著者

澤田 眞治

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.194, pp.194_62-194_78, 2018-12-25 (Released:2019-05-16)

参考文献数

86

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In 2011, in the aftermath of the collapse of Gaddafi regime in Libya promoted by the aerial bombardment of NATO, President Rousseff of Brazil proposed “Responsibility while Protecting” (RWP) in UN General Assembly. Brazil submitted the detailed concept note of RWP constituted of numerous proposals that are to complement “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P): among them, to place the three pillars of R2P under the strict political subordination and chronological sequencing, to impose strict conditions on the use of force, and to establish a proactive mechanism of monitoring and evaluation of military activities by Security Council so as to assure accountability.The principles of “non-interference” and “non-use of force” had been long-held diplomatic traditions of Brazil as they were in other Latin American countries. However, in the 21th century, under Lula da Silva’s administration, Brazil expressed a new attitude of “non-indifference” in addition to the traditional non-interference and participated in United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), with the view to promote its presence as a candidate of new permanent member of Security Council. Nonetheless, Brazil was skeptical about R2P, assuming it as a new form of right of interference and maintaining traditional idea of “sovereignty as shield”. RWP was the way to reconcile the traditional idea and Brazil’s new role in UN as an emerging power.Brazilian proposal of RWP had major repercussions in international community because the overthrow of Libyan government had caused considerable concerns about R2P among emerging powers and developing countries. They concern for possible “misuse” of R2P as a tool to achieve regime change with armed force reflecting particular interest of the West. The implementation of R2P became the focus of controversy between the supportive West and skeptical South. While the West criticized RWP preferring to keep operational flexibility of military activities in implementing R2P, the emerging powers, especially South Africa and India, and some developing countries supported RWP to prevent selective invocation of R2P and misuse of the mandate. Failing to reach consensus, Brazil virtually withdrew RWP proposal.Almost as if to inherit this proposal, in 2012 China proposed “Responsible Protection” (RP) similar to RWP. However, in contrast to Brazilian RWP invented to bridge the gap between the supporters and the skeptics of R2P, Chinese RP is like a “long wall” or seawall to guard the cohesion of skeptical countries against R2P from the erosion by global tides of the idea of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’.RWP was an important attempt where non-Western country had played a significant role as a norm-shaper in international norm-making process in which the West had been dominant. Brazilian efforts to bridge the global gap would continue to give instructions in global norm-making on humanitarian issues and intervention.

著者

山尾 大

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.194, pp.194_29-194_45, 2018-12-25 (Released:2019-05-16)

参考文献数

24

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U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 brought about not only distortion of state building, but also the problems that affected political turmoil in the Middle East as well as international politics. This paper aims to argue the impacts that the U.S. invasion of Iraq had toward the process of Iraqi state building and toward regional politic in the Middle East, by focusing first on external factors brought about by this invasion, and second on internal factors caused by political rivalry among Iraqi political elites.This paper makes three main findings. First, the new regime had no choice but relying on cooptation policy to local leaders in order to stabilize its government, which was quite similar to the mechanism of rule by the former authoritarian Baʻthist regime. The reason of this similarity can be found in the fact that the regime change was brought about by the foreign invasion, and thus new regime had to be constructed by former-exile political elites who did not have any support bases of constituencies within local community. In addition, the introduction of the Western democratic system that political representation should be equal according to population of ethnic and sectarian groups resulted in manifestation of sectarian difference. These external factors caused problems in the building of political institutions.Second, Iraqi internal actors deconstructed democratic institutions brought in from outside and began to utilize them according to their own interests. The fact that democratization was proceeded without the establishment of state institutions made it possible for Iraqi actors to use these democratic institutions for their own political purpose. Thus, the new regime had no choice than becoming authoritarian in order to stabilize its government. Moreover, it was unavoidable for international society to ignore this authoritarian regime as it prioritized stability of Iraq.Third, this tendency, however, resulted in the spread of opposition movements within Iraq and subsequent loss of control of opposition-led areas. It was these areas where so-called Islamic State penetrated in and agitated sectarian conflicts among Iraqis.Hence, it can be said that sectarian conflicts spread inside and outside Iraq as a result of the interaction of the fact that U.S. invasion brought about problems in democratic institutions and the fact that Iraqi internal actors utilized these institutions for their own interests. In other words, when the problems that were brought about by external factors are used as political tools of internal actors, specific problems to the country become manifest, which results in spreading to regional politics in a very violent manner.

