著者
河合 洋尚 Hironao Kawai
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.37, no.2, pp.199-244, 2013

中国広東省・福建省・江西省の境界部に位置する山岳地帯は,世界中に散住する客家の故郷であり,そこの漢族住民のほとんどが客家で占められていると,一般的に考えられている。ところが,この「客家の故郷」における1980 年代以前のデーターを整理しなおしてみると,この地の漢族住民は必ずしも客家として記述されておらず,また,客家としての自己意識をもたない住民も少なくはなかった。この事実を踏まえ,本稿では,特に1980 年代以降の一連の空間政策により「客家の故郷」をめぐるイメージが形成され,ここの漢族住民が客家とみなされていったプロセスを明らかにする。The border district of Guangdong, Fujian, and Jiangxi province is generallyconsidered to be the "homeland of the Hakka" and the Han inhabitantsof this district are normally considered to be the Hakka. In fact, however,the inhabitants are not always described as Hakka in the documents of 1980sand after and they have recieved their particular identity as the Hakka onlyrecently. This paper aims to make clear the process by which the space policysince the 1980s has fabricated the image of the "homeland of the Hakka" andthe Hakka ethnicity.
著者
Safonova Tatiana Sántha István
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
Senri Ethnological Studies (ISSN:03876004)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.94, pp.59-79, 2016-12-08

This article is based on several periods of long-term field research conductedbetween 1995 and 2009 among various groups of Evenki, who inhabit the Baikalregion of East Siberia. During these expeditions the researchers recognized that itwas problematical to categorize the Evenki as exclusively hunter-gatherers,although compared to other people, especially their neighbors, they seemed tomaintain a lifestyle best described as hunter-gathering. Based on evidencecollected by other ethnographers, mainly Shirokogoroff and Shubin, this articleargues that the hunter-gathering lifestyle is always framed by contacts with cattlebreeders,traders, peasants, miners and people with other occupations. Very oftentransformations and transitions in a hunter-gathering lifestyle are caused by eithersocial or environmental changes. As a conclusion it could be said that the huntergatheringlifestyle can be defined as a strategy of adaptation to externalcircumstances, and in this respect temporary inclusion of cattle, horse and reindeerbreeding, as well as wage labor, do not mean complete assimilation. On thecontrary, these strategies help maintain hunter-gathering activities in the long term.
著者
楊 海英 Haiying Yang
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.32, no.4, pp.629-657, 2008

