著者

河 かおる

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.3, pp.477-478, 2016-05-31

著者

島津 毅

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.6, pp.849-884, 2014-11

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本稿は、中世における葬送形態としての僧俗分業構造とその変化の実態を解明しようとしたものである。従来の研究では、十四世紀前半を境に入棺・茶毘・拾骨等の葬送に携わる者が顕密僧から禅律僧に変化し、それは顕密僧が触穢を忌避したためだと理解されてきた。ところが、この理解には葬送の執行者として俗人が充分に位置付けられておらず、また中世後期の葬送で盛んに用いられた「一向僧沙汰」に対する理解も的確ではなかった。本稿は、九世紀から十六世紀までに行なわれた葬送を対象に検討を進めた結果、中世の葬送形態は、葬送全体を「一向沙汰」する奉行人と、個々の儀礼を司る者との重層的な執行体制を有していたこと、その変化は、この両層において俗人と僧侶との問でそれぞれ生じていたことなどを明らかにした。そして、顕密僧や禅律僧といった僧侶や親族・近臣といった俗人が、それぞれの置かれた立場からどう死穢と向き合っていたのかを明らかにした。

著者

木土 博成

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.4, pp.525-557, 2016-07

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本稿は、従来不分明であった琉球使節の成立過程を明らかにすることで、近世琉球の地位の確定を論じるものである。寛永一一(一六三四) 年に京都に上った琉球人は、再検討の結果、先行研究にいう「恩謝使」ではないことが判明した。「御代替」(徳川秀忠→家光) を名目に、薩摩藩が急遽仕立て上げたこの一行を、琉球使節の嚆矢と見ることはできない。寛永一一年には、家光が島津氏に琉球高を宛て行ったことから、琉球が島津氏に属するという側面、すなわち「附庸」が確定したのであった。その後、寛永二一年に挙行された江戸上りは、(1)徳川・尚家の慶弔事という継続性のある名目に対し、(2)薩摩藩主が引率したもので、(3)琉球国王が正式に派遣したものであることから、ここに琉球使節が成立したといえる。寛永二一年の琉球使節により、幕府と書を交わす「異国」=琉球が確定し、「附庸」と「異国」の二要素から成る近世琉球の地位は、ついに確定を見たのである。This paper discusses the early-modern establishment of the status of modern Ryukyu by clarifying the process of the formation of Ryukyuan embassies (Ryukyu shisetsu 琉球使節), which has not been previously clarified. The Ryukyu Kingdom (Ko-Ryukyu, meaning old Ryukyu), which had existed as a state (kokka 国家) since the Middle Ages, came to an end when it was defeated in the Shimazu clan invasion of Keicho 14 (1609) and the new era of early-modern Ryukyu began. Although early-modern Ryukyu continued to exist as a state, it had to build new relationships with the Edo shogunate and the Satsuma domain. Ryukyuan embassies represent these new relationships well It has been argued that the word Ryukyuan embassies refers to two kinds of missions: the Onshashi 恩謝使 (sent by the Ryukyu kings on the succession of a new shogun) and the Gakeishi 賀慶使 (sent by the shogunate on the enthronement of the Ryukyu king from the Sho family). Several studies concerning the meaning of these embassies for the shogunate, the Satsuma domain and the King of Ryukyu have been made. Nevertheless, it has not been made clear when and how the Ryukyuan embassies were established, which is one of the most fundamental issues. In reconsidering the issue, it became clear that the Ryukyuan people who arrjved in Kyoto in Kanei 11 (1634) who have been regarded as the beginning of Onshashi in the previous studies were not such a mission. In fact, at the time of miyogawari (the succession of Tokugawa Iemitsu following Hidetada) in Kanei 11, this party of Ryukyuan people (originally sent to the Shimazu clan) was suddenly constituted as an embassy to the shogunate by the Satsuma domain nominally as a miyogawari embassy. Therefore, we cannot regard this particular party as the beginning of the Ryukyuan embassies. In Kanei 11, the Shogun Iemitsu officially confirmed by letter that Ryukyu was a feudatory vassal state of the Shimazu clan and the status of fuyo (dependency) was thus established. About 10 years later in Kanei 21, an Edo-nobori (a mission to Edo) was conducted by the Ryukyuans. This mission was dispatched for consecutive events--the birth of Tokugawa Ietsuna and the enthronement of Sho Ken. Furthermore, this embassy was led by the Shimazu clan from Kagoshima to Edo as an embassy to the shogun in Edo from the beginning, not just suddenly reconstituted for that purpose as the one in Kanei 11 had been. Moreover, as symbolized by the fact that a letter provided by the King of Ryukyu was delivered, this embassy was officially sent by the King of Ryukyu. To sum up, the embassy of Kanei 21 satisfies the following three conditions: (1) the continuity of events involved, (2) havjng been led by the Shimazu clan and (3) having the official approval of the King of Ryukyu. These facts suggest that Ryukyuan embassies were formally established at this point. The exchange of letters with the Roju (members of the shogun's council of elders) by the Ryukyuan embassy of Kanei 21 confirmed Ryukyu as ikoku (a foreign country), and it can also be said that the status of early-modern Ryukyu as fuyo and ikoku had finally become formalized. In other words, the status of early-modern Ryukyu, which is well understood today, was confirmed only after going through the two phases of Kanei 11 and Kanei 21. The dual status confirmed at this point in time was exceedingly favorable to the Satsuma domain as it ensured Ryukyu as fuyo of the Shimazu clan and also an ikoku in the eyes of the shogunate. Therefore, we have to bear in mind that the Satsuma domain deftly used the two statuses of fuyo and ikoku for different strategies when they described Ryukyu to third parties. In other words, when we consider the establishment of early-modern Ryukyu, we must see the essence of the matter through the fluidity constituted by the dual statuses of fuyo and ikoku.