著者

山口 正大

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_157-193_172, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

49

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Collective security originally evolved as a normative framework in the international community to maintain peace and security after the two consecutive World Wars. It was institutionalized largely through the United Nations (UN) Charter and the Security Council. However, it was not until the end of the Cold War that the institutional arrangement became operational. In order to respond sudden increase of internal conflicts after the Cold War, the international community has applied collective security to intrastate warfare by invoking Chapter 7 of the Charter. This brought about the establishment of various UN peacekeeping operations since the 1990s. At the same time, regional organizations took their own initiatives to conduct intervention and conflict resolution in some of the internal conflicts, based on Chapter 8 of the Charter.In Africa, it was not the regional organization, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), but sub-regional organizations, such as the Economic Community of West African States and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, that were initially involved in resolution and mediation of internal conflicts. This was partly because of the OAU’s reluctance, overshadowed by its ‘non-interference’ policy, and, at times, a lack of political will for intervention through the UN at the international level. However, the situation has changed significantly since the establishment of the African Union (AU). Unlike its predecessor, the AU positions itself to play much more active role in collective security in the continent, as reflected in its Constitutive Act. It establishes institutional arrangements and procedures to take collective action by the AU and sub-regional organizations through the African Peace and Security Architecture.This article examined the evolution of a collective security regime in Africa. Based on two case studies in Somalia and Mali, it is argued that a three-layered regime of collective security is being established in the continent, consisting of the UN, the AU and sub-regional organizations. The case studies highlighted that peace operations and political missions led by different actors operate in a country at a single point in time, in order to respond to the complex nature of contemporary security environment where internal conflict and asymmetric threat posed by terrorist armed groups coexist. It is further argued that based on their comparative advantages, there are both ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ divisions of roles among various actors in realizing collective security by those actors in the continent. This symbolizes changing characteristics of the collective security regime in Africa from the one largely centralized by the UN Security Council with utilizing UN peacekeeping operations to a mutlilayered one consisting of the UN, regional and sub-regional organizations with a combined effort of collective actions by multiple actors.

著者

土佐 弘之

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.194, pp.194_1-194_13, 2018-12-25 (Released:2019-05-16)

参考文献数

45

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This special issue is the attempt to scrutinize the current transition process of the regimes at the domestic or regional level as well as the global level. Its title ‘Regime Transition and Violence’ reminds us of the democratic peace theory. Following the end of the Cold War, there had been some optimistic prospect that the waves of democratization would transform the world order into more peaceful one, which the democratic peace theory suggested.However the use of force for the regime change brought about more violent situations, which we could notice in the case of Iraq. In addition, the liberal democracies themselves as well as the liberal international order began to face serious crisis, which questions the plausibility of “the end of history” argument.In other words, the rise of illiberalism and the consolidation of competitive authoritarianism seem to rebuke the liberal view of progressive history, which presupposes the inevitable transition toward the liberal democracy. Unlike the prospect of the democratic peace theory, the real world order seems to be rearranged in accordance with the deepening crisis of liberal order. Articles in this special issue argue about the problems with way in which the post-liberal world order (the post-liberal peace) as well as the domestic order is reconfigured each other.

著者

菅原 健志

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_173-193_176, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

著者

帶谷 俊輔

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_76-193_91, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

64

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This article addresses debates about “Reform” of the League of Nations from the viewpoint of Britain and China. “Reform” of the League was one of the contentious issues among the statesman, diplomats and intellectuals in the 1930s. They focused on the pros and cons of collective security and Article 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations because the “failure” of the League to stop Japanese invasion of Manchuria and Italian invasion of Abyssinia threatened the collapse of the League. There were two major opinions in the debate, “the Coercive League” and “the Consultative League”. “The Coercive League” was the course to reinforce collective security to prevent further aggression. Conversely, “the Consultative League” argument was to weaken collective security and induce Germany, Italy, and Japan to cooperate with the League. Deliberations took place in both the Council, which was led by Great Powers, and the Assembly, in which Small Powers could have greater influence. Therefore, this article deals with Britain as an example of a Great Power and China as one of a Small power.The League was centered on the rapprochement rather than the enforcement in the late 1920s. Article 11 of the Covenant was more important than Article 16 in mediating disputes and reconciling belligerents. Britain administered the League Council through “the Concert of Europe,” which consisted of British, French and German Foreign Minister. The League Council was where the Powers consulted with each other. In contrast, China discovered the value of the Assembly as an arena of world opinion.Japanese invasion of Manchuria from 1931 to 1933 destroyed the credibility of collective security and cooperation between the Powers. Furthermore, the Small Powers were irritated by the indecisiveness of Great Powers, especially Britain. Some officials of British Foreign Office began to consider “reform” of the League for the purpose of weakening collective security and reestablishing the superiority of Great Powers over Small Powers after the Manchurian Incident.The Abyssinian Crisis from 1935 to 1936 accelerated this trend. The League of Nations voted for economic sanctions against Italy, but members including Britain didn’t carry out them fully. However, some Latin American members protested against the sanctions because they disrupted trade with Italy. The League Assembly set up a committee to study “the Application of the principle of the covenant of the League of Nations.” Even though Britain was pro-Consultative, she hesitated to revise the covenant. China was pro-Coercive and concerned about regionalizing collective security. The clash between two opinions left “reform” of the League deadlocked in the end.

