual role. In the first section, I examine the question of whether the Lu Shangshushi did in fact oversee the Shangshutai. Then, after concluding that the Lu Shangshushi did not oversee the Imperial Secretariat, I made clear that the Lu Shangshushi should not be considered an object of this study. Then in the second section I consider the regime of the Dou clan 竇氏 from the second year of the Zhanghe era (88) to the fourth year of the Yongyuan 4 (92). All previous scholarship has indicated that the regime of the Dou clan controlled the Shangshutai. However, Han Leng 韓棱, who was extremely critical of the Dou clan during the period of their ascendance, occupied the post of Shanshuling 尚書令. In addition, other people who were critical of the Dou clan were selected as bureaucrats of Shangshu. While on the one hand the regime of the Dou clan did emphasize personnel placement in the imperial household, palace guards and military officials, but it can be said that they placed no special significance on placing their own faction in in the Shangshutai. In the third section, I considered the regime of the Deng clan from the first year of the Yuanxing era (105) to the first year of the Jianguang (121). Although there were some officials in the Shangshutai who were critical of the Deng clan during their regime, it was composed in general of personnel who cooperated with the Deng clan. In the fourth section, I consider the regime of the Liang clan 梁氏 from the first year of the Jiankang era (144) to the second year of the Yanxi era (159). During this period, there were many officials critical to the Liang clan among Shangshu officials including the Shangshuling. The Liang clan, like the Dou clan, did not place great weight on the personnel in the Shanshutai but instead placed more emphasis on officials close to the emperor. Judging from the above considerations, I have made clear that these regimes were able to operate the foundations without placing emphasis on personnel in the Shangshutai and that whether they placed emphasis on the Shangshutai did not depend on change over time. It was the regime of the Deng clan that emphasized personnel in the Shangshu and whose influence extended over policy decision-making through the Shangshutai. In contrast, the Dou and Liang clans placed greater emphasis on personnel who were close to the throne and had influence on the decision making of the emperor or dowager empress having restrained the Shangshutai through their own authority.

著者

野口 優

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.6, pp.859-894, 2018-11

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漢代から三国魏にかけていずれも上奏文の最終的な裁可は、皇帝が担っていた。裁可の形式について、漢代及び三国魏では、「可」などの裁可を示す文字もしくは赤い鉤印によるものであった可能性が高い。漢魏時代とも皇帝の署名による認可ではなかった。その上で、漢魏時代とも皇帝の自筆での裁可は必ずしも必要ではなかったことを明らかにした。そして、漢代から三国魏にかけては、筆跡に対する認識の変化と書写材料としての紙の普及という大きな変化が起こった時期であり、従来の皇帝裁可の制度に影響を与える可能性のある変化が起きた。しかし、詔書の信頼性を担保していたのは、漢魏時代とも印璽であった。最終的に、漢魏時代とも、一貫して上奏文の裁可については、必ずしも皇帝が自筆で裁可を下すわけではなかったという状況が変化することはなかったのである。During the period extending from the Han dynasty to Cao Wei of the Three Kingdoms, the ultimate sanction of reports to the throne was rendered by the emperor. It is highly likely that approval from the Han to Cao Wei was designated by physically writing the character 可 (ke) or with the red imprint of a carved seal. There is no evidence of approval being granted with the emperor's signature from the Han-to-Wei period. Moreover, I have made clear that in both the Han and Wei periods the emperor's holographic signature was not necessarily required to indicate approval. Then period from Han to Cao Wei was one of change when consciousness of calligraphy underwent a transformation and there was also a great change in the dissemination of paper as a material for transcribing written records; and these changes likely had an influence of the previous system of imperial sanction. However, reliability of written imperial edicts was insured by the imperial seal during the both the Han and Cao Wei. Ultimately, as regards approval of reports to the throne in both the Han and Cao Wei periods, the situation that did not necessarily require the emperor to indicate his approval with his own brush continued without change.