著者

冨井 眞

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.3, pp.534-540, 2015-05

著者

南都 奈緒子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.6, pp.893-926, 2007-11

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自治体史の序文には、住民を共同体の成員へと組み入れる意図がしばしば見受けられる。過去の共有により成立する「記憶の共同体」がここから立ち上げられているとすれば、自治体史は住民の共同性を支えるメディアなのだろうか。 山梨県の「恩賜林」は、小物成地から官有地、御料地、県有地へと、明治期に所有を転々とした林野である。本稿はこれに関する市町村史の歴史叙述を事例とし、ローカル・ヒストリーのもつ共同体構築志向の内実を検討した。二つの事例地域からは、「記憶の共同体」の設定にそれぞれの地域事情が反映されていることが明らかになった。全県の市町村史からは、実質的な「記憶の共同体」が市町村の領域よりも小さいもの、市町村の領域と一致するもの、全県にまで拡大されたものの三類型が得られ、本文中の歴史叙述に注目するとき、自治体史から立ち上げられる「記憶の共同体」は自治体の領域に必ずしも一致しないことが示された。

著者

鍛治 宏介

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.2, pp.251-287, 2013-03-31

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本稿は、江戸時代において近江八景という一つの知識が、刊本や写本という書物を介して社会に伝播し、さまざまな地域・階層の人々に教養として受容されていく過程を、近江八景を詠んだ漢詩と和歌を素材に検討したものである。まず朝廷や五山文化圏で産み出された近江八景詩歌が、堂上歌壇のみならず地下歌壇においても流布していたことを明らかにした。さらに『扶桑名勝詩集』の板元吉田四郎右衛門に注目して、吉田家は書肆を営む一方、院雑色という朝廷の下級役人としての側面も有し、朝廷の知を社会に広げる回路として、近江八景詩歌が刊本世界へ流入する役割を果たしたことを指摘した。それから一八世紀以降の日用教養書における展開に注目し、さまざまな誤謬も内包しつつ、手習教育の教材に利用されるなど、近江八景詩歌の伝播の射程が格段に広まったことを明らかにした。以上の検討を通じて、江戸時代書物文化における知の流通構造の一端を描き出した。

著者

白川 哲夫

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.94, no.4, pp.656-661, 2011-07

