著者

周東 美材

出版者

東京音楽大学

雑誌

研究紀要 = Bulletin of Tokyo College of Music (ISSN:02861518)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.41, pp.57-74, 2018-02-28

著者

神崎 宣次 Nobutsugu Kanzaki

雑誌

人工知能 = journal of the Japanese Society for Artificial Intelligence (ISSN:21882266)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.5, pp.489-493, 2014-09-01

著者

小川 宏和

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.218, pp.167-182, 2019-12-27

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本稿では、『延喜式』にみえる赤幡が古代社会において果たした役割を検討することにより、赤色に対する色彩認識が人々の行動に与えた影響を明らかにすることを目的とした。古代社会において赤色は、装着した人・物の内部にある汚穢等を鎮めると同時に外部の障害から保護する性質=清浄性と結びついた色と認識され、この清浄性を前提に道路において人・物の進行や移動を汚穢から守りつつ実現させる機能も民俗社会で広く認められていた。そして、この赤色の性質は様々な局面で権力とも結び付き、赤色を支配し利用することが天皇家を中心とした公の力を表示することを意味した。そのため、赤幡は天皇の行幸時のほか、最高の清浄性が求められる供御物を運搬する際に道路において掲示され、他の進上物と区別する意味をもち、御膳食材やそれを食べる天皇らの身体の清浄性を維持する機能を果たしたと考えられる。さらに、八世紀半ば以来供御物の標識とされてきた赤幡は、贄を生産する集団、贄人に頒布されることになる。赤幡は元慶七年官符にみえる員外贄人が得た「腰文幡」や家牒と同様、贄人の生産活動のなかで交通許可証として機能するとともに贄人集団を組織化して特権身分を表示した。また、延喜天暦年間までに内廷官司が旧来の腰文幡ではなく赤幡を贄人の標識として放つように変化したことを指摘し、その背景には、元慶七年官符からうかがえる「潔齋」を基準とした贄人の差異化が困難な状況が存在したと推定した。供御を口実にした弱民圧迫行為が贄人自身の「潔齋」を破綻させ、その行為は最も「潔清」が求められた天皇の食事にも「汚黷」を及ぼすという論理が存在したのである。赤幡班給は他の家政機関が発給する標識との差異化を意図したもので、清浄性をもつ赤色が贄や贄人、御膳に要求された清浄性をめぐる危機的環境のなかで必要とされ、贄人の身体の「潔齋」を守り、特権身分を保証する意味をもったと考えられる。

著者

杉原 英和 Hidekazu SUGIHARA

出版者

古今書院

雑誌

地震予知と社会

巻号頁・発行日

pp.75-85, 2003-03-20

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第4章 地方自治体から見た地震予知と地震防災対策杉原 英和[神奈川県防災局消防課]

著者

OMAR Hebatalla

出版者

南山大学人類学研究所

雑誌

年報人類学研究 = Annual papers of the Anthropological Institute, Nanzan University (ISSN:24349429)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.259-271, 2021-06-30

著者

波多野 祐造

雑誌

白鴎大学論集 = Hakuoh Daigaku ronshu : the Hakuoh University journal (ISSN:09137661)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.2, pp.1-16, 2002-03-01