著者

桂川 光正

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.2, pp.355-380, 2008-03

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発足当初の関東州の阿片制度には、容易には理解し難い奇妙な事柄が三点見られる。これを一つ一つ、現地中国人阿片商の動向との関わりに留意しながら考察すると、関東州を台湾産煙膏の独占市場に仕立て上げるのが、この時の特許専売制導入の目的だったこと、しかしその企てが成功しなかった事実が明らかになった。更に、関東州に張り巡らされていた在来の経済的・人的・社会的ネットワークから関東州を切り離し、台湾と繋げることで、日本を頂点としたネットワークを新たに作り上げようとするのが、日本のこの時期の関東州統治の基本方策、ないしはこの時点での日本の帝国形成の基本戦略であったことも明らかとなった。関東都督府はその後、阿片制度の手直しを行なうのだが、それは、日本による関東州統治の進捗ないし安定化のために重要な柱を構築する意味があった。阿片・麻薬問題の歴史的研究は、このように、帝国史研究の一環として大きな意味を持っている。

著者

藤井 讓治

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.4, pp.663-698, 2018-07

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徳川家康の叙位任官については、家康が歴史上重要な人物であるだけに、一般書も含め多く取り上げられてきたが、基礎的事実を十分に検討しないまま、その歴史的意味が論じられている。この問題についての専論は少なく、またこうした研究においても見解が一致していないのが現状である。本稿では、事実関係が不確定な家康の左京大夫・中納言・大納言・左大将任官を中心に分析する。家康は、三河守初任に続いて左京大夫に任じられるが、左京大夫は朝廷関係以外では使用することなく左京大夫任官後も前官の三河守を使用した。朝廷官位使用の特異な事例である。任中納言の年月日は、従来天正十四年(一五八六)十月四日とされてきたが、事実は同年十一月五日であるとし、その意味を秀吉への臣従儀礼の中に位置づけた。また家康の源氏改姓が聚楽第行幸を機になされたとされてきたものを、それに先立つ天正十五年八月には源姓であったことを明らかにした。さらに天正十五年の任左大将は、正保二年(一六四五)の将軍家光の要請をうけて口宣案が改められた折に遡及して任じられたものであり、天正十五年時点での任官の事実はなく、この任左大将をめぐる論争はそもそも成立しないとした。The study of early-modern Japanese political history has witnessed great progress in recent years. This progress includes a deeper understanding of the ranks and offices awarded to samurai. However, in regard to the fundamental facts and dating of samurai appointments to ranks and offices, there are several theories even regarding such an important political figure during the period as Tokugawa Ieyasu, and there are many misunderstandings. In order to create a political history of this age, confirming the facts and dating of Ieyasu's posts and ranks is a pressing issue. In this article I confirm the facts and dates of Ieyasu's ranks and offices, ascertain under what political circumstances they were granted, and furthermore determine their significance. To the extent that Ieyasu was an important political figure. Ieyasu's appointments to ranks and offices are dealt with in general works of history, but fundamental studies have not been sufficiently conducted, and there is no scholarly consensus regarding them. Ieyasu was first appointed governor of Mikawa province, then Sakyō Daibu (Commissioner of the Left Division of the Capital), Jijū (Chamberlain), Ushōshō (Junior Captain of the Palace Guards of the Right), Sachûjō (Middle Captain), Sangi (Consultant), Chûnagon (Middle Counselor), Dainagon (Major Counselor), Naidaijin (Minister of the Center), Udaijin (Minister of the Right), Seiitaishōgun (Babarian-subduing General), and finally Daijōdaijin (Chancellor). This article chiefly analyzes his appointment to the posts of Sakyō Daibu, Chūnagon, Dainagon, and Sadaishō, for which there has no confirmation in the historical record. Ieyasu was appointed Sakyō Daibu shortly after being named governor of Mikawa. In general, when someone was appointed to a new office, thr person would then be known by his new official title, but Ieyasu did not employ the Sakyō Daibu title except in relationship to the imperial court, and even after being appointed Sakyō Daibu continued to use his previous title, governor of Mikawa. This is an example of a unique use of an imperial title. The date of Ieyasu's appointment to the post of Chūnagon has been seen as having been on the fourth day of the tenth month of Tenshō 14 (1586) on the basis of a draft decree in the Nikkō Tōshōgû monjo found in Kugyō bunin, but I have confirmed that the actual date was the fifth day of the eleventh month of the same year and locate its significance within the course of the ceremonial relationship of lord and vassal with Hideyoshi. Furthermore, Ieyasu's adoption of Minamoto clan affiliation is seen within the context of the imperial progress to the Jurakutei, but I make clear that he had used the Minamoto clan name previously during the eighth month of Tenshō 15, and I present new evidence for consideration of this name change. The Ieyasu's appointment to Sadaishō (General of the Left) in Tenshō 15 can only be traced back to the occasion of request by the third Tokugawa shogun, Iemitsu, for reissuance of an oral decree in Shōho 2 (1645), and I clarify that the supposed appointment in Tenshō 15 is not historically accurate. Kasaya Kazuhiko's proposal of the existence of a Tokugawa Shogunate under a Toyotomi regency that is premised on the Ieyasu's appointment as Saidaishō and the arguments surrounding it are thus unsustainable.