著者

栗原 麻子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.3-38, 2016-01-31

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一九八○年代以降、古典期アテナイのオイコス(家) をめぐる研究は、父系的な氏族支配からポリスの支配へという発展論的理解を脱し、単婚小家族を基盤とするより小規模な世帯へと焦点を移した。本稿においては、そのような夫婦を中心とする世帯を、ポリス法制上の構成単位とみなしうるかどうかについて、とりわけ「空のオイコス(エレモス・オイコス) 」の概念を中心に検討する。その結果浮かび上がるのは、夫のオイコスに対する妻の権利の希薄さである。アテナイ法制上にオイコスの存在を確認できるとすれば、それは夫婦を中心とする世帯というよりは、直系によって継承される系譜上の存在であった。しかるに民衆法廷での家族をめぐる言説は、とりわけ女性を通じて形成される世帯の親愛を示すエピソードに事欠かない。民衆法廷は、法制上のオイコス概念と実態上の世帯の親愛とのあいだを調整する場であったといえる。

著者

深町 英夫

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.3, pp.541-546, 2015-05-31

著者

桑林 賢治

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.403-426, 2017-05

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In 2005, the Japanese government expanded its list of cultural properties to include cultural landscapes (bunkateki keikan 文化的景観). Medieval manors in particular were evaluated and selected for conservation based on their historical significance. Human geographers have pointed out that evaluations on the basis of heritage are often limited to or exclude specific periods of history. For example, manorial-landscape evaluations tend to focus primarily on the era in which the manor was functional rather than the present, and neglect how the landscape has been transformed over time. Accordingly, spatial-scale evaluation is also necessary to understand how local residents perceive a cultural landscape and participate in its formation and conservation. Inasmuch as residents'perceptions do not necessarily coincide with the official evaluation, conservation would hinge on both largescale assessment and local-scale considerations. Given the perspective described above, the evaluation of manorial cultural landscapes must be executed in connection with historical views as well as spatial issues. Hence, this paper considers the inherent problems in conservation as a result of conflict between historical evaluation and current local understandings of manorial landscapes. The study area, Ōgi 大木 district, Izumisano City, Osaka Prefecture, was home to the medieval manor Hineno-shō 日根荘, owned by the Kujō family, and it was designated a national historic site in 1998. Later, in 2013, Ōgi district was registered as "The Rural Landscape of Hineno-shō Ōgi" (nōson keikan 農村景観). The findings are summarized as follows: First, there is a gap between the historical evaluation and the residents'consciousness regarding the history represented by the landscape of the Ōgi district. The former emphasizes the landscape's connection with the period of the functioning of Hineno-shō and ignores other periods, whereas the latter dismisses the landscape's relation to one particular time period, and focuses on it a more ambiguous unspecified past. Furthermore, efforts to strengthen the historical value of the area by unifying the cultural landscape with the national historic site can be seen in Izumisano's official actions. In contrast, the activities of local residents do not demonstrate the same appreciation for the landscape's history. In other words, the different evaluations applied in accordance with each position are manifest in the disparate claims of the two groups. Under the circumstances, most residents have a positive view of the registration and conservation of the landscape as a cultural property. Such an acceptance, however, is formulated with the understanding that historical evaluations and residents'perceptions are not in accord. There is a possibility that conflict in the Ōgi district over conservation and utilization of the landscape will arise as residents gradually acknowledge the historical significance of Hineno-shō. This study illustrates the difficulty in reaching consensus due to discordant views regarding conservation and utilization of manorial cultural landscapes.

著者

平頼 直樹

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.5, pp.713-744, 2014-09-30

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本稿では、道教史、美術史など多様な分野での妙見信仰の研究成果を踏まえながら、大内氏の妙見信仰と祖先伝説の関係を論ずる。大内氏の妙見信仰は南北朝中期までは一族の私的な信仰に留まっていたが、南北朝後期に妙見は大内氏全体を代表する氏神となった。室町期になると、大内氏は祖先伝説の体系化に力を入れるようになり、琳聖太子が祖神とされる段階を経て、次第に祖先伝説の主要な構成要素が出来上がっていった。大内氏は、道教の真武神的な妙見を象徴する幼名(亀童丸) を与えることで嫡子を琳聖太子になぞらえ、祖先伝説を家督争奪戦という現実の危機を回避するために役立てた。最後に、政弘の代で氏神(妙見) が守護神として始祖(琳聖太子) に結び付けられた上、興隆寺を中心とする妙見信仰の由緒が語られ、祖先伝説が体系化された。ここに、大内氏の妙見信仰は、領国支配イデオロギーの中核を成す、スケールの大きな信仰に変容したのである。

