著者
彭 国躍
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
言語研究 (ISSN:00243914)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, pp.117-140, 1993

It is a known fact that in early-modern Chinese there were many ways of expressing politeness, but they have not studied systematically. This paper investigates the features and the system of polite expressions in early-modern Chinese in three aspects from a pragmatic perspective. 1. Non-deictic Feature Polite expressions in Japanese have certain specific linguistic forms, such as (お, ご), but in early-modern Chinese the same politeness could be expressed by many different expressions. For instance, when calling somebody by name, Japanese will only say (お名前), but in early-modern Chinese they used "貴姓, 高姓, 上名, 大名, 賢名"etc. and polite expressions were not specified and symbolized as social deixis.2. Conversational Implicature Feature Unlike polite expressions in Japanese, those in Chinese all have clear literal meanings, such as 大(big), 小(small), 下降(descending), 登堂(ascending). The meaning of polite expressions was the conversational implicature derived from the literal meanings of these words. The author proposes an inferring process of the conversational implicatures derived from the literal meanings of polite expressions. 3. Pragmatic System The derivation of the conversational implicature of polite expressions in early-modern Chinese was governed by a set of pragmatic rules. The author proposes the maxim of evaluation which governed polite expressions in early-modern Chinese.Maxim of Evaluation: (a) give positive evaluation to the others as much as possible, (b) give negative evaluation to oneself as much as possible.The author also points out that in early-modern Chinese society, when applicable, this maxim was restrained by the following criteria as for what was positive and what was negative evaluation. 1. quality 2. nobility 3. intelligence 4. height 5. size 6. economic status For example, in the big-small criterion, one should call the interlocutor and the things belonging to him big, such as 大名(big name=your name), 大人(big person=you), 大官(big officer=you). Likewise one should call oneself and the things belonging to him small, such as 子人(small person=me), 小房(small house=my house), 小婿(small son-in-law=my son-in-law).rights:日本言語学会 著作物の原典は印刷刊行された『言語研究』に掲載されているものである
著者
宇都宮 陽二朗
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
地學雜誌 (ISSN:0022135X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.2, pp.117-126, 1992
参考文献数
26
被引用文献数
3

Numajiri Bokusen invented an epochal terrestrial globe made from wood, bamboo nd Japanese paper in 1800 and published details of it in 1855. The globe was similar to a coarse Japanese oilpaper umbrella, and in fact was called the "umberlla-like globe" later. Previously, the author has described the form of this globe.<BR>The present paper describes the geometrical features of Bokusen's globe, especially, the shapes of shorelines and national boundaries. The world map on the 1855 globe had obviously been revised since that appearing on the globe invented in 1800, based on the latest information on the shorelines available at the time.<BR>Since the Japan Archipelago was set in the center of the world, the axis of the globe was declined at 36 degrees. Therefore, the ground level sinusoidally rounds the globe according to its declination.<BR>Lines of latitude were shown every 10 degrees. The interval of the lines of longitude was also 10 degrees. While the value of latitude was written, that of longitude was not shown anywhere on the globe. Between the lines of longitude, marks were inserted every one degree along the equator, resembling the symbol used for railways in recent maps.<BR>Despite the lack of a base for the median line of the globe, the base was expected to pass through Ferro Island in the Canary Islands. Thus, it is assumed that values were intended to be written every 10 degrees according to the distance from the Island. The location of the Japan Archipelago at the center, and the declination of the earth's axis seem to have been important political matters influenced by attitudes such as reverence for the Emperor and exclusion of foreigners during the late Edo period in Japan.<BR>On this globe, the center of the Japan Archipelago was intended to be just under the zenith, and set at 130°(actual value 132° in recent maps) E and 36 N. This location was selected as the place nearest to Miyako (Kyoto), which is placed at 135°46'E and 35°00'N. On the other hand, Edo is at 139°40'E and 35°42'N (almost equal to 36 degrees) based on values in recent maps. Therefore, the base of latitude at the center of the 1855 map seems to have been unchanged since that on the 1800 globe. If Bokusen used the value of Miyako, the inclination of the earth's axis was set at 35 degrees.<BR>On the other hand, the base of longitude was altered to a new location near Miyako. Ne-vertheless, Bokusen could not help including some of the base of the median line of the world maps established in the western Europe. Thus, the center was not set in Miyako, but was moved to the west.<BR>Some compass lines drawn from the center were made on assumptions, and some remarks about astronomical phenomena such as sunrise and sunset at the winter/summer solstices and the vernal/autumnal equinoxes were written on these lines and assumed lines.<BR>Most of the shapes of the shorelines closely resembled those on recent maps. Although the Australian continent was correctly shaped, the Antarctic continent was not shown. In the Arctic region, the shape of the northern coast of the Eurasian continent was relatively correct compared with that of the North American continent. Especially, the areas in the vicinity of Hudson's Bay and the District of Franklin were obscure, and their shapes were expressed using broken lines. This seems to reflect Bokusen's scientific standpoint, which excluded any uncertainty.<BR>Between 80°N and 80°S, the coast lines including Korea and the California Peninsula and other continents were correctly shown. On the other hand, the shapes of national boundaries of inland areas were drawn as rough lines framed by colors including blue, red, violet, yellow and black. Some of the shapes appear to be scribbled. Therefore, the decisions regarding boundaries seem to have been less confident.
著者
門村 浩
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
季刊地理学 (ISSN:09167889)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.50, no.4, pp.287-295, 1998
参考文献数
18
被引用文献数
1 1