清朝の光緒年間の初期に,「中興の臣」とされる左宗棠の部下で,湖南出身の劉福堂(別名劉厚基)という人物が赴任先の陝西の要塞都市である楡林で『圖開勝跡』という漢籍を編集した。同書には清朝末期の楡林地域の碑刻などが数多く抄録されているだけでなく,ときの辺疆における軍事状況を反映した絵画や隣接するオルドス・モンゴルを描いた地圖と絵画,さらにはオルドス・モンゴルの盟長をつとめていたバダラホ(1808–1883)が書いた満洲語の文章も収められている。こうした豊富な内容を有する『圖開勝跡』は清朝の西北部から中央アジアの東部までを巻きこんだ回民反乱時の陝西地域とオルドス地域の社会を活写した第一級の資料である。 劉福堂とバダラホ王の二人は協力し合って陝西北部の回民反乱軍を鎮圧した。反乱鎮圧後,バダラホ王は劉福堂の本『圖開勝跡』のなかに「凱旋圖」を書き添えて,自分の戦功をアピールした。「凱旋圖」にはオルドスの7 つの旗内にある寺院や遊牧民の天幕と家畜群,それに王(ジャサク,札薩克)の住む宮殿が活写されている。本論文ではまず「凱旋圖」が成立した歴史的な背景を解説し,その上で同圖が伝えるオルドス7 旗の歴史的・民族学的情報を抽出し整理する。バダラホ王の「凱旋圖」は19 世紀末のオルドス・モンゴルの政治と社会を研究するのに欠かせない重要な資料であることが明らかになった。In the early phase of the Guangxu ( 光緒) era, during the Qing dynasty,a Chinese administrator called Liu Futang ( 劉福堂, also known as Liu Houji劉厚基), who came from Hunan province, was engaged in the compilation ofa historical book titled "Tukai Shengji" ( 圖開勝跡). This book was writtenin Chinese. Liu Futang served the renowned Chinese statesman and militaryleader Zuo Zongtang ( 左宗棠). Zuo Zongtang is famous for his allegianceand distinction in his political and military career. He saved his country fromcivil wars and conflicts against foreign powers, thus re-establishing the powerof the Qing dynasty, which had been suffering from serious crises underminingChinese sovereignty. The compilation of the book was carried out in Yulin( 楡林), a fortress town in Shanxi province, where Liu Futang and his troopswere stationed. Included in the book are not only many epitaphs collectednear Yulin around the end of the Qing dynasty, but also paintings and drawingsdepicting military expeditions along the frontier regions of China. Thebook also contains maps and paintings of Ordos, Mongolia. Furthermore, it isworth noting that it includes a collection of writings in the Manchurian language,written by Jasagh Badaraqu (1808–1883) of Ordos Mongolia. "TukaiShengji" is an excellent collection of historical materials vividly describingthe circumstances of Shanxi and Ordos around the end of the 19th century,when the Hui Rebellion broke out, spreading over a vast region of north westChina and the eastern part of Central Asia. As far as I know, however, noin depth research of this book has been presented in the academic circles ofMongolian studies before.Liu Futang and Jasagh Badaraqu coordinated their military efforts andtogether calmed the Hui rebellion in north Shanxi. After successfully suppressingthe Hui uprising, King Badaraqu had several picture scrolls titled the"Return of the Army in Triumph" incorporated into "Tukai Shengji", whichwas being compiled by Liu Futang. It is understood that, by doing so, KingBadaraqu was pursuing publicity for his military distinction. Graphicallydepicted in these scrolls are temples in the seven Ordos banners in those days,tents and livestock owned by nomad tribes, the palace of Jasagh and otheritems. This paper extracts, streamlines and presents historical as well as ethnologicalinformation about the seven Ordos banners that is incorporated intothese seven picture scrolls. Based on that information, this paper discussesthe historical background against which the scrolls were produced, thus analysingthe specific nature of the paintings. It has been proved that these picturescrolls, the "Return of the Army in Triumph", are indispensable historicalmaterials for us to understand Ordos Mongol politics and society around theend of the 19th century.
著者
大塚 和義 Kazuyoshi Ohtsuka
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1, no.4, pp.778-822, 1977-01-14

Prior to the 20th century the Ainu caught large fish and seaanimals by means of toggle-headed harpoons known as kite.The 120 examples referred to in this paper represent the majorityof kite known to be extant. The author has classified these intotypes according to their distribution, shape and function.Type A-found only along the coast of Iburi. Its rear barbsare large and wing-shaped, with flat ends. Used mainly forcatching swordfish.Type B-found in most Ainu regions, this type can further beclassed into five subtypes (B1–B5). Its rear barbs are pointed.Used for catching sunfish, dolphin, and probably all kinds of seaanimals (seals, fur seal, sea lions, whales, etc.).Type C-found on the Japan Sea side of Oshima peninsulaand along the straits of Tsugaru. Similar in shape to Type B,it is rhombic in cross-section with a longitudinal ridge line.Targets of use unknown.Type D-found only on the coast of the Gulf of Uchiura.The back cavity is shallow and the top of the rear barb is Vshaped.The tip is bent slightly so that aconite poison can beplaced in the neck groove. Used for catching whales.Type E-found along the Gulf of Uchiura. It has a holeperforated at right angles to the face of the harpoon.In addition to these 120 from modern times, numerous otherAinu harpoons have been retrieved from archaeological sites.These can be given the following chronological arrangement:Types A and B2 may, be considered to be the most recentsince they have not been found in prehistoric ruins. I assumethat they came into existence around the beginning of the 19thcentury. Type C can be traced to the end of the 18th century,and Type D presumably derives from the same period.Harpoons of Type B (except B2) were found inside the bodyof a whale caught offshore from Keichi in 1725. So it can beargued that they date at the latest to the early 18th century.Furthermore, harpoons of a type similar to Type B occur inarchaeological sites in Hokkaido, where they date to around the17th century. I have tentatively classed these Hokkaidospecimens as Type F.Type F appears to have been developed as a cross betweentwo types of harpoons. One was the so-called Ketsunyu-rit&mori,a harpoon known as early as 7000 years ago in Hokkaido. Theother was a type of harpoon that came in from the north aroundthe time of the 12th century. With Type F we have the firstform of the Ainu kite.
著者
岸上 伸啓 Nobuhiro Kishigami
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.3, pp.399-470, 2011-02-25