著者

下倉 渉

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.39-80, 2016-01-31

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本稿では「識劫

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03-31

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The aim of this article is to grasp the significance of auspicious omens (shozui) in the context of the policy of Tang-style Sinification and clarify the reception of Chinese conception of auspicious omens in ancient Japan. Two periods when records of auspicious omens were particularly rare are the object of my analysis: these are the Tenpyo Hoji era under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and the early Heian period from the Konin to the Kasho era during the reigns of the emperors Saga, Junna, and Ninmyo. In the first section, I indicate that there were cases of auspicious omens not being recorded due to the humility of the emperor during the Latter Han dynasty. The fact that there was a tendency to denigrate auspicious omens and emphasize practical politics during the Tang has been pointed out in earlier studies, but when considering attitudes toward auspicious omens in Japan from the 9th century onward, the Latter Han attitude toward auspicious omens is important. Moreover, on the relationship between auspicious omens and calamities, previous scholarship has argued there was a direct correlation between the two, but on reexamination of the relationship, I have clarified that there was a tendency for the number of auspicious omens to decline as the number of calamities increased. Behind this was the fact that the two had different characters; auspicious omens were mental phenomena and the calamities were physical realities. In the second section, I consider the relationship of the small number of auspicious omens in the early Heian period and the policy of Tang-style Sinification. I compare in particular the Shoku Nihonkoki for Jowa 1.1 (834) and the imperial edict of the ninth month of Zhenguan 2 (628) in the Tang da zhaoling ji, and judging from the similarity of the language of the two, indicate that the edict of the first year of the Jowa era reflected that of Emperor Taizong of the Tang. Therefore, the small number of auspicious omens from this period can be understood as a result of the fact that the Japanese court knew that the Tang emperor had not favored auspicious omens and that they would not be recognized without reserve. Moreover, it should be noted that as a result of the humility of the Japanese emperors of the ninth century, there were many cases when auspicious omens were not accepted, and this logic was closer to the Latter Han example rather than the Tang, From this, auspicious omens in the early Heian period should be understood as the reception of not only Tang but also Latter Han thought. In the third section I focus on the auspicious characters that were a special characteristic of the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and attempt to demonstrate the Sinification of auspicious omens. Auspicious characters are a variety of auspicious omen that was seldom if ever seen in Japan, but there were examples in China and the political policy as regards auspicious characters by Empress Wu Zetian, which is thought to have had influence at the time on Japan, can be seen in historical sources. Based on these facts, it can be said that auspicious characters had a particularly Chinese quality and we can conclude that the auspicious omens were Sinified through the Tang-style Sinification policy of Nakamaro. In the era of Fujiwara no Nakamaro the Chinese theory of accepting the will of heaven was already known, and auspicious characters were Rot simply a matter of a superficial copying of the achievements of Wu Zetian, and this indicates the influence of a profound understanding of the entirety of Chinese culture. Considering their limited relationship to auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification that I elucidated in the second section, the fact that auspicious omens were not seen under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro, which did use Chinese auspicious characters, can probably be explained in the same manner. Moreover, using auspicious omens to rule politically and then the trend to distain auspicious omens itself can also be seen in China. Furthermore, as calamities were frequently seen in this period, this too seems to have been a cause for the paucity of auspicious omens. In the fourth section, I address the trend towards the disappearance of auspicious omens from the Six Dynasties onward. In regard to the elimination of auspicious omens, I state my view that it would surely be necessary to consider the change in the character of the monarchical regime that was profoundly related to auspicious omens rather than the problem of the state of extant historical sources. In conclusion, as evidenced in sections two and three, the decrease in the number of records of auspicious omens can be explained as the reception of the Chinese influence within the policy of Tang-style Sinification. In this article I demonstrated factual evidence of the relationship between auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification through examination of records of auspicious omens themselves. Moreover, it can be surmised that the Japanese court was conscious of the historical dynasties such as the Five Emperors and Latter Han rather than the contemporary Tang dynasty in regard to the Sinification of auspicious omens. In this article, I posit the image of "multiple Chinas" as a concept that would include multiple Chinese dynasties. It may be said that during the period that was strongly influenced by the Tang, the reception of the concept of auspicious omens occurred with this conception of "multiple Chinas" as its source.

