著者
野波 寬 土屋 博樹 桜井 国俊
出版者
日本グループ・ダイナミックス学会
雑誌
実験社会心理学研究 (ISSN:03877973)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.1, pp.40-54, 2014 (Released:2014-08-29)
参考文献数
36
被引用文献数
2 4

正当性とは,公共政策に対する自他の決定権について,人々が何らかの理由・価値をもとに評価する承認可能性と定義される。本研究では沖縄県における在日米軍基地政策を取り上げ,これに深く関わる当事者と関与の浅い非当事者との間で,NIMBY問題における政策の決定権をめぐる多様なアクターの正当性とその規定因を検討した。正当性の規定因としては信頼性と法規性に焦点を当てた。当事者は精密な情報処理への動機づけが高いため,信頼性から正当性評価への影響は,評価対象のアクターごとに変化すると考えられる。これに対して非当事者は,各アクターの正当性を周辺的手がかりにもとづいて判断するため,一律的に信頼性と法規性が規定因になると仮定された。これらの仮説は支持されたが,その一方で非当事者ではNIMBY構造に関する情報の獲得により,自己利益の維持を目指して特定アクターの正当性を承認する戦略的思考の発生が指摘された。以上を踏まえ,公共政策をめぐるアクター間の合意形成を権利構造のフレームから検証する理論的視点について論じた。
著者
土屋 博政
出版者
慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会
雑誌
慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学
巻号頁・発行日
no.39, pp.27-147, 2001

