著者

小馬 徹

出版者

一橋大学

雑誌

一橋研究 (ISSN:0286861X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.2, pp.80-99, 1978-09-30

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論文タイプ||論説

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

大修館書店

雑誌

月刊言語

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, no.10, pp.98-99, 1995-10

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特集・世界の民間信仰

著者

小馬 徹

出版者

神奈川大学人文学会

雑誌

人文研究 (ISSN:02877074)

巻号頁・発行日

no.204, pp.63-109, 2021

著者

小馬 徹 コンマ トオル

出版者

神奈川大学人文学会

雑誌

人文研究 = Studies in humanities (ISSN:02877074)

巻号頁・発行日

no.207, pp.21-95, 2022-12-26

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The present paper is a sequel of this particular author’s former papers titled, ① ‶A mythical monster, Shii promoted the Shibues, top masters of Kappa, the most popular water monster in Japan" (Komma2021a), and ② ‶Rampant emergence of a mythical monster, Shii and the concealed outbreaks of rinderpest ―Ethno-history of massive fatalities of cattle and horses during the early-modern times in Japan" (Komma2022). In the 1st paper concerned, the author clarifi ed the historical process of the formation of the notion, Shii. Several Chinese books had been imported into Japan refer to Shii saying that it can miraculously steal into anybody’s chamber at amy time at will without being noticed, that it often harms anybody’s eyes, face, and limbs, and that it may kill the victims at times. Though those Chinese books never include cattle (nor horses)among Shii’s victims, when the natives of the Nagato and the Suou domains in Westernmost Honshu had been suff ering from massive fatalities of their own cattle in the early 17th century, they named Shii as the incident’s supernatural cause. After several decades, a Shinto priest living in the Suou domain who happened to be at a village in the Chikuzen domain in Northern Kyuhshu, witnessed quite a similar incident to theirs then and there. So he, with the confi dence, eagerly recommended the villagers to fi nd and kill racoon-dog-like creatures. Somehow they successfully hunted some heads, after which peace returned. Some other villages there followed suit and were successful in stopping the mysterious cattle killings, too. Hence Shii leaped into imfamy in nearby villages. An exclusively famous Confusian in the Chikuzen domain at that time, KAIBARA Ekiken wrote the incident vividly in his books titled Chikuzennokuni-nochinohudoki and Yamato-honzo respectively. Hence the high notoriety of Shii in the western half of Honshu and all of Shikoku and Kyushu. ① may be summarized as this. In the second paper ② , the author compares ① with Dr. KISHI Hiroshi’s papers. Kishi is a veterinarian, who identifi ed rinderpest as the aetiological cause of the massive fatalities of native cattle in his homeland,the Nagato and the Suou domains at that time, by referring to many archives well satisfying his fi ve conditions, i.e.(a) only cattle,(b)who are infected with some virus,(c) and died,(d) rapidly,(e) and alsomassively. He is the very fi rst and last person that substantiated the outbreaks of rinderpest during the early-modern times in Japan. His papers assisted the author indeed in that now we can safely say that the myth of Shii in Japan originated mainly due to the two great rinderpest outbreaks. Then, the last question is why did the sudden rise of the very notion of Shii in Western Japan as a whole occur just in the period of massive deth toll during the Kyohou great famine in 1732 which did not fulfi ll Dr. Kishi’s 5 conditions mentioned above, for not only cattle but also horses died in a great number. In ② , the author insists as follows. Through the extremely miserable experiences during the two great outbreaks of rinderpest in the early-and-mid 17th century, the native peasants realized that horses can substitute their dead cattle as ploughing animals. So, they did dreadfully fear the Kyohou great famine, during which their horses died together with their cattle, leaving no ploughing power, other than human beings themselves, behind at all. For the present author, the plenty of historical documents he cited as the hard evidence to corroborate the two great outbreaks of rinderpest, are heuristic and thought-provoking by far beyond expectation. The present paper’s author, encountered a thin document full of apparent miscopies in transcription, titled Kanbun-zakki meanig miscellaneous notes during the Kanbun era. After a careful study of the docu ment, a crucial evidence for the unexpected paradigm shift from Kappa to Shii as the aetiological cause of massive fatalities of cattle and horses loomed large out of historic mist. An offi cial circular of a tentative aetiology of the massive fatalities by Shogunate government offi cials was sent to each feudal lord in Western Japan during the second great outbreak of rinderpest in the mid-Kanbun era. The quite an old-fashioned circular, to which a transcription of the Shibues’ famous charm to avert Kappa’s evil attached, read as follows: the government recommends to press the charm to the head of each one of cattle, for the practice has turnd out very effi cacious to prevent the animal from dying in the Higo domain. Higo is the Shibues’ homeland. This is astounding fact, for, according to the standard academic evaluation, they at that time have been taken as persons of somewhat low social standing, up to now. The government’s pronouncement should have changed the attitudes of the common people toward them, especially in the Higo domain,avobe all. When the Kyohou great famine started, the above-mentioned paradigm shift from Kappa to Shii took place, for Higoites had been infl uenced by the aetiology in the Chikugo domain which was located in close vicinity to the Higo domain in the south. Chikugoites were known for having originated another diff erent concept of Shii independent from that of the Nagato and the Suou domains. According to it, Shii harms horses only, but not cattle, which is more profi table to the lesson gotten after the two great rinderpest outbreaks. So, it seems that the residents in the Higo domain successfully persuaded now prestigeful the Sibues to accept the Chikugo-like concept. All in all, the Shibues seem to come to be known as top masters of uprising Shii, other than those of Kappa. As a result, Kappa seems to have constantly reduced group consciousness day by day.