著者

本庄 総子

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.7-40, 2020-01-31

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マクニール・モデルとは、集団間に支配・被支配が成立する背景を、疫病への免疫力格差によって説明する理論型である。本稿では、この理論を踏まえつつ、日本古代における疫病の構造的理解を目指す。日本古代の疫病には大きく分けて二つのタイプがある。一つは、国外からの伝播ではないかと推定される大宰府発生の疫病である。このタイプは、非常に高い致死性をもつが、発生は稀である。もう一つは、京から伝播するタイプの疫病で、比較的致死性は低いが、頻繁に発生し、京から徒歩一〇日圏内からやや西に偏る範囲に伝播する。両タイプとも、飢饉の結果として発生するだけでなく、さらなる飢饉の誘因ともなった。奈良時代以前の疫病は、大きな被害を被った場合でも、一定期間内に復興が見込めたが、平安時代の最初期、復興に遅延が生じるようになった結果、疫癘間発という疫病の連鎖が発生し、律令国家の掌握する人口と田地に大きな損害を与えた。

著者

鈴木 直志

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.93, no.1, pp.71-97, 2010-01

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フランス革命・ナポレオン戦争は、それまでの限定的な王朝戦争から苛烈な国民戦争へと戦争の性格を激変させたことから、ヨーロッパ戦争史の一大転換期として広く知られている。現代ドイツの歴史家クーニッシュはこの変容のことを「戦争の女神ベローナの解放」と表現したが、彼も指摘するようにこの過程は、思想史の次元では革命前の啓蒙期からすでに始まっていた。本稿は、この啓蒙の時代に交わされた戦争と平和の論議、中でも、わが国ではまったく知られていない戦争肯定論を中心にして、思想史におけるベローナの解放過程を明らかにするものである。その際とりわけ強調されるのは、永久平和論と戦争肯定論が、市民的公共圏の成立とバトリオティズムの議論を背景にして、表裏一体の関係にあったことである。両者はいわゆる啓蒙の弁証法の関係に立ちながら、戦争が本来もつ破壊的性格をそれぞれの論理で再び露呈させ、ベローナを解き放ったのであった。

著者

岡本 隆司

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.90, no.5, pp.749-771, 2007-09

著者

成田 千尋

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.257-289, 2016-03

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本稿では、日韓会談の妥結が米国のベトナム戦争への本格介入と同時期に行われた要因について、在韓米軍及び韓国軍削減、日韓会談をめぐる日韓の世論、韓国軍ベトナム派兵の相関関係に着目し、分析を行った。米国は一九六三年末、経済的な観点から在韓米軍及び韓国軍削減を優先し、日韓国交正常化によりそれを補完しようとした。しかし、韓国政府の強固な反対と、韓国の反対世論による日韓会談の中断から、米国は日韓国交正常化を優先する必要に迫られた。一九六五年に入り日韓会談が進展すると、韓国政府が在韓米軍の維持と韓国軍のベトナム派兵を継続的に訴えたことなどから、在韓米軍の削減は不可能になり、米国は韓国軍の派兵を受け入れる他はなくなった。その後、米国は日韓の世論の間で介入へのバランスを取りつつ、日韓会談の早期妥結のために尽力した。結果的に、韓米のベトナム派兵により日本世論が日韓会談に反発を強める寸前に、会談は妥結に至った。

著者

山元 貴継

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, no.1, pp.288-293, 2012-01

著者

魚津 知克

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.1, pp.178-211, 2017-01

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本論文では、「海を舞台とした人間活動と深い関連をもつ脈絡により、海の近くに築造された古墳」である「海の古墳」を研究することの意義と限界、そして展望を示す。まず、研究の意義として、首長墳の立地論や、海浜部の複合生産型臨海集落との関連、北方・南方の海蝕洞穴塞や海岸墓にも視点が広がることを挙げる。続いて、「規模」「立地」「海岸線と前方部の向きとの関係」という三項目での分類案を提示する。これにより、集団構成員から支配者層に至るまで、地域や時期の傾向を持って築造されたことが明らかとなる。一方、研究の限界も存在している。「海の近く」が曖昧であり、「海を舞台とした人間活動」も切り分けが難しい。それぞれ打開案を示したが、多くの分析検討の余地がある。しかし、古墳時代の生業や生産のあり方や、王権の統治原理や一般の生活論理を知る重要な糸口が、「海の古墳」から見えてくる。古代世界全体へと、研究の展望がひろがる。