This paper deals with the first half of Clay MacCauley's superinten-dence of the Unitarian Mission to Japan (1890-1900), the second period in its overall history (1887-1923). Our theme is : "Why could not the Unitarians increase their members in Japan?" As my last paper showed, Arthur May Knapp and other Unitarian missionaries were all welcomed by leading Meiji figures. Fukuzawa Yukichi, Kaneko Kentaro and other eminent people offered them every convenience to spread their liberal movement. Their future looked full of promise. Knapp and MacCauley were convinced that their religion would prevail among intellectuals and the upper classes in the very near future. Knapp considered himself `a man with an Empire on his hands'. After Knapp left Japan for health reasons toward the end of 1890, however, the Mission began to grow less rapidly than had been expect-ed. Why? There were several reasons, both external and internal. From the second decade of the Meiji era (1877-), Japanese increas-ingly came to accept the principle that the Emperor occupied a special position in the nation. An important turning point in attitudes to the West came with the failure of attempts at revision of the unequal treaties in 1888. In the Meiji Constitution of 1889 the Emperor granted his people limited political rights, but the Imperial Rescript on Educa-tion of 1890 emphasized the duty of loyalty to the throne. There was a reaction against Christianity and things western. As a result, the Japanese people stopped imitating the West and searched for a culture which was distinctly Japanese. At the outset Unitarianism fitted in well with the atmosphere of "nationalism", because the Unitarians respected Japanese culture and religions. In fact, Knapp was surprisingly successful in his first few years. According to Fenollosa, `The marvel of his success is stated when I say that in less than two years he alone has accomplished far more with the upper classes than a large corps of evangelical mission-aries have been able to do in thirty.' Nonetheless, the reaction against Western ideas went further than Knapp and MacCauley had anticipated. As events moved toward the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), Kaneko and other leading intellectuals began to disassociate themselves from the Unitarians. To ordinary Japanese the Unitarian movement belonged to Christianity after all, however liberal it might look. There were two major internal factors which prevented the Unitar-ians from flourishing : problems connected with MacCauley's personal-ity and leadership, and problems connected with the organization of the Mission itself. It was reported that "Knapp was able to secure the cooperation of influential Japanese, but MacCauley was not." Mac-Cauley was not so much a leader as a lone thinker, who was poor at communicating his ideas clearly to his co-workers. Soon after Knappwent home, MacCauley's clumsy handling of Kato Satori, the first Japanese Unitarian minister, led to the latter's withdrawal. In Knapp's view, "MacCauley was lacking in the diplomatic ability" to cope with Kato's problem. He also mentioned MacCauley's "almost morbid sensi-tiveness in regard to the dignity and responsibility of his position." Some influential members left the Mission after this incident. When contemplating the problems the Mission had as an organiza-tion, we must consider three aspects : finance, policy, and the liberal nature of Unitarianism itself. As far as the finance was concerned, the problem was straightforward. Since the American Unitarian Associa-tion was very small, it did not have sufficient funds to support the Japan Unitarian Association. If mission funds had been more abundant, the Mission might have been able to spread its net wider and win more supporters. The Unitarian missionaries had their own policies regarding mission work. First, they relied heavily on mission literature. It is true that their magazine and tracts were "very active, effective missionaries", but MacCauley's dependence on literature alone was not effective in keep-ing members within the circle. MacCauley underestimated the emo-tional dimensions of religious faith. It is well known that not only rituals, but also ornamental images and music are very helpful to keep faith alive. This was as true of religion in Japan as elsewhere. The Unitarians tended to be too intellectual, even for the intellectuals who were their targets. Unitarian models were absolutely necessary. Because of his sociable nature, Knapp was a living example to the Japanese of what Unitarian faith entailed. We find the following statement in The Japan Weekly Mail : "Mr. Knapp is himself a type of the faith he professes. Tolerant,liberal, genial, and highly cultured, he is precisely the sort of man to appeal to the refined and critical tendencies of the educated Japanese." MacCauley, however, failed to be a good model of Unitarianism since he preferred not to associate with the upper classes and intellectual leaders. Without Knapp, therefore, the Unitarian Mission lost much of its appeal. Secondly, Unitarian policy concerning the incorporation of other religions, especially Buddhism, turned out to be ambiguous. According to MacCauley, there were two kinds of opinion among American Unitarians ; "those which have been formed through the relations of Unitarians to historic Christianity and those which have resulted from free philosophic and scientific speculation upon many of the problems confronting human life." According to the first class of opinion, Unitar-ians were Christians. The second class of opinion saw Unitarians as philosophic theists, scientific moralists, and students who were sympa-thetic with all the forms of religion. Conservative Unitarians favored the former opinion and many radical Unitarians the latter, but Mac-Cauley was a middle-of-the roader. He professed himself a Christian, yet he was also willing to admit that Japanese Unitarians did not necessarily have to be Christians. His position caused confusion both within the Mission and outside. Liberal Christians such as Universalists and members of the Fukyu Fukuin Kyokai (General Evangelical Church) had no hostility to Buddhism, but hesitated to cooperate with the Unitarians because they were unwilling to compromise their Chris-tian identity. On the other hand, only a few Buddhists joined the Mission because there were some important Buddhist teachings which were incompat-ible with Unitarian beliefs. For example, Buddhists usually have nofaith in God the Father or in the immortality of the soul. The Jodo and the Jodo-Shin schools were exceptions, because of the stress placed on faith in the vow of Amida. Members of these schools found it less difficult in accept Unitarian teachings. It is no wonder that such leaders as Saji Jitsunen and Nakanisi Usio belonged to the Jodo-Shin school. However, the Jodo and the Jodo-Shin schools were only minority Buddhist groups in Japan. The liberal nature of Unitarianism itself caused some difficulties in Japan. As a critic said, "Unitarianism flourishes as a parasite on other bodies when their vitality is low." When standing alone, it could hardly walk. The chief reason why Unitarianism as Christian liberalism did not take root in Japan lay in the fact that it did not require people to leave their previous faiths and actually become formal members. Christians dissatisfied with more orthodox forms of Christians were potential customers, but there were very few such people in Japan. Unitarianism might therefore have broadened the minds of some Christians, but it rarely led complete unbelievers to liberal Christianity. The liberalism of Unitarianism also made it difficult for the Mission to develop a distinct identity. In the U.S. the radicals of the A.U.A. established their own group, the Free Religious Association. They rejected the word "Christian" from their statement of principles as too narrowing ; broadening out still more, they even expunged the word "theistic" and were ready to include agnosticism. In 1896 the Japan Unitarian Association came to resemble this radical offshoot, conse-quently the A.U.A. halved their financial aid. Previously, in 1893 the Association's Jiyu Shin Gakko (School for Liberal Theology) was only able to attract new students by waiving entrance and tuition fees, since so few students were willing to study Unitarianism.As is generally known, Fukuzawa, Kaneko, and other leaders suppor-ted the Mission in various ways. But none of them joined it. Three professors at Keio University, Garrett Droppers (Dutch Reformed) , W. J. Liscomb (Baptist) and J. H. Wigmore (Episcopal), had come to Japan to help the Mission. Although they were in full agreement withUnitarianism, none of them actually became Unitarians, or attendedUnitarian services on Sunday. Why did they do so? The reason wassimple : because they did not have to. MacCauley had claimed thatUnitarianism should not be a sect but a movement. Its mission to Japanwas just to spread a liberal faith. Membership figures were not thecentral concern.
著者
野波 寬 土屋 博樹 桜井 国俊
出版者
The Japanese Group Dynamics Association
雑誌
実験社会心理学研究 (ISSN:03877973)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.54, no.1, pp.40-54, 2014
被引用文献数
4