著者

藤井 篤

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_123-193_139, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

67

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This article examines how the International Committee of the Red Cross, (ICRC) struggled to perform its humanitarian mission in responding to the Algerian War, of 1954-1962. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 define rules concerning the protection of wounded and sick soldiers, prisoners of war, and civilians in armed conflicts of an international character, and their Common Article 3 stipulates that these parties should be equally protected during armed conflicts not of an international character. In the 1950’s and 1960’s, it was not clear whether or how this measure could be applied to a colonial conflict, yet from the beginning of the conflict, the ICRC made efforts to offer its humanitarian services to all involved parties in the spirit of the Conventions, trying to preserve its principle of neutrality in the midst of antagonistic politics among parties with an extreme imbalance of power and resources. In order to achieve its mission on the battlefields of Algeria, the ICRC had to approach both the French government, which was determined to defend French Algeria, and the Front of National Liberation, (FLN), which sought the abolition of colonialism and Algerian independence. On the one hand, many Algerians suspected to be terrorists came to be arrested by police or were forced by local governors to live in “accommodation camps,” and with the consent of the French authorities, the ICRC was able to dispatch a total of 10 missions during the war to visit accommodation camps for Algerian prisoners of war and civilians, and investigate the living conditions and treatment of the detainees. As the result of the ICRC’s repeated investigations and reports, considerable improvements were made to the material aspects of living conditions of these facilities, although torture and other violence to Algerians continued in and out of the camps throughout of the conflict. However, the ICRC encountered extreme difficulties in offering the same service to the FLN, which was waging a guerrilla war and so lacked stable camps for French captives in Algeria, and the achievement of its mission to the FLN was therefore very limited compared with their services at the French facilities.

著者

山越 裕太

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.192_44-192_59, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

63

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This article analyzes how the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO) constructed health governance.Regarding the globalizing world, health governance was primarily discussed after the Cold War and it was clarified that functional cooperation was one of its foundations. However, previous studies have not completely verified how functional cooperation evolved into health governance. Therefore, this article examines the interwar period according to the following questions: what is the significance of the co-existence of the LNHO and the Office International d’Hygiène Publique (OIHP) in establishing health governance; why did the field of health expand from addressing infectious diseases to various spheres; and how did the LNHO contend with the Great Depression.The first section of the article examines how functional cooperation in the field of health was established and why two international health organizations co-existed during the interwar period. The second section analyzes the driving force of the LNHO in seeking health governance. The third section examines how the LNHO constructed health governance through the Great Depression.The article concludes that the construction of health governance did not progress as effortlessly and linearly as reported in previous discussions. Although it certainly developed based on functional cooperation, during the process of the LNHO expanding its activities to various spheres, the states resisted, concerned about the erosion of sovereignty. However, these resistances were overcome by the logic of functional cooperation that promotes cooperation to the extent that can be agreed. For example, the spheres of standardization, interaction between experts, and medical statistics. Conversely, this process had exogenous opportunities. The LNHO was established under the influence of American foreign policy. Its activities were gradually incorporated because of the co-existence of the two international health organizations. The Great Depression—the turning point—served as an opportunity to reconsider the construction of health governance. It gradually became clear that recovery would be difficult by merely continuing LNHO’s activities as usual. Thus, observing the Great Depression’s widespread effect on economy and agriculture, the LNHO expanded its activities to cooperate with organizations in related fields in order to take unified action. The LNHO was no longer limited to anti-disease measures but was required to resolve new issues that had not been considered traditionally. This development was not caused by the extension of functional cooperation. The process from functional cooperation to health governance was characterized by flexibility and robustness. Therefore, health governance was constructed in the interwar period after several complicated circumstances.