著者

高田 修

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.253, pp.1-38, 1968-03-30

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1. Introduction. 2. Priest Kūkai's Rôle in Building the Lecture Hall and Setting up its Statues. 3. The Twenty-one Statues in the Lecture Hall and their Arrangement. a. Identification of the Statues, Especially of a Group of Five Bodhisattvas. b. The Original Arrangement. 4. A Unique Mandala-like Composition of Twenty-one Statues and the Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. a. An Outline of the Usual Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. b. A Group of Five Vidyārājas in the Lecture Hall and in the Mandala System. c. A Group of Five Bodhisattvas and their Relation to the Five Quarter Bodhisattvas in the same System. d. Iconography of the Guardian Image in the Lecture Hall: Brahmā and Indra, and Four Lokapālas. 5. The Original Vajrayānistic Meanings of the Images in the Lecture Hall. 1. The construction of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji (Kyōōgokuji) was started in 825 and was completed toward the end of 834 under the supervision of Priest Kūkai. In 1486 the original hall was destroyed by fire and the present one was rebuilt after that time. But it seems that the latter retains the original dimensions rather well. Housed in the building are five Buddhas, five Bodhisattvas, five Vidyārājas, Brahmā and Indra, and four Lokapālas. Except for the six images (five Buddhas and the central Bodhisatt. va), the rest of the existing statues are originals made in the ninth century for this hall. Although they contain repaired parts, they occupy a very important position in the history of Japanese art as the earliest works of sculpture of Esoteric Buddhism. These statues are orderly arranged and form a three-dimensional Karma-mandala. It has long been said to be a mandala particular to the Jênwang-ching (Benevolent King Sutra) ritual. But it does not necessarily correspond with its Kalpa (ritual practice manual), Jên-wang-ching-i-kuei (Taisho 994), the translation of which into Chinese is attributed to Amoghavajra, thus causing some present-day scholars to doubt this theory. The author of the present paper attempts to reexamine the arrangement of the statues in the hall and to determine the peculiarity of the plan of the mandala and its Esoteric Buddhist singnificance by refering to many historical documents and Buddhist literary materials. 2. While the Tōji was under construction it was given to Kūkai by the imperial court in 823. The construction of the Lecture Hall was his first task in the Tōji. But the plan of the architecture had already been settled by the court and it seems that he just followed it. What he could do to realize his own ideals based on the new religion which he had brought from T'ang China was in the plan of the design of the mandala consisting of the statues in the Lecture Hall. Therefore, though their completion took place in 829, four years after his death, the selection, form and arrangement of the statues could safely be said to have been the innovation of Kūkai himself. 3. The twenty-one statues in the hall have had traditional names since an early date. As for most of the images, the identification yields no room for question. But in the case of the five Bodhisattavas the identification is not yet settled. According to the author, they are the head Bodhisattvas of the five sections of Vajradhātu-mandala. Four of these five Bodhisattvas show forms identical with or very close to those of the Catur-mudrā-mandala (one of the nine subsidiary mandalas of the Vajradhātu). But the central one, Vajrapāramitā (Vajravajri), seems to be based on the Bodhisattva of the same name in the Kalpa of the Jên-wang-ching. The present arrangement of the twenty-one statues is what was formed after the fire in the fifteenth century and it cannot be regarded as the original one. As for the arrangement before the fire, there exist today three drawings of plans of the tenth, twelfth and fourteenth centuries respectively. It is to be noted that there are some differences even among these three drawings. These differences must have been due to the changed arrangements which took place when large-scale repair programs were carried out. The oldest one among the three drawings (dated 922), which was made by Shinjaku, differs clearly from the others in that the positions and combinations of the images are quite rational. For instance, it places the three corresponding deities, Aksobhya (Buddha), Vajrasattva (Bodhisattva) and Trailokyavijaya (Vidyārāja) in the direction of the southeast. This sort of rational arrangement must have been the original idea of the initial planner whose design was intended to form a unified mandala. Moreover, it is noteworthy that this drawing was made no later than about eighty years after the completion of these statues. It shows most probably their original arrangement. 