文化人類学者は,さまざまな時代や地域,文化における人類とクジラの諸関係を研究してきた。捕鯨の文化人類学は,基礎的な調査と応用的な調査からなるが,研究者がいかに現代世界と関わりを持っているかを表明することができるフォーラム(場)である。また,研究者は現代の捕鯨を研究することによってグローバル化する世界システムのいくつかの様相を解明し,理解することができる。本稿において筆者は捕鯨についての主要な文化人類学研究およびそれらに関連する調査動向や特徴,諸問題について紹介し,検討を加える。近年では,各地の先住民生存捕鯨や地域捕鯨を例外とすれば,捕鯨に関する文化人類学的研究はあまり行われていない。先住民生存捕鯨研究や地域捕鯨研究では日本人による調査が多数行われているが,基礎的な研究が多い。一方,欧米人による先住民生存捕鯨研究は実践志向の研究が多い。文化人類学が大きく貢献できる研究課題として,(1)人類とクジラの多様な関係の地域的,歴史的な比較,(2)「先住民生存捕鯨」概念の再検討,(3)反捕鯨NGO と捕鯨推進NGO の研究,(4)反捕鯨運動の根底にある社会倫理と動物福祉,およびクジラ観に関する研究,(5)マスメディアのクジラ観やイルカ観への社会的な諸影響,(6)ホエール・ウォッチング観光の研究,(7)鯨類資源の持続可能な利用と管理に関する応用研究,(8)クジラや捕鯨者,環境NGO,政府,国際捕鯨委員会のような諸アクターによって構成される複雑なネットワークシステムに関するポリティカル・エコロジー研究などを提案する。これらの研究によって,文化人類学は学問的にも実践的にも捕鯨研究に貢献できると主張する。
著者
小長谷 有紀 帯谷 知可 ダダバエフ ティムール 島村 一平 吉田 世津子
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
基盤研究(A)
巻号頁・発行日
2009-04-01

モンゴルおよび中央アジア諸国において20世紀に人びとが経験した社会主義時代の生活上の大きな変化について理解を深めるために、写真やポスターなどの公的な画像記録と、それらによって喚起される人びとの私的な記憶を収集した。とくに、高齢者の語りを人生史として収集した。公的な記録と私的な記憶のずれや、地域による違いなどから、社会主義的近代化プログラムの画一性と、地域によって異なる文化的な多様性とを明らかにした。
著者
費 孝通[著] 塚田 誠之[翻訳]
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.2, pp.461-479, 1997