著者

伊東 かおり

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.192_29-192_43, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

75

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The Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU), founded in 1889 during the 19th Century anti-war pacific movement and still active today, has been an international institution at the center of diplomacy between parliamentarians from many countries. Since its founding, the IPU has been active in promoting parliamentarianism, and also worked to solve prewar crises such as demilitarization, racial equality, decolonization, and a system for international arbitration. Japan, having joined the IPU in 1908, has over 100 years of history with the organization. However, due to the IPU’s lack of binding political power, it has often been placed outside of the study of International Political History, and there has been little research undertaken on the subject.This article uses archival materials held by the IPU at its offices in Geneva, and places the organization in the context of the interwar internationalism movement, in order to study its relationship to Japan at this time. Until the First World War, the IPU was an organization that was conducted in the “salon” style of traditional diplomacy. However, after the First World War, with the creation of new countries in Eastern Europe, as well as the presence of newly joined countries from South America and so on, the IPU transformed into a truly international organization.Looking at the members of the Japanese delegation of parliamentarians, such as Aikitsu Tanakadate, Jigorō Kanō, and Kaju Nakamura, we can see how they used the IPU to address international issues, as well as including international questions into their own policies. This article looks at the example of Nakamura in particular, due to the ways in which his relationship with the IPU sheds light on the changing role and needs of parliamentarians during the increasingly international interwar period.Unlike Germany and Italy, whose relationship with the IPU ceased with the end of their parliamentary system, Japan’s relationship with the IPU continued until 1939, when the outbreak of war caused a halt to the institution’s activities. Looking at the crisis of parliamentarianism, issues over mandate territories, and other examples, this article studies the relationship between the IPU and League of Nations and with the Imperial Diet, and describes the state of the interwar system of international cooperation, from the perspective of “parliamentary politics”.

著者

秦野 貴光

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_12-193_28, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

84

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This article examines Lord Robert Cecil’s views on the League of Nations, with a focus on his thinking about state sovereignty, international public opinion and ‘peaceful change’, an idea devised during the interwar period to provide elasticity to the practice of collective security. Along with President Wilson, Cecil played a key role in the drafting of the Covenant of the League in his capacity as one of the British representatives on the League of Nations Commission set up as part of the Paris Peace Conference. The present article shows how and to what extent the League’s structures and powers were informed by Cecil’s thinking about the role of international organisations designed for the maintenance of international peace. In particular, it takes a close look at Cecil’s attempt to codify the idea of peaceful change in the Covenant, for it not only shaped the League and its Covenant, but also informed and set the stage for the ‘First Great Debate’ in IR.The first section traces how Cecil came to be involved in the establishment of the League during and in the wake of the First World War. The second section then moves on to examine Cecil’s conception of the League in relation to state sovereignty, showing that he did not think of the League as constituting interference with the principle of state sovereignty, and explaining how the Covenant ensured that the sovereignty of the League membership would not be curtailed by the proper working of the League. The third section considers why Cecil held that the League, based on the principle of state sovereignty, could still effectively guide the behaviour of sovereign states in practice, focusing on the expectations he put on the role international public opinion could play as an agency of law enforcement. Cecil’s thinking about the League was based on the assumption, true or false, that the negative impacts that state sovereignty might have on the working of the League could be alleviated by the agency of international public opinion. The fourth section shows that the same assumption ran through his thinking on peaceful revision or what later came to be called ‘peaceful change’. The section traces the process by which this idea was codified in the Covenant through Cecil’s effort, and demonstrates that the effectiveness of the League’s machinery for peaceful change also heavily depended on the agency of international public opinion. The final section discusses how the First Great Debate sprang from the problems posed by the weakness of the League’s machinery for peaceful change and by Cecil’s views underpinning it, establishing that Cecil’s views on peaceful change are of importance in understanding the development of early IR theory.