著者

佐々木 博光

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.427-446, 2018-03

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For the generations who experienced the overwhelming influence of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism by Max Weber, the image of Calvinists devoting themselves to the accumulation of money in order to expand their own enterprises is incompatible with an altruistic spirit represented by alms and charity. However, Calvinists were in fact devoted to relief of the poor and they developed their own system, the diaconate. Here I clarify the important role the diaconate played for Calvinists in leading a devout life by showing the results of regional historical studies on poor relief under the institution. A newmeaning for the word "diaconate" came from the Jean Calvin's understanding of the Bible. In his 1541 Ecclesiastical Ordinances, Calvin explained four important roles inside the church, that of pastor, elder, teacher and deacon, and regarded the diaconate as an office for poor relief within the community of the faithful, while Luther and Zwingli still followed the old Catholic understanding of "attendant clerical servant." Calvin accounted for this change by referring to the descriptions of the ancient church in Acts 5 [6: 1-6]. Calvinists established an office for relief of the poor within the household of the faithful, while the Lutheran and Zwinglian left poor relief to the city government. Thus, conflict between the diaconate and the civic official would often occur. In this paper I address case studies of Geneva in the early modern era, Lyon and Nîmes in France under the Edict of Nantes from 1598 to 1685, and six cities in Holland from 1572 to 1620. For Geneva, I make use of articles on municipal poor relief by Robert M. Kingdon and a book by Jeannine E. Olson on the private fund called the Bourse française, which was chiefly used to support religious refugees from France. The Geneva diaconate appeared only within the Bourse française. The deacons helped not only the poor themselves but also those on the doorstep of poverty by hiring them for many tasks, especially sewing, errand-running and child care. The deacons occupied themselves with poverty in a double fashion, both in ameliorating measures and prevention. For Lyon and Nîmes, I relied on articles by Wilma J. Pugh. As regards France, where under the Edict of Nantes Catholics and Protestants rivaled one another, I compare the conditions of the poor in Lyon, where Catholics consistently dominated Protestants with those in Nîmes, where both communities were equally matched. The frequency of charitable bequests was under the Catholic church in Nîmes overwhelming higher than in Lyon, while the frequency was equal under the Reformed church in Nîmes and Lyon. In Nîmes the frequency of bequests by the Catholics rivaled that of the Reformed church. I summarized concluding that competition between the two confessions was sometimes favorable for the development of municipal administration of poor relief. For Holland, I made use of Charles H. Parker's study of poor relief in the six cities of Gouda, Leiden, Dordrecht, Amsterdam, Harlem and Delft. These were of great help for my study of the diaconate. The poor relief in early modern times has often been considered from the viewpoint of discipline: that is of howto make the poor become independent, as seen in the earlier scholarship of Michel Foucault and Bronisław Geremek. Based on his individual research in Delft, Parker paid special attention to the fact that although some of the poor were clearly refused attendance at communion due to a moral lapse, not all of them were immediately excluded from poor relief. In most cases, when the poor were initially charged with a transgression, the deacons did not cut them off automatically. It is not difficult to imagine that there were humanitarian concerns about maintaining a minimum standard of living and a strong push from influential figures, but those factors appear to be insufficient. The relief for the poor by the deacons did not aim at a hard and active disciplining of the poor as might be assumed, but at a soft disciplining that patiently waited for selfimprovement by the poor themselves. It was often said that the Calvinist Reformation led to the growth of individualism in Europe. However, when seen from the viewpoint of relief of the poor, it was obviously "a Reformation of the community". In conclusion I indicate that it is highly probable that an antithesis to the hard-edged European images that we have held of the "capitalist spirit" of Weber and of the theories of discipline of Foucault can be seen in the poor relief of the Calvinists.