正当性とは,公共政策に対する自他の決定権について,人々が何らかの理由・価値をもとに評価する承認可能性と定義される。本研究では沖縄県における在日米軍基地政策を取り上げ,これに深く関わる当事者と関与の浅い非当事者との間で,NIMBY問題における政策の決定権をめぐる多様なアクターの正当性とその規定因を検討した。正当性の規定因としては信頼性と法規性に焦点を当てた。当事者は精密な情報処理への動機づけが高いため,信頼性から正当性評価への影響は,評価対象のアクターごとに変化すると考えられる。これに対して非当事者は,各アクターの正当性を周辺的手がかりにもとづいて判断するため,一律的に信頼性と法規性が規定因になると仮定された。これらの仮説は支持されたが,その一方で非当事者ではNIMBY構造に関する情報の獲得により,自己利益の維持を目指して特定アクターの正当性を承認する戦略的思考の発生が指摘された。以上を踏まえ,公共政策をめぐるアクター間の合意形成を権利構造のフレームから検証する理論的視点について論じた。
著者
土屋 博映
出版者
跡見学園女子大学
雑誌
跡見学園女子大学文学部紀要 (ISSN:13481444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, pp.1-8, 2010-03-15

剣豪としてあまりにも有名な宮本武蔵の実際の人物像については、本書に記されていることくらいしか知りえない。宮本武蔵がその名前を天下に知らしめたのは、吉川英治の『宮本武蔵』からである。大衆文学作品として、出色の出来栄えである。それはそれでよい。大いに評価に値する。しかし、実際の武蔵はどうだったかという、歴史的・実証的な立場から言えば、世間を惑わせたとも言えなくはない。本稿では、『五輪書』のどこがどのように、日本人の精神に影響を与えたのか、あるいはそうでないのか、それを明確にすることを目標として、『五輪書』に対峙してみたい。本稿はその手始めとして、『五輪書』の構成を記述することを主とする。
著者
土屋 博紀 加藤 博詞 林 英明
出版者
JAPANESE SOCIETY OF ORAL THERAPEUTICS AND PHARMACOLOGY
雑誌
歯科薬物療法 (ISSN:02881012)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.3, pp.138-146, 1998-12-01 (Released:2010-06-08)
参考文献数
26