著者

齋川 貴嗣

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.192_60-192_75, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

75

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This article examines the ideological transformation of intellectual co-operation in the International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation (ICIC) of the League of Nations in the 1930s. Since its establishment in 1922 as a consultative body to the Council, the ICIC had carried out various projects in the name of intellectual co-operation, which were taken over by the UNESCO after the Second World War. Although growing attention has recently been paid to the ICIC as a pioneer international organization for cultural exchange, most of the historical studies have been confined to European perspectives. In this respect, this article argues that the ICIC’s idea of intellectual co-operation was fundamentally changed in association with the expansion of its activities to non-European countries, particularly China and Japan.When the ICIC was established in 1922, the work of intellectual co-operation was regarded as a transnational enterprise that should be based on the universality of Western civilization and undertaken by individual intellectuals. However, the original idea gradually transformed. This is shown in the two notable projects that the ICIC had enthusiastically undertaken in the 1930s: the Mission of Educational Experts to China and the Japanese Collection. The Mission of Educational Experts to China in 1931 was the ICIC’s first experience to assist a particular government, and in cooperation with the Chinese government it facilitated the reorganization of the Chinese educational system with considerable emphasis on the construction and preservation of Chinese national culture. In the project of the Japanese Collection that started in 1935, on the other hand, the ICIC introduced Japanese culture in the West with the assistance of the Japanese government. Through these projects, the ICIC became aware that intellectual co-operation should be based on the idea of particular national cultures and implemented by governments.As a result, the ICIC formed and presented its two-faced self-image in the 1930s. Firstly, the ICIC was envisaged by intellectuals like Paul Valéry as the ‘League of Minds’ that placed high hopes on the capacity of Western civilization to integrate different nations in the world from a universal point of view. The ‘League of Minds’ was conceptualized in terms of the idea of universal Western civilization as an extension and sophistication of the idea of intellectual co-operation that the ICIC had maintained since the early 1920s. On the other hand, the ICIC crafted another self-image, the ‘League of Cultures’ that Rabindranath Tagore envisioned as an ideal form of intellectual co-operation. While emphasizing not the universality of Western civilization but the individuality and particularity of national culture, Tagore argued that the ICIC should be an organization composed of different national cultures. In this way, the ICIC was fraught with the tension between these two opposing perspectives on intellectual co-operation in the 1930s.The ICIC thus shifted its emphasis in the idea of intellectual co-operation from Western civilization to national cultures as well as from individual intellectuals to governments in the 1930s. This shift can be characterized as the ideological transition from intellectual co-operation to international cultural exchange. Nevertheless, the antinomies that the ICIC embraced, the tensions between the university of Western civilization and the particularity of national cultures as well as between individual intellectuals and governments, have also been taken over by the present UNESCO.

著者

篠原 初枝

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_1-193_11, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

31

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One of the most salient and distinctive features in history of international relations is the increasing number of International Organizations such as Inter-governmental Organizations (IGO) and International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGO or NGO). In contrast to their rising numbers and importance in the actual management of inter-state affairs, the history of International Organizations has not been fully developed as an academic field. This could be in part ascribed to the view that the League of Nations failed to prevent the outbreak of World War II, or to the negative view of the United Nations being dominated by great powers.Engaging in historical exploration and examination of the organizations, we can deepen our understanding not only of the organizations themselves, but also of the essential and transforming nature of international relations as a whole. Historical works can deeply delve into the particular issues that IGOs and NGOs faced and dealt with. For instance, during the League period, several forms of cooperation in technical affairs such as public health developed, and most of them were carried over into the UN. Additionally, exploration of the aims and activities of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) can illustrate the fact that their activities faced difficulties in some countries.In addition to in-depth analysis of each organization, historical works can provide answers to big questions concerning international organizations and affairs, because history is endowed and privileged with a special mission and competency to present a long-term and broad overview. Why were those organizations established, why do states and civil society create organizations, and if and how has the nature of international society changed? Historical examination of organizations can aptly give us a clue to these questions. If such academic endeavor can draw a broad picture of transformation in international society, we can further consider if, thanks to those organizations, we have become better off and more civilized in the conduct of international affairs.In this special issue, the concrete subjects of analysis are IGOs and NGOs. One can define their essential nature as concrete entities and bodies which have their own headquarters, and enjoy a degree of autonomy and neutrality. Even though the UN has been criticized for the dominance of great powers, one cannot completely deny the existence of numerous exemplary UN programs that stand as examples of autonomy. With the increase of their numbers and widening the range of their activities, it is not too much to say that international organizations have firmly established their positions in world affairs and that they have become indispensable actors in building a peaceful international order.