For sixty years, the author has been engaged in the study of ethnicgroups in China. This paper represents an attempt to provide an overallview of his personal experiences in this field which in turn sheds light onthe ways in which he has viewed ethnic identity. Prior to 1949, after havingbeen trained in the subjects of anthropology and sociology, theauthor started to conduct fieldwork in both Han and non-Han communities.After 1949, for the purpose of creating equality among all nationalitiesin China, the newly established People's Republic administereda major research program to identify ethnic groups within itsterritorial sovereignty. As a member of this program, the author was involvedin extensive nationality surveys. Through these surveys, he cameto realize that ethnic groups were shaped in the communal lives of theirmembers and transformative in time. This observation led the author toemphasize the significance of the social historical perspective inethnological studies.Even though the "Anti-Rightist Movement" and the "CulturalRevolution" deprived him of 23 years of academic life, the lessons ofethnic identification which he gained in the early fifties remained in theauthor's mind. In 1979, he re-started work among minority nationalities.Personal involvement in various research projects and in thepolicy-making process has made it possible to put forward a new argument.In 1989, summarizing his thoughts, the author put forword argumentthat China is an integrated nation with cultural diversity. In doingso, he had two criticisms in mind. On the one hand, he criticizes the ideathat one ethnic entity should be ruled by one independent state which haslegitimated various violent campaigns of ethnic separation in Europe.However, the author's own studies indicate that different ethnic groupshave lived together for centuries within China. Therefore, the Eurocentricdefinition of nation-state is not applicable in China. On the otherhand, historical studies of interrelationships among ethnic groups inChina have demonstrated that the Chinese nation was shaped through atwo-way process. From the bottom-up perspective, the history of theChinese nation is one through which diverse ethnic cultures and socialsolidarities became integrated into a higher level order. From the topdownperspective, the higher level order has never excluded lower levelethnic cultural systems. Such a two-way historical perspective offers acritique of those who attempt to draw a clear-cut demarcation line betweenthe Chinese nation and "other cultures" within it.
著者
田辺 明生 Akio Tanabe
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.33, no.3, pp.329-358, 2009-02-27

This article discusses the relationships between Subaltern Studies andSouth Asian anthropology. After surveying the mutual influences between thetwo, the article argues the following: 1) the field of historical anthropologythat pays attention to the history and structure of workings of power, subjectformationand the role of agency, has the potentiality of fruitfully combininganthropological knowledge and inspirations from Subaltern Studies; 2) thereis a need to pay attention to the role of cultural re-imagination by the subalternsin the contemporary process of political group formation; 3) in additionto understanding the social structure and/or moments of change representedby revolts, it is necessary to consider the dynamics of social “becoming”, thatis, the process of transformation of social relationships and patterns throughevery day events. Lastly, the article argues that care should be taken to notethe change in the semantics of the term ‘subaltern’ under the present day globalization.Attempts to locate the presence of the ‘subaltern’ in the present situationcan function to identify a group as a holder of particular resources—e.g. genetic resources or medicinal knowledge—instead of shedding light onalternative viewpoints. This would only work to enrol the subalterns in globalcapitalism instead of appreciating and respecting their way of life. We need tobe extremely careful about studying the subaltern under such conditions.
著者
須藤 健一 スドウ ケンイチ Ken’ichi Sudo Sauchomal Sabino
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.4, pp.639-766, 1982-03-30