Green tea catechins have been widely used as an anticariogenic or antiplaque additive to mouthrinses, toothpastes, etc. Since their retention in the oral cavity is the determinant for thecaries preventive effects, the oral pharmacokinetic study was performed by assessing salivary concentrations of catechins with time after oral application using high-performance liquid chromatography with diode array detection. The optimized method enabled to simultaneously quantify eight catechins in the concentration range of 0.05-25.0μg/ml in saliva and mouthrinses with high resolution, recovery, and precision. Mouthrinsing experiments with the aqueous solutions of green tea extract (5.0mg/ml) revealed that each catechin maintained the salivary concentration at μg/ml levels for 1-60 min after mouthrinsing, especially (-) -epigal-locatechin gallate and (-) -gallocatechin gallate showed concentrations over 10μg/ml even after 60 min. When using the commercially available mouthrinses containing green tea extract, catechins were found in saliva up to 60 min after mouthrinsing, although their salivary concentrations were much lower. The retentive degree of catechins depended on their concentrations in mouthrinses and the number of times of mouthrinsing. Mouthrinsing with the green tea extract solution under optimal conditions would retain catechins in the oral cavity at least for 60 min after oral application, maintaining their salivary concentrations to show the potential caries preventive effects.
著者
土屋 博映
出版者
跡見学園女子大学
雑誌
跡見学園女子大学文学部紀要 (ISSN:13481444)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, pp.41-51, 2009-09-15

『方丈記』は随筆文学として知られているが、その評価は以外に低い。その理由は、分量の少なさ、次に内容が主観的で描写された世界が狭いと把握されているからと言えそうだ。しかし、分量の少なさが作品の価値を決めるものではなく、また主観的であるとしても、それは、かえって激動の時代、中世の知識人の苦悩を如実に示すものとして、そこに価値を見出すことができるはずである。 そこで、本稿では、『方丈記』全体の構成について明らかにすることを第一の目標とし、その結果、長明の主張を導きだすことを、さらなる目標とし、さらに、できれば『方丈記』の再評価を最終目標としたいと考えた。『方丈記』(全六章・三七段)の構成は「1、序文(世は無常)→2、不思議(世の無常の具体例)→3、人生の苦悩(一般論)→4、自己の苦悩(個別論)→5、出家1(大原)→6、出家2(日野山・方丈の家)→7、方丈の住処(内部・周辺・近辺・遠地・独夜)→8、独居の気楽さ(都との比較)→9、自己の生き方の反省→10、後記」と、10項目に分けられる。構成上のポイントは、2の「不思議」から、3、4の「人生・自己の苦悩」へと展開する部分である。展開はやや強引だが、見方を変えれば、「不思議」から、直接、「方丈の住処の安寧さ」を述べるよりも、彼の、人生における鬱々たる心の暗闇が、3の「人生の苦悩(一般論)」と4の「自己の苦悩(個別論)」により、より深化されているともいえる。5の「出家1」は世の中の「不思議(天変地異)」だけで成しえたものではないということの強い内面の噴出と見られよう。6の「出家2」により、やっと安住の家「方丈の住処」を手に入れたことを述べ、7で「方丈の住処」の内部、外部、周辺から近辺さらに遠地までをとことん賛美する。 鴨長明が『方丈記』で主張したかった点は、7の「三二」(「おほかた」で始まる段)と[三三](「それ」で始まる段)で、今の、「方丈」の清貧の住処をよしとし、独居の生活をよしとする、これが一つの主張。そして、([三三])(「おほかた」で始まる段)で、今の純粋な心をのべ、「三四」(「それ」で始まる段)で、精神の満足こそ最善であると強調する、これが最終的な主張であると推定した。
著者
土屋 博紀 加藤 博詞
出版者
JAPANESE SOCIETY OF ORAL THERAPEUTICS AND PHARMACOLOGY
雑誌
歯科薬物療法 (ISSN:02881012)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.17, no.3, pp.147-154, 1998-12-01 (Released:2010-06-08)
参考文献数
30
被引用文献数
1