著者

関根 康正 野村 雅一 松本 博之 小田 亮 松田 素二 小馬 徹 野村 雅一 小田 亮 松田 素二 小馬 徹 KLEINSCHMIDT Harald 松本 博之 棚橋 訓 鈴木 裕之 GILL Thomas P. 加藤 政洋 島村 一平 玉置 育子 近森 高明

出版者

日本女子大学

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

2006

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ストリートの人類学は、流動性を加速させるネオリベラリズムとトランスナショナリズムが進行する再帰的近代化の現代社会に資する人類学の対象と方法を探求したものである。現代の「管理社会」下ではホーム・イデオロギーを逸脱したストリート現象の場所は二重の隠蔽の下にあるので、画定しにくいがゆえにまずは正確な対象画定が重要になる。系譜学的にそれを掘り起こしたうえで、そのストリート現象についてシステム全体を勘案した体系的なエスノグラフィを書くことを試みた。この<周辺>を<境界>に読み替えるというネオリベラリズムを適切に脱却する人類学的な新地平を開拓した。

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

アフリカ協会

雑誌

月刊アフリカ (ISSN:02880423)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.7, pp.18-19, 1998-07

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

アフリカ協会

雑誌

月刊アフリカ (ISSN:02880423)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.9, pp.16-17, 1998-09

著者

小松 和彦 板橋 作美 常光 徹 小馬 徹 徳田 和夫 關 一敏 内田 忠賢 高田 衛

出版者

国際日本文化研究センター

雑誌

基盤研究(A)

巻号頁・発行日

1999

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三年計画の研究は以下の四つのテーマに従って展開され、成果がまとめられた。(1)怪談・妖怪関係資料の収集及び民俗調査:全国各地(青森・東京・福島・千葉・石川・富山・新潟・愛知・京都・香川・愛媛・高知・福岡・長崎・沖縄等)でおこない、報告書(冊子体)に各分担者が三年間の調査・研究をまとめた。(2)怪異伝承データベース構築のための事例収業とカード化:民俗学関係雑誌さらには近世の随筆から妖怪・怪異関連の記事を抜き出し、情報カードの作成を行なった。作成した情報カードの件数は13,364件にのぼり、それらの書誌情報のコンピュータ入力を終了した。一般公開をみこした怪異伝承データベースの利用方法についての議論は今後の課題であるが、民俗学における妖怪・怪異研究の動向把握など現時点でも幅広い活用が期待できる。(3)怪異・妖怪研究の研究動向調査:網羅的な文献リストを作成した。また追加で妖怪・怪異研究に従事している外国人研究者のリストを調査可能な限りにおいて作成した。今回の調査で、日本の妖怪・怪異は近年関心を集め続けてきたことがわかった。.今後予定しているインターネットを通じた怪異伝承データベースの公開は国際的に価値の高い情報発信となることが予想される。(4)一般公開:本研究の成果の一部は、国立歴史民俗博物館の企画展「異界万華鏡」に生かされた。またSCS討論会「異界ルネッサンス」を催した。これは国際日本文化研究センターと国立歴史民俗博物館の間で衛星中継による公開テレビ討諭会である。いずれも一般入場者からの高い関心を得た。