4. The next question is what kind of mandala was intended to be composed here. Is the heretofore most prevailing theory that it was a Jênwang-ching mandala acceptable? Roughly speaking, there are two types of Jên-wang-ching mandala : one consisting of five Bodhisattvas based on the Jên-wang-ching sutra of the older translation, and the other in which the main images are the five Vidyārājas formed after the practice manual of the Jên-wang-ching of the later translation. Both of these were used in the ritual practice for such purposes as promoting peace and welfare in the state as well as for overcoming supposed enemies. But, the arrangement of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji cannot be regarded as a usual Jên-wang-ching mandala as it includes five Buddhas which are referred to neither in the sutra nor the practice manual of it, and as the five Bodhisattvas here are the head Bodhisattvas of the Vajradhātu-mandala. Here we should pay attention to a set of five ink drawings attributable to the five-direction deities mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. They are supposed to have been brought back from China by Kūkai and are now preserved in the Daigoji and in the Tōji in the shape of faithful copies. They illustrate one by one the deities of the five directions—the four cardinal directions and the center-each treating two Bodhisattvas (the Vajrapāņi type and the usual type), one Vidyārāja, and one of the five guardian deities (Indra and four Lokapālas). For the most part, they correspond to the range of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji and, in addition to that, the five Vidyārājas illustrated here have almost the same form as those in the Lecture Hall. We might safely assume that the kinds of deities in the Lecture Hall were determined in reference to this set of drawings. If this is true, the general idea shows that it was derived from the Jên-wang-ching mandala. The problem here, however, is that the five Bodhisattvas in the Lecture Hall take the appearence of the head Bodhisattvas of Vajradhātu-mandala as mentioned above and do not correspond with the five Bodhisattvas referred to in the practice manual of Jên-wang-ching sutra. But, the central one, Vajrapāramitā is apparently a Bodhisattva of this sutra and the others also embody some elements which can be connected with the Jên-wang-ching ritual. Moreover, according to the doctrine of Esoteric Buddhism, these five Bodhisattvas correspond to the five Bnddhas and the five Vadyārājas concerned. In other words, the primary images in the Lecture Hall, consisting of three groups of five deities, are nothing but the five substantial Buddhas and their two types of transfiguration, the Bodhisattvas as instructive being and the Vadyārājas as protectors. This indicates that the primary images in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji have dual characteristics based on the Vajradhātu ritual and the Jên-wang-ching ritual. As to the six guardian figures, five of them (Indra and four Lokapālas) follow what is mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. The other guardian figure, Brahmā, was probably added to make a symmetrical arrangement and to retain the traditional combination of Indra and Brahmā. Thus this mandala formed by the twenty-one orderly arranged statues has a double meaning, yet the system of Jên-wang-ching mandala is predominant. 5. All the signs point to the likelihood that the planner of such a mandala system cannot but have been Kūkai. Certainly Kūkai must have prepared several tentative plans for the arrangement of the deities in the Lecture Hall. A unique mandala called “Daishi Honzon Zu (Mandala Scheme made by Kūkai)”, which seems to be the work of Kūkai, is possibly one of them. This mandala puts emphasis on Buddhas and Bodhisattvas while the five Vadyārājas have only minor significance. It may be the result of placing importance on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching (Sutra of the Protection of the State Lord; Taisho 997), one of the sutras promoting the peace of the state. A scheme showing the relationship of deities as written in 839 by Shinnen, a disciple of Kūkai, must have been one of the tentative plans as well. Here the elements of the Jên-wang-ching ritual are predominant, and this scheme is very close to the actual arrangement of the Lecture Hall deities. This fact leads us to assume that it become virtually final plan. The composition of the deities for the Lecture Hall's unusual mandala was thus decided, and the plan was fulfilled after his death. Thus Kūkai intended to make the hall the center of his newly introduced Esoteric practices that were carried on as prayers for the peace and welfare of the state. It was closely related to his efforts to meet the demands of the Early Heian Period when the prevalent thought was the protection of the state by Buddhism. In fact, we find in the career of Kūkai that he put stress on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching and the Jên-wang-ching which he had brought back from China, and tried to promote the new rituals based on these sutras. In short, the deities of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji were planned by Kūkai himself who wanted to realize his ideal. It means that they are not only the objects of worship installed in the Hall, but they also compose a unique mandala for the ritual of Buddhist protection of the state.