Green tea catechins with the anticariogenic activity have been recently revealed to maintain their salivary concentrations after mouthrinsing. The mechanism underlying such retention in the oral cavity was studied by quantitatively evaluating the adsorption of catechins after vortex-mixing with hydroxyapatite, buccal mucosal cells, and proteins in artificial saliva. Treatment with hydroxyapatite decreased catechins in supernatants and such a decrease was more significant by coating hydroxyapatite with saliva as an experimental pellicle. When treating with mucosal cells, unwashed cells decreased catechins in ultrafiltrates more significantly than washed cells. Catechins in ultrafiltrates were decreased by treating with albumin and mucin depending on protein concentrations. These reduced concentrations in supernatants and ultrafiltrates meant the adsorption of catechins to hydroxyapatite, mucosal cells, and proteins. In structural comparison, four gallate esters were superior in the adsorptive activity to the corresponding non-esters. Concentration changes of salivary ctechins after mouthrinsing with green tea extracts showed that the retention of catechins in the oral cavity was associated with their adsorption. The present results suggested that green tea catechins are adsorbed by the teeth, pellicles and oral mucosa, and that salivary proteins such as albumin and mucin are responsible for the adsorption. The adsorbed catechins are considered to gradually be released to maintain the salivary concentrations after oral application.
著者
土屋 博政
出版者
慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会
雑誌
慶応義塾大学日吉紀要 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)
巻号頁・発行日
no.41, pp.66-101, 2002

The Japan Unitarian Mission was in a crisis of getting no financial support from American Unitarians any longer in late 1896. Then, Clay MacCauley, its superintendent, went back to the U.S. in the next early spring to appeal to them. As a result, he succeeded in persuading them to support the Mission again. His return to Japan was, therefore, supposed to be a very happy one. But, in fact, he did not have "the pleasantest kind of a homecoming", because he had scarcely landed before he heard that he must leave his house as soon as possible. Fukuzawa had been waiting simply for his return to get him out. Keio-gijuku was expanding fast and needed the land on which his house stood, for dormitories to be built at once. MacCauley was perplexed. He could find no available house. In his own words, "Almost in despair I concluded to house myself for a time in our hall." Why was Fukuzawa unwilling to supply another house to MacCauley? The answer was simple: he had lost his interest in the Unitarians while MacCauley was away. The letters the former superintendent, Arthur May Knapp, wrote to the A.U.A.(the American Unitarian Association) in 1897 reveal what happened to Fukuzawa. Knapp returned to Japan "almost exactly synchronous with MacCauley's departure". Fukuzawa welcomed him warmly. One of Knapp's letters tells us that Fukuzawa took him into his confidence and regard more than ever. People called him the second Dr. Simmons, because up to the time of his death the latter had been for thirty-years Fukuzawa's most intimate friend and trusted counselor. Fukuzawa had been contemplating changes in the organization of his university at the time, and asked Knapp for his assistance in the matter. Knapp's radical plan included the following ideas: that the institution would take upon itself an international character seeking a close affiliation with like institutions in America, and that the constitution would be altered so as to permit the appointment of Knapp, and other Americans to be named by him, to the Board of Overseers. Fukuzawa was pleased with his plan and talked of incorporating the Unitarian seminary, Senshin-gakuin into Keio-gijuku. He was confident that the A.U.A. would back up Knapp. As Knapp feared, however, his scheme could not be carried out without the support of MacCauley, who was the representative of the A.U.A., since Knapp had no official position. Unfortunately the two were on bad terms. Consequently, the plan was not approved. Now we see why Fukuzawa was disappointed in Knapp, MacCauley and the A.U.A.. Less than a year later Fukuzawa had a stroke.
著者
(故) 江口 彌 谷垣 昌敬 武藤 邦夫 土屋 博嗣 後藤 英司 佐藤 俊樹
出版者
公益社団法人 化学工学会
雑誌
化学工学論文集 (ISSN:0386216X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, no.6, pp.1102-1108, 1989-11-10 (Released:2009-10-21)
参考文献数
7
被引用文献数
6 7