著者

小馬 徹

出版者

平凡社

雑誌

歴史と民俗 : 神奈川大学日本常民文化研究所論集 (ISSN:0912568X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.34, pp.293-328, 2018-03

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

アフリカ協会

雑誌

月刊アフリカ

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.11, pp.30-31, 1994-10

著者

小馬 徹

出版者

日本アフリカ学会

雑誌

アフリカ研究 (ISSN:00654140)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1985, no.27, pp.1-54, 1985-12-31 (Released:2010-04-30)

参考文献数

49

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This essay describes and analyzes how the kimanakta-kimanagan, or a custom of lending-out/borrowing of livestock including cattle, among the Kipsigis people of Kenya has changed through the drastic acculturation they have consequtively experienced through out this century after they came into contact with the European settlers in the Kenyan “White Highland”. Moreover, this essay explains how the values of cattle have changed and survived in the Kipsigis society which is among so-called “East African cattle complex” societies, with the special reference to the kimanakta-kimanagan system.The Kipsigis have been generally regarded as a “model” East African people in that this traditionally pastoral people very successfully adapted themselves to the colonial and capitalistic economy by rapidly adopting maize cultivation with plough and by shifting from communal land tenure to private land tenure. As a result, it is claimed, they lessened their pastoral attributes in large and cattle, around which almost all the traditional values of the people had centred, descalated to a simple article of commerse which was even less valuable than maize.It may be true that some characteristics of the traditional Kipsigis culture centred around cattle declined, but it can not be denied that the kimanakta-kimanagan system survives well in the course of the acculturation and that cattle still maintain importance as multiple media through which social relations are structured.Traditionally, the kimanakta-kimanagan contract was made on individual base among age-mates, affines, relatives, clansmen etc., and a cow, she-goat, or ewe was sent out as long-termed loan so that it could supply milk and blood to drink to the debtor's family. This system contributed to reduce inequality in the number of livestock, which were the then primary means of survival, held by individuals as well as possible discontents among the people, and therefore to maintain the unity of the acephalous and non-segmental Kipsigis society.Researchers are apt to underestimate, or even neglect, the significance of the existence of the highly transformed modern kimanakta-kimanagan system, judging form the descalation of the relative economic value of cattle. The system has been flexibly amended and developing new variations of practice in accordance with the needs derived from the modernization. But thus, all the more, it makes for minimizing the inequality not only in cattle holdings but also in their economy as a whole in the modern Kipsigis society. This may be the very reason the system survives the radical changes of their life style. In other words, it achieved its involution in this way.