著者

詫摩 佳代

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_108-193_122, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

72

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The United Nations (UN) system has many functional agencies, such as the Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization (WHO), in contrast to the League of Nations, which only had about 10 technical agencies. Why does the UN system have so many functional agencies? This is partly owing to the Allies’ functional cooperation during the Second World War. By focusing on the interactions among the related actors, this article clarifies how food cooperation among the Allies was conducted, examines how that cooperation was influenced by the League’s food programme, and identifies its impact on the creation of the UN system.Examining the UN creation process by focusing on food cooperation leads us to the identification of two features of the UN system. The first is that the UN system was not necessarily the outcome of easy belief in international cooperation. Through the inter-war experience, the actors realized the cold reality of competition and confrontation in international politics as well as the necessity of military power for securing the post-war international order. At that time, however, it was quite difficult to come to an agreement on a post-war security scheme, which led them to focus intently on food cooperation as a lubricant.The Allies established the Combined Food Board for the purpose of managing food resources efficiently, through which they established cooperative relationships that formed the basis for the United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture (UNCFA) in 1944, the first international conference among them. Behind the conference was the realistic calculation that functional cooperation regarding food would gradually lead to an agreement regarding security problems, and the former was much easier to establish than the latter. That expectation was proven correct when functional agencies, including UNESCO and WHO, were established in succession after the UNCFA, and the Allies finally agreed on a post-war security scheme at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. In this way, war-time food cooperation formed the basis for an agreement on the post-war security system, which was backed by a realistic school of thought.On that occasion, non-state actors such as academia or international bureaucrats played a crucial role, which is the second feature of the UN system. They had high expectations regarding functional cooperation as a breakwater for power politics and the basis for international peace and security. Those actors with similar post-war concepts formed a transnational network under which they materialized their ideas and appealed to Allied policymakers to have them realized. In current international politics, the transnational actors are also playing remarkable roles in such undertakings as the Mine Ban Treaty and the Paris Climate Accord, the beginnings of which can be found as early as the UN’s inception.

著者

芝崎 祐典

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.192, pp.192_138-192_141, 2018-03-30 (Released:2018-12-19)

著者

古賀 慶

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.192, pp.192_141-192_144, 2018-03-30 (Released:2018-12-19)

著者

高島 堅助

雑誌

情報処理

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.8, 1971-08-15

著者

松永 泰行

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2010, no.160, pp.160_191-193, 2012-03-25 (Released:2012-06-15)

著者

安達 亜紀

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2015, no.180, pp.180_17-180_29, 2015-03-30 (Released:2016-05-12)

参考文献数

47

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Since the 1990s, the European Union (EU) has been recognized as a leading actor in international environmental politics. In chemicals policy, REACH (Registration, Evaluation, Authorization and Restriction of Chemicals) regulation that came into force in 2007 captured global attention and was recognized as a paradigm shift in chemicals policy. For the most part, the thematically relevant scholarly literature has merely focused on the policy-making process at the EU level. However, one of the most significant features of the EU environmental policy implementation process is that it relies predominantly on member states and private actors within these.In the following article, I examine the process of shaping European chemicals policy by focusing on the relationship between the EU and a particular member state—Germany—regarding policymaking and implementation. Since Germany has the largest chemical industry in Europe, it is widely considered to play an important role in the implementation process. My analysis was based on a policy network approach, which allowed me to put forward the argument that the changes in the policy network since the late 1980s were significant and resulted in the further separation between the processes of policymaking and the prospects of operability in the implementation process.During the 1970s, Germany, which had traditionally featured heavily in cooperation and consultation with the chemical industry, had a highly influential position in shaping EU chemicals policy in accordance with German interests and requirements. To compensate for the government’s lack of expertise and power to formulate and implement policies without agreements from key industry groups, policy networks in which the latter participated were developed. However, the 1980s and 1990s saw the Europeanization of chemicals policy; pioneering states, such as Sweden, gained EU membership. As a result, the policy network of the EU chemicals policy was transformed from a “policy community” to an “issue network.” This prevented the leading actors of the former policy network from retaining the previous chemicals policy, where the priority was operability in the implementation process.This caused tangible tensions between Germany and the EU institutions during the REACH regulation negotiations. The precautionary principle is a guiding principle of environmental policy and often considered an important factor in the ambitious risk regulations of the EU. However, Germany, which had put forward the principle at the EU level, was deemed the main opponent during the REACH negotiation process.

著者

楠 正亮

出版者

東国真宗研究所

雑誌

東国真宗 (ISSN:24320846)

巻号頁・発行日

no.9, pp.25-36, 2019-11

著者

檜垣 立哉

出版者

日仏哲学会

雑誌

フランス哲学・思想研究 (ISSN:13431773)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.75-84, 2009