著者

黒岩 康博

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.1, pp.125-153, 2011-01

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奈良の言語研究者宮武正道は、従来マレー語の専門家と考えられていたが、残された旧蔵資料を見ると、彼がマレー語に至るまでに辿った「語学道楽」の跡が明らかになった。中学校時代、切手蒐集の延長として始めたエスペラントに対する熱意は、奈良エスペラント会を発足させ、機関誌『EL NARA』を生み出す。該語を飽くまで社交の道具と見倣す宮武主宰の同会には、パラオよりの留学生エラケツも参加していたが、宮武は彼からパラオ語で多くの民話を聞き取り、『南洋パラオ島の伝説と民謡』を上梓する。この一時期は土俗の研究へと傾いたが、昭和七年七月のインドネシア旅行以降、マレー語を本格的に研究し始める。当初はマレー語の新聞・雑誌を読むことを念頭に置いていたが、日本の南進政策がマレー語圏にも及ぶと、カナの普及やローマ字綴りの日本風改革を提唱するようになる。こうして書斎から出た好事家は、最後タガログ語辞書の完成を待たずに夭逝した。

著者

本庄 総子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.7-40, 2020-01

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マクニール・モデルとは、集団間に支配・被支配が成立する背景を、疫病への免疫力格差によって説明する理論型である。本稿では、この理論を踏まえつつ、日本古代における疫病の構造的理解を目指す。日本古代の疫病には大きく分けて二つのタイプがある。一つは、国外からの伝播ではないかと推定される大宰府発生の疫病である。このタイプは、非常に高い致死性をもつが、発生は稀である。もう一つは、京から伝播するタイプの疫病で、比較的致死性は低いが、頻繁に発生し、京から徒歩一〇日圏内からやや西に偏る範囲に伝播する。両タイプとも、飢饉の結果として発生するだけでなく、さらなる飢饉の誘因ともなった。奈良時代以前の疫病は、大きな被害を被った場合でも、一定期間内に復興が見込めたが、平安時代の最初期、復興に遅延が生じるようになった結果、疫癘間発という疫病の連鎖が発生し、律令国家の掌握する人口と田地に大きな損害を与えた。According to William H. McNeil the determining factor separating the rulers and the ruled is the gap in their level ofimmunity to pestilence or epidemics. This gap is the product ofthe discrepancies between the population and the degree ofits contact with outsiders. It has been claimed that because there was little contact with the outside world in ancient Japan, immunity to pestilence was weak and the society was subject to severe outbreaks ofharmf ul pestilence. Certainly, it is true that the view that invasive pestilence originated from abroad was deeply rooted in Japan, and religious rites were developed to protect the capital from disease. In addition, it is highly likely that the epidemics that struck in Tenpyô 7 and 9 (735 and 737) did spread from abroad, and were responsible for a remarkable level of harm seldom seen in the history ofepidemics in Japan. However, it was generally the case that epidemics in ancient Japan were centered instead on the capital and spread from there. The area within tendays ofwalking from the capital (however tending toward the west) was the typical target area. And in addition, when an epidemic struck, areas within the capital with the greatest population density were severely struck, and the Kinki region around the capital was struck next. Generally speaking, it has often been the case that outbreaks of an epidemic are triggered by lowered levels ofresistance due to famine, but in the case of ancient Japan, it was frequently the case that famine brought on epidemic instead. Because ancient Japan operated on the principles ofan agricultural society, paddy land where rice could be grown was invested with the greatest share oflabor, and when a labor shortage was caused by an epidemic, the paddies were left to ruin and further famine and epidemic ensued. In ancient Japan the harmful effects of famine and epidemics were closely linked. Even so, after the outbreak of an epidemic during the years roughly corresponding to the Nara period, the fixed level of the population was usually maintained after recovery was achieved. Some theories suppose that a great population increase occurred in the meantime However, from the beginning of the 9th century, there was a slowdown in the recovery rate following the outbreak of an epidemic. Even in the years ofabundant crops recovery from epidemics continued to be incomplete. In the 30 years before and after the turn of the century outbreaks of pestilence struck frequently throughout Japan and there was no stopping the series of famines and epidemics. As a result, population decline and ruined fields greatly increased. Because the populace and paddy lands were the fundamental capital for the ritsuryo-governed state ofancient Japan, one can say that the very foundations of the ritsuryo state itselfwere being undermined by the frequent outbreak of epidemics. Furthermore, as ifoperating in concert with these, in the first halfofthe 9th century, it was often the case that local officials did not provide accurate reports ofthe outbreaks ofthese epidemics. In order to reduce the amount of tax collected by the central government, local officials would attempt to over-estimate the damage caused by an epidemic. The central government at first tried to strictly restrain this tactic, but by the middle of the 9th century it had lost its fervor to police local officials. The rise ofthe risk ofepidemic due the concentration ofthe populace shook the foundations of the society but also had the effect of increasing mobility. As the McNeil model views regions with concentrated populations with many interactions as naturally dominant, it is an argument characterized by anticipated harmony, but given concentrated disturbance of the dominant area by epidemics, it is necessary to reevaluate the historical significance possessed by pestilence.