著者

小馬 徹

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, no.1, pp.p117-165, 1989

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The Kipsigis of Kenya have been using, as a tradition, decimalnotation. However, they hate and try to avoid countingnot only their members but also domestic animals, just like manyother east African pastoral peoples. This could be the reasonwhy they seem to have had, at first, the notion of numbersimply consisting of just the most basic numbers from one to ten.This plain notion of number is closely linked with the verb'saspect system of the Kipsigis language, and their views of timeand space.In counting 1-5 on fingers, a Kipsigis uses the left handfolding the fingers one by one. The little finger represents 1;the third finger 2; the middle finger 3; the forefinger 4; thethumb 5. In counting 6-10, he adds the fingers of the righthand to the left fist, one at a time. Now, the little fingerrepresents 6; the third finger 7; the middle finger 8; the forefinger9; the thumb 10.According to old Kipsigis men, the most basic numbers of1-10, at the same time, imply something more than the notionof number. 1-5, which are shown by the thumb and fingers ofthe left hand, symbolise oneself (1), oneself and the other, whichrepresents the community (2), conflictive situations existingbetween oneself and the community (3), harmonious situationsexisting between oneself and the community (4), and the completionof the cosmic harmony (5), respectively. In other words,the numbers represented by the thumb and fingers of the lefthand(1-5) symbolise the development of one's consciousness bysteps from self-orientated state to community-orientated state.On the other hand, each of 6-10, which are represented bythe thumb and fingers of right hand, just expresses linguisticallythat the indicated number is big and difficult to comprehend.Thus 10 (taman) literally means "It beats me" ( Taamenan).Above all, 5 (mut) and 10 (taman) linked themselves withthe notions of past, present, and future on which Kipsigis viewtime bases, as shown below. A transitive verb, mut, signifiesi) to encircle, and ii) to cut something into two. When a man`clenches a fist' (mumut) with the left hand , to connote 5, thisdivides the entire set of the basic numbers (1-10) into two, i.e.,the already counted 5 (1-5) and the uncounted 5 (6-10). InKipsigis amut, which can literally mean 'I cut it into two , is foryesterday. Mutai means morning in the Kipsigis language ingeneral, and yet it means to-morrow in the northern Kipsigisdialect, just as in some other Kalenjin languages, includingNandi and Terik. In addition, mutai can literally mean 'thefirst (tai) five (mut). Here making a fist for counting 5 is associatedwith a rotation of the sun, which causes day and night. Andtherefore closing both hands to count 10 is connected with thedoubled rotation of the sun, and, as the result, with yesterday(oin). Being the last number in the Kipsigis's basic numericalcounting system, 10 is also connected with the day after tomorrowand the day before yesterday, which are the terminals in theKipsigis's day-counting system.Taman (10) shares the common stem tam with a word tam,which means 'to become difficult' as an intransitive verb, and'every day' as an adverb . Then, koyoin (i.e., the day aftertomorrow) is closely associated with yoin or yoindet (i.e., the creator)which is usually referred as Asis. Asis is the Kipsigis's omnipotentGod that can be the sun as its emblem. On the other hand,oin (i.e., the day before yesterday) is closely associated withoindet, which means a dead ancestor.In Kipsigis view of time, the two-tiered mutai (tomorrow)/koyoin (the day after tomorrow) set faces its counterpart, theamut (yesterday) /oin (the day before yesterday) set, with ra orraini (i.e., today) between. The verb's time-aspect system ratherfaithfully reflects Kipsigis's view of time, for the two-tiered verb'sfuture-aspect set of tomorrow and the day after tomorrowconfronts the two-tiered past-aspect set of yesterday and the daybefore yesterday with a today-aspect between.In Kipsigis, the view of time is highly infiltrated by that ofspace. Adverbs of time are formed on the basis of local adverbs.Space is divided into three strata, i.e., over there (at a remoteplace), there (out of reach of the speaker), and here (within reachof the speaker), with the last one as the starting point. Thethree strata are indicated by the suffixes, -i, -on, and -in, respectively.Sets of pronouns also share a similar stratification.Moreover, the binary opposition of koyoin (the day aftertomorrow)/oin (the day before yesterday) has firm associationwith another binary opposition of east/west, through the intermediationof yoindet (the creator God sensed through the sun)/oindet (dead ancestor, who is in charge of death in its clan) binaryopposition. As the most important nucleus in the Kipsigis'ssymbolism, east represents the creator, the sun, sunrise, life, sky,future, and menfolk, whereas west represents ancestors, themoon, sunset, earth, past, and womenfolk.All in all, the Kipsigis system of counting on fingers isconsidered to be well-embeded in their symbolism as a whole.