サハラ南縁地帯をはじめ, 世界の発展途上乾燥地域における人類生存を脅かしてきた「砂漠化」と干ばつ影響に対する, 国際協力による対応活動は, 新たな局面を迎えている。コミュニティ・レベルの, 住民参加とNGOの支援を基調とする, 総合的・持続的発展計画の一環としての「砂漠化」対策の推進を目的とする『国連砂漠化対処条約』が発効 (1996年12月) したからである。この新たな対応戦略に対し, 我が国が実質的な貢献をなすために必要とされる前提条件を示し, 当面, 重点的に取り組むべき課題として, 現場レベルのモニタリングと評価, 社会経済的側面の重視, NGOとCBOの活動支援強化, 地域特性への配慮, プロジェクトの調整と重複の排除, 対処能力の向上と技術移転, 気候変動予測と食糧安全保障, 専門家の養成などの問題を取り上げて議論した。また, これらに対する地理学からの積極的なコミットを期待した。
著者
成瀬 厚
出版者
学術雑誌目次速報データベース由来
雑誌
人文地理 (ISSN:00187216)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.49, no.1, pp.1-19, 1997
被引用文献数
6 1

How can we recognize this world with finite extent as a globe? This question is the starting point of this study. This question leads us to another one: how do we represent the world? In this paper, I examined some cultural texts which seem to contribute to our view of the world. The texts which I chose here are exhibitions or collections which consist of several hundred photographs taken all around the world, specifically, from The Family of Man held at The Museum of Modern Art, New York in 1955, through photos with a similar theme, to Takeyoshi Tanuma's works produced with the theme'children in the world'. In order to analyze such geographical representations, I adopted the method of literary criticism. Especially, I paid attention to the 'order'of each text.The feature of texts which I analyze in this paper is that while each photograph recorded the local context in which it was taken, these works themselves represented the global world. The globalist intent of these photographs was to promote cosmopolitanism, universalism, or humanitarianism, but it is sentimental and not persuasive. For example, photographs taken in the USA were 45% of all photographs carried in The Family of Man, and photographs of the Third World were distributed into specific sub-themes: labor, death, and war. The insistence of universality was asserted under the biological commonality of Man. Man is born, works, gets together, takes pleasure, feels sad, consists of male and female, belongs to a family, eats, talks, plays, suffers, and dies. Such a life path became a commonality among photographs of people around the world. On the other hand, in one text produced in 1994 by Tanuma' who has created many works in a Japanese context, photographs were arranged in order by region. I found a significant structure in the arrangement of this text. Compassion of Japanese on Third World people, identification with two continents, Africa and South America, as others for Japanese, and uninterchangeablity between advanced countries and Third World were found in the structure of this text.From this analysis, I gained the insight that the World Order is a projection of'a world'which is a logical unity consisting of whole objects and events in'the world' which is a concrete geographical space with finite extent. We can locate each event in a world informed by journalistic media about our world order as an idea which was formed by a world representation including the photographic texts selected here.