著者

仲丸 英起

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.6, pp.838-870, 2015-11

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本稿は、準男爵位を通じて近世イングランド社会における名誉と称号の意義を再検討するものである。一六一一年、王権は財源不足の解消を目的として男爵位とナイト位の間に準男爵位を設置し、その販売を開始した。従来の研究では、初期スチュアート朝期におけるこうした爵位の販売ないし過剰な供給が、名誉の価値を低下させると同時に、社会階層間の移動を容易にしたと論じられてきた。本稿ではこの点を実証的に探求するため、準男爵位被授与者全体の社会層、およびケント・ノーフォーク両州における同称号被授与者の州内における地位を総体的に検討した。その結果、準男爵位を授与された家系の社会層は、たしかに全般的には低下傾向を示していた。その一方で、称号を保有する意味について地域的な差異が存在し、また称号の獲得は従来想定されたほどには社会階層間の流動性を促進していなかったという状況も判明したのである。In 1611, James I created the order of the baronet. However, the gentry shunned this honour from its initiation up to the Restoration. What was the reason for this? By investigating the process by which a baronetcy was established and the social strata of its purchasers, this paper re-examines the significance of titles for political society in early modern England. While some historians such as J. Aylmer and J. Brewer have studied offices sold by monarchs, there have been few studies focusing on the titles of honour. L. Stone's The Crisis of the Aristocracy, 1558-1641 is the only authoritative study on this subject. He argues that the rapid increase in conferring titles by James I and Charles I diminished their prestige and this inflation of honour helped promote social mobility. This book was written to refute the thesis by H. Trever-Roper, who criticized R.H. Tawney's idea of 'the rise of the gentry'. Later, it was shown that there were serious faults in the assumptions of both sides in the 'gentry controversy', and the dispute ended without a clear resolution. However, consideration of social strata during this period has not lost their significance. This paper will critically review Stone's assertion, focusing on the baronetcy. Since his succession to the English throne, James suffered from a lack of funds. Baronetcies were originally introduced and began to be sold to make up the deficit, but the official stated aim of this policy was to contribute to promoting the plantation of Ulster. At first, the King and his councillors intended to set the maximum number of titles at 200 to prevent their deterioration in value. However, in the 1620s, this promise was broken and peerages also began to be sold. Moreover, the original scheme of a direct cash payment of £1095 to the Exchequer was abandoned, and the virtual authority to make baronetcies was granted to courtiers to be resold. As a result, the actual lowest selling price for this title fell to about £200. We first must inquire how this downward trend in prices affected the social strata of the purchasers. The results of a survey using the Complete Baronetage edited by G.E. Cokayne shows that the social estates of families that purchased baronetcies overall began to decline. On establishment