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

アフリカ協会

雑誌

月刊アフリカ (ISSN:02880423)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.20-21, 1999-02

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

アフリカ協会

雑誌

月刊アフリカ (ISSN:02880423)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.7, pp.14-15, 1996-07

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru

出版者

アフリカ協会

雑誌

月刊アフリカ

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, no.5, pp.16-17, 1998-05

著者

小馬 徹 Komma Toru コンマ トオル

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.117-165, 1989-07-27

著者

和田 正平 吉田 憲司 小川 了 端 信行 A.B. イタンダーラ 阿久津 昌三 栗田 和明 江口 一久 小馬 徹 S B Pius A B Itandala

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国際学術研究

巻号頁・発行日

1992

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平成6年度は以下のような実績をあげることができた。1.カメルーン北西部州では、端が州都バメンダから離れたいくつかの村で調査を行ない、都市化、貨幣経済化の浸透のなかでの性による役割分担の変化を示した。男性のグループは、稲作農民組合を形成して水田耕作を拡大している。一方、伝統的な自給的農業の担い手であった女性もグループで土地を購入し、換金性の高い作物を栽培して貨幣経済に積極的にかかわっていく動きを見せている。男女それぞれが新しい社会経済的なニッチェを生み出している傾向が明らかになった。またカメルーン国北部で、フルベ族の女性の調査を行なった、フルベ社会ではイスラム教の影響で女性の社会的な立場は低いのとされ、仕事も禁じられている。しかし、実際には自活している女性も少なくなく、昔話の中にも女性の力を讚えているものもある。女性の生活を多面的に示し、実際の両性の関係を精密に記述する試みをした。2.セネガル国ダガ-ルで、小川は都市に住む人々の経済活動を調査した。インフォーマル・セクターでの女性の活躍が昨年度から指摘されていたが、全体像の記載の必要から男性も含めたインフォーマル経済従事者たちの活動状況を広く調査した。これらの経済活動と都市民の互助組織がセネガル国全体の経済、発展と密接な関連があることを示した。3.ザンビア国でチェワ社会とンゴニ社会での儀礼における性差に注目して、吉田が調査を行った。その結果、父系社会であるンゴニ社会から母系社会であるチェワ社会へ精霊信仰が導入され、その時点で信仰の主たる担い手が男性から女性へと変化したことがわかった。また、その信仰がチェワ社会の伝統的な儀礼組織の欠如を埋め、それを補完する形で浸透してきていることを示した。4.コートジボワール国ダブ郡で、茨木はアジュクル社会の女性の活動に注目した。最近の都市部での人口急増によってキャッサバを加工した食品、アチュケの需要が高まっている。アジュクルの女性はこの食品を加工生産する作業にふかく関わるようになり、その結果、農作業や日常の生活上の性別の分業に変化がみられるようになった。平成4年度から6年度にかけての本研究によって以下のような成果をあげることができた。1.本研究全体の主題は、女性、伝統と変化、に関わるものであったが、これは研究対象となったそれぞれの民族社会の理解をすすめる上で大きな意味をもつ問題であり、それぞれ有効な記述の観点を引き出すことができた。したがって、女性と変化を主題に研究する視点は、多くの社会にあてはまる普遍性をもち、これからの文化人類学研究の分野として重要であることが示唆される。2.特に変化を踏まえての記述は、多くの場面で有効であった。フェミニズム人類学やマルキズム文化論の影響下の人類学では十分に示すことができなかった、「現在起っている社会の変化に柔軟に対応して変化していく両性の役割」という研究視点を提供することができた。3.本研究にって提供された、女性の文化人類学に向けての研究視点として、具体的には以下のようなものを挙げることができる。それは、都市の中での女性の経済活動、都市と農村との関係で農村女性が果たす役割、農村女性の生活改善運動、他民族やキリスト教との接触による女性の役割の変化、両性の役割のノルムと実際、などである。とくに現在では国際的な経済活動、開発と援助の影響の下で大きな変化と対応を示している女性の諸活動に注目する研究視点が重要であると示唆された。