気相が共存しない状態で, 均一水溶液中の亜硝酸の消失速度を, 288~313Kで測定して, 速度解析を行った.水溶液中での亜硝酸の自己分解は, 既往の気液系で行われた研究で導かれている素過程にしたがって起こるが, 気相が存在しない場合には, 溶解度の小さい生成物である一酸化窒素の放出が抑制され, 気液系では無視できる逆反応の影響が大きくなる.また, 亜硝酸は自己分解で消失するだけではなく, 溶存酸素による液相酸化によっても消失する.この反応系においては, 亜硝酸の自己分解における迅速な第1素過程で生成する一酸化窒素の溶存酸素による液相酸化が律速過程である.以上の考察に基づいて, 溶存酸素が存在する水溶液中における亜硝酸の総括消失速度を, 一酸化窒素の液相酸化速度を考慮して導いた.また, 総括反応速度定数および総括反応平衡定数の温度依存性を明らかにした.
著者
樋口 亮太 土屋 博紀 安田 秀喜 幸田 圭史 鈴木 正人 山崎 将人 手塚 徹 小杉 千弘 平野 敦史 植村 修一郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本消化器外科学会
雑誌
日本消化器外科学会雑誌 (ISSN:03869768)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.43, no.6, pp.647-653, 2010
被引用文献数
2

近年,画像診断の進歩により膵腫瘍が偶然に発見される機会が増加している.今回,我々は術前診断しえたものの嚢胞成分の悪性を否定できず縮小手術を行った膵内副脾の1例を経験したので報告する.症例は55歳の女性で,急性虫垂炎のため行った腹部CTで膵尾部に径約3 cm大のcysticな領域を伴う充実性腫瘤を認めた.EUSで腫瘤の充実性領域は脾臓と同程度のエコー像を呈し膵内副脾を疑った.腫瘤はSPIO MRIで脾と同様の信号低下を,99mTc-スズコロイドシンチグラフィーで集積増加を示した.膵内副脾と診断したが,cysticな成分もあり悪性が完全に否定できないことを説明したところ,外科治療を希望され手術となった.膵尾部背側に3 cm大の軟らかい赤褐色腫瘍を認め,脾温存膵尾部切除術を行い術中ゲフリールにて膵内副脾を確認した.経過は良好で術後16日目に退院した.術前診断しえた膵内副脾の報告は少なく貴重な症例と思われ若干の文献学的考察を加え報告する.
著者
小杉 千弘 安田 秀喜 幸田 圭史 鈴木 正人 山崎 将人 手塚 徹 樋口 亮太 平野 敦史 植村 修一郎 土屋 博紀
出版者
一般社団法人日本消化器外科学会
雑誌
日本消化器外科学会雑誌 (ISSN:03869768)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.6, pp.632-639, 2009-06-01
参考文献数
14
被引用文献数
2 2

鼠径ヘルニア根治手術は若い外科医が基本手技を鍛錬する場であり,外科手術の入門編として位置していた.現在,初期研修医制度が実施され,外科系診療科志望でない研修医も外科をローテーションするカリキュラムが組まれている.今回,我々は鼠径ヘルニア根治術を初期研修医に執刀させる是非を検討する.方法:2005年4月から2007年12月に根治手術を施行した139例を対象とした.134例にmesh plug法が,5例にPROLENE hernia system法が行われた.初期研修医執刀例は72例(R群),外科医執刀例は67例(S群)だった.R群とS群において,患者背景,術中,術後因子を検討した.結果:患者背景においてR群とS群で有意差はなかった.術中因子として手術時間においてR群:S群に有意差を認めた(88.0分:64.2分,p<0.001).術後因子は,入院期間(3.8±2.1日:4.9±8.3日,p=0.14),合併症(9.8%:6.6%,p=0.64)に統計学的に有意差はなかったが,再発はR群7例(9.7%),S群1例(1.5%)で有意にR群において高かった(p=0.04).考察:入院期間,合併症には有意差はなく,再発率は初期研修医術者が外科医と比較し有意に高かったが,助手として外科専門医が指導することで,再発率が抑えられる.よって,現在の研修医制度において外科系研修カリキュラムの手術執刀についての指導指診作成が望まれる.