of the order, the chief purchasers were holders of knighthoods, but this trend gradually shifted to esquires. While a large proportion of early purchasers were already MPs before acquiring the title, many of those acquiring a title from 1615 to 1624 were elected MPs afterwards, and few of those who obtained one from 1626 to 1630 got parliamentary seats at some point in their lives. How did the depreciation of this title affect local communities? To examine this problem, we take up two counties, Kent and Norfolk, and investigate herald visitations and a preceding topographical survey. The result shows that although in the 1620s the status of families who were granted a title dropped according to the fall in the title's value, there was not a great social gulf between the purchasers in 1610s and those in the 1620s. The acquisition of the baronetcy enhanced mobility to a certain extent within these social strata, but it should not be imagined that acquiring a baronetcy gave esquires, let alone yeomen, a great opportunity to achieve advancement in social rank. Still, it is necessary to consider regional variations in the influence of obtaining a baronetcy. In Kent, where the conflicts among families of the gentry rarely occurred in the later 16th century, the pressure to acquire a baronetcy did not increase. On the other hand, in Norfolk, where prominent families had been struggling for power since the 1570s, more applicants aspired to the honour. This survey seems to show that situations peculiar to each region had an influence on the extent to which the social and political value of baronetcy decreased. Even if these regional differences are considered, it can be confirmed that an inflation of honour occurred on the whole. However, we cannot affirm whether this comprehensively accelerated social mobility. In the early modern period, the easier it was to obtain titles, the lower their usefulness was as a means to achieve social promotion. As a result, the inflation of honour did not necessarily give lower-status gentry a great chance to rise to a higher social position. In the long run, the establishment of a baronetcy might even have enhanced the control of the landed gentry by increasing the number of title-holders.

著者

桂川 光正

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.2, pp.355-380, 2008-03-31

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発足当初の関東州の阿片制度には、容易には理解し難い奇妙な事柄が三点見られる。これを一つ一つ、現地中国人阿片商の動向との関わりに留意しながら考察すると、関東州を台湾産煙膏の独占市場に仕立て上げるのが、この時の特許専売制導入の目的だったこと、しかしその企てが成功しなかった事実が明らかになった。更に、関東州に張り巡らされていた在来の経済的・人的・社会的ネットワークから関東州を切り離し、台湾と繋げることで、日本を頂点としたネットワークを新たに作り上げようとするのが、日本のこの時期の関東州統治の基本方策、ないしはこの時点での日本の帝国形成の基本戦略であったことも明らかとなった。関東都督府はその後、阿片制度の手直しを行なうのだが、それは、日本による関東州統治の進捗ないし安定化のために重要な柱を構築する意味があった。阿片・麻薬問題の歴史的研究は、このように、帝国史研究の一環として大きな意味を持っている。