The texts of the three folktales presented here form part of thelong story of Panziwnap (Great Navigator) and his family on SatawalIsland, a small coral island in Micronesia. Although the GreatNavigator theme is widespread in the Caroline Islands (e.g., onUlithi Atoll [LESSA1 961], Lamotrek Atoll [KRAMER1 937], PuluwatAtoll [ELBERT1 971], and Pulap Atoll [KRAMER1 9 35] ), its motifvaries from island to island. This article presents the folktale ofPantiwnap and his family as a text, and then clarifies the "Navigator'sWay" by examining the motif suggested in these tales. Fieldworkon which this paper is based was conducted on Satawal fromJune to September, 1978 and from May, 1979 to March, 1980.Our informant was the late Isidore Namonur, a renowned Satawalesecanoe builder and navigator.In summary, the texts of the three folktales are as follows:TEXT 1: Pangwnap lived on Uman Island with his sons,Rongonap, Rongolik, Yatiniman, and Pause. When Rongonap andRongohk trapped fish, Rongohk's trap caught more than Rongonap's.When they were felling breadfruit trees to make canoes, Rongohk'swork was completed without trouble whereas Rongonap's tree didnot fall, since, unlike Rongohk, he failed to make an offering to thetree's spirit. Rongonap became angry with his father because hethought that the father had taught more knowledge to Rongohkthan he taught him. And he killed his brother, Yatiniman, whowas expert in making weather forecasts in the morning.This murder prompted Panavnap to use the name of some ofRongonap's actions in the killing as terms for parts of the canoe thatthey were making. He told Rongonap that the canoe float would becalled "taam" (lit. "raising"), implying Rongonap's raising of thestick with which he hit his brother. The sail would be called "yggw"(lit. "neck"), signifying Yatiniman's neck to which Rongonap tied arope when he dragged him into the sea. In all the names of seventeencanoes parts were derived from Yatiniman's murder.TEXT 2: Pangwnap lived on Uman with his sons Rongonapand Rongohk. One day Rongonap decided to sail to Wuung's island.On the way he met and chased away Pangwnap's nieces. He failedto prepare spear to harvest taro and coconut and therefore could notobtain any. Knowing little about Wuung's island, he did notinstruct his crew to remove their hats and coats when they nearedthe island. Further, he disobeyed his father's teaching by notpresenting a gift to the islanders who came to welcome him. Onthe island, Rongonap and his crew bathed in a clear pond, whichmade them sleepy. At night, he disobeyed Wuung's request to tellstory, and instead Rongonap and his crew fell asleep. They werethen eaten by Wuung.Sailing in search of his brother, Rongoiik met Pangwnap's niecesand gave them food. He could obtain taro and coconut because hehad brought along a spear. He instructed his men to remove theirhats and coats when they neared the island, and he obeyed hisfather's teaching by giving food to the people who welcomed him.Of the two ponds, he chose the dirty one for his men to bathe in,and this pond had the power to repel sleep. In advance, Rongohkhad woven a net which was used to catch the fish sent to destroyhis canoe. At night he put pieces of copra on the eyes of his menand recounted stories to Wuung until dawn broke. He set fire toWuung's house when Wuung fell asleep and departed the islandafter collecting his brother's and his crew's bones. Wuung's peopletried to destroy the canoe but failed. Wuung was also killed in theattempt and Rongohk, Rongonap and the crews returned safely toUman.TEXT3:Pαnuwnap lived in Uman with his sons Rongonap and Rongorik.Coming back from their sister's island, Rongonap lied to his father, contending that the inhabitants of that island had ill-treated him, so Pαnuwnap went to make war on the islanders. He scolded his son severely after learning from his daugherthat Rongonap had told a lie. Rongonap and Rongorik were further in-structed bytheir father to give food to Yanunuwayi, their younger brother, while on a voyage.Rongorik complied but Rongonap gave only empty coconuts and food wrappers.He payed for his mis-behavior when his canoe was destroyed by a typhoon during a latervoyage. He drifted alone in the sea and was rescued by Yaneinawayi,who took him to his own sand islet. Rongonap became hungryand Yanitnetwitygia ve him empty coconuts and food wrappers, justas Rongonap had done to Yaneznezwayi.Yantinziwayci aused him to suffer more by making him staylonger on the islet after he was overcome by homesickness. FinallyYanfinizwaytio ok Rongonapb ack to his home in Uman.Examination of the three folktales reveals the following mainpoints as fundamental to the etiquette of canoe builders and navigators:(1) Supernatural beings play an important role in the processof canoe-making. Before felling a breadfruit tree to build a canoe,the builder must make an offering to the spirit of the tree;(2) Navigators must learn and obey many rules. They mustreceive properly people encountered while on a voyage; they mustobserve the customs of other islands, such as removing hats andcoats when approaching it; and they must tell stories about the tripto their hosts when requested to do so; and(3) While on a voyage, navigators are obliged to offer food tothe Spirit of Navigation before they themselves eat. Failure to doso would inevitably lead to difficulties during the voyage.