著者

望月 拓実

雑誌

国際研究論叢 : 大阪国際大学紀要 = OIU journal of international studies (ISSN:09153586)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.2, pp.75-96, 2021-01-31

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This study has two purposes in order to clarify the future needs of eSports research in Japan.1.Review domestic and international eSports research and to organize and understand the research themes. 2.Discuss what kind of research is needed in Japan in the future.First, domestic research and social trends in eSports were collated with overseas research. As a result, three research themes were identified: "Is eSports a sport?" "Will eSports grow as a business and industry?" and "Is eSports useful for education? The three research themes were identified using a systematic review. As a result, a total of 23 references were reviewed. Finally, the literature on each theme was reviewed. It became clear that "Research on the definition of e-sports" "Research on the handling of e-sports as a new sport" was necessary. In addition, more research is needed on "The motivation to watch and participate in popular e-sports events in Japan". It is also necessary to research "The educational effects of e-sports events that are popular in Japan, mainly individual competitions".

著者

藤原 敬介

出版者

言語記述研究会

雑誌

言語記述論集 = JOURNAL OF KIJUTSUKEN(Descriptive Linguistics Study Group) (ISSN:2432244X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.13, pp.355-365, 2021-04-30

著者

井上 円了 イノウエ エンリョウ

出版者

東洋大学創立一〇〇周年記念論文集編纂委員会

雑誌

井上円了選集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.311-447, 1997-03-20

著者

玉井 香里

出版者

武庫川女子大学

雑誌

生活環境学研究

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.48-53, 2019-12-01

著者

清水 美知子 シミズ ミチコ Michiko SHIMIZU

雑誌

研究紀要

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.135-154, 2003-03-30

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本稿は,両大戦間期の日本における<女中>イメージの変容を,第一次世界大戦後に登場した「派出婦」(=家庭などに出向いて家事手伝いに従事する臨時雇いの女性)に焦点をあてて考察するものである。第一次世界大戦後,都市部では女中不足が深刻な社会問題となりつつあった。女中が見つからない,居着かない。そんな女中払底への対応策のひとつとして打ち出されたのが「派出婦」という臨時雇いの女中のシステムである。1918年,東京・四谷に「婦人共同派出会」が設立された。派出婦は,申込者の依頼内容に応じて適任者が派遣されるしくみ。賃金は従来の女中にくらべると割高だが,必要なとき必要なだけ雇えるという利点もある。「派出婦」はその後,家庭の手不足を補う労働力として,都市部を中心に急速に広まっていった。女中になることを"奉公に上がる"といったように,日本の女中は行儀見習や家事習得という修業的な性格を有していた。これに対して派出婦は,雇用期間や勤務時間,仕事内容が前もって決められるという点で,従来の女中とは大きく異なった。そこには"修業"という側面はない。主従関係から契約関係へ。「派出婦」の登場により女中は,"職業人"としての第一歩を踏み出すことになったのである。

著者

下川 雅弘 Masahiro SHIMOKAWA

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, pp.1-17, 2009-12-24

著者

川島 耕司

出版者

国士舘大学政経学会

雑誌

國士舘大學政經論叢 = SEIKEI-RONSO = THE REVIEW OF POLITICS AND ECONOMICS (ISSN:05869749)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, no.2-4, pp.49-67, 2020-03-25

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目 次 はじめに1 スリランカ社会とムスリム2 反ムスリム・キャンペーンとBBS3 暴力の頻発4 イースター・テロとその後 おわりに

著者

吉元 信行

出版者

大谷大学図書館・博物館

雑誌

書香:大谷大学図書館・博物館報

巻号頁・発行日

no.23, pp.10-11, 2006-03-17

著者

上野 千鶴子

出版者

名古屋外国語大学ワールドリベラルアーツセンター

雑誌

Artes MUNDI (ISSN:24321125)

巻号頁・発行日

no.5, pp.4-17, 2020-03

著者

辻本 典央

出版者

近畿大学法学会

雑誌

近畿大學法學 = Kinkidaigaku hogaku: the law review of Kinki University (ISSN:09164537)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.62, no.3.4, pp.157-186, 2015-03-01

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I. はじめに II. 前科・別罪証拠の位置づけ III. 前科・別罪証拠による犯人性立証 IV. おわりに

著者

佐藤 真之 Sato Masayuki サトウ マサユキ

出版者

東京家政大学

巻号頁・発行日

2015-09-13

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東京家政大学大学院人間生活学総合研究科博士(学術)学位論文・平成27年9月13日授与(博乙第3号)

著者

今崎 秀一 Shuichi Imazaki

雑誌

桃山学院大学社会学論集 = ST. ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW (ISSN:02876647)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.1/2, pp.16-24, 1970-03-01

著者

古沢 昌之

出版者

近畿大学商経学会

雑誌

商経学叢 = Shokei-gakuso: Journal of Business Studies (ISSN:04502825)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.1, pp.83-111, 2020-09-30

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[要旨]本論文の目的は,東南アジアの中で日本企業の最大の進出先であり,最多の在留邦人を擁するタイにおける「現地採用日本人」(日本人 SIEs)の活用について,「バウンダリー・スパナー」としての可能性と「日本人性」を巡る状況を中心に考察することにある。在タイ日系進出企業に対するアンケート調査の結果,SIEs は駐在員(AEs)と比べて高いタイ語能力とタイでの長い在住・就労経験を有することから,日タイの文化に架橋する「バウンダリー・スパナー」としてのポテンシャルを有した人材集団であると考えられる。また,回答企業が SIEs を雇用する背景には「日本語能力」「日本人の考え方や日本のマナー・ビジネス慣行に対する理解」といった「日本人性」に対する期待があることが分かった。[Abstract] This paper explores the utilization of Japanese self-initiated expatriates (SIEs)in Thailand where Japanese companies have the largest number of subsidiaries and the number of Japanese residents is the highest among Southeast Asian countries from the perspectives of their potential as boundary spanners and Japaneseness. We find that Japanese SIEs seem to have potential as boundary spanners because of their living and working experience in Thailand and fluency in the local language based on our questionnaire survey of Japanese -affiliated companies in Thailand. The research also reveals that the Japanese-affiliates employ Japanese SIEs owing to their Japaneseness such as Japanese language ability and familiarity with Japanese way of thinking, Japanese manners or business customs.