著者

斎藤 正寿

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.113, pp.199-201, 1996-12-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

石田 勇治

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.96, pp.51-68,L9, 1991-03-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

82

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The election of an avowed monarchist, seventy-seven-years old Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg as the president of the Weimar Republic in April 1925 symbolizes the remarkable continuity in political attitude of the Germans from the time of empire to the republic. Many of them were uncritically attached to the old “Kaiserreich”.In spite of the total defeat and the revolution 1918-19 the aims and roles of imperial German policy in the outbreak of the World War had not yet been clarified. Every government during the Weimar period blocked full disclosure of the empire's war aims and engaged in a political cover up.It was the Independent Socialist Kurt Eisner, head of the revolutionary government in Munich, who released special reports in November 1918 showing the responsibility of the German Empire for the beginning of the World War. Eisner wished to discredit the old regime and persisted in purging the representatives of the “Kaiserreich”.Threatened by Eisner's revelation the foreign ministry insisted that such a free debate about the war guilt question would make the peace negotiations unfavorable to Germany. The new foreign minister Urlich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau decided to take the lead and refute any charges that Germany had made preparations for the war in 1914 and was responsible for it. He was determined to exonerate the imperial German policy.After the acceptance of the Versailles Treaty in June 1919 the foreign ministry planned an antiwar-guilt campaign. With the purpose of revising the treaty the foreign ministry mobilized the Germans beyond all classes and parties and lead a national movement (“Volksbewegung”) against the Allies' verdict on Germany's war guilt. A War Guilt Section (“Schuldreferat”) was established in the ministry which should direct research and discussion about this question at home and abroad in favour of German foreign policy.The purpose of this paper is firstly to describe how the war guilt question was dealt with in the German foreign ministry at the first stage of the Weimar Republic. It will show the process how the antiwar-guilt campaign was formed and developed.The second purpose is to analyze the meaning of this campaign for the Weimar political culture. Its influence on the radical-right thoughts and movements such as Nazism will be also discussed.

著者

クラインシュミット ハラルド 仙石 学

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1991, no.96, pp.69-84,L10, 1991-03-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

67

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The article seeks to demonstrate the wide range influence of the principles of cultural nation-building in Weimar Germany. Cultural nation-building is understood as a set of administrative measures designed to build a ‘nation’ in Germany, held to be ‘split and torn’ by class struggles and pressures from abroad, by means of the cultural traditions as manifested in classical literature and art. These principles were laid down in the Weimar Constitution of 1919 (dealt with in section 2); and they were supported by the professional organizations of lower middle class artisans (section 3), the Social Democrat based popular education movement (section 4), and various intellectuals (section 5).Hence, while it has always been known that nation-building was an issue argued for by the right, it becomes clear that the issue received wide support also in the center and the moderate left. Therefore, the conclusion seems safe that the isolationist tendencies in Weimar Germany (as forming the basis for Nation Socialism) resulted from a general current in political life.

著者

田嶋 信雄

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.112, pp.189-191, 1996-05-18 (Released:2010-09-01)

著者

鹿島 正裕

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.113, pp.135-151,L15, 1996-12-30 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

56

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The third Arab-Israeli war of 1967 quickly ended in an overwhelming victory for Israel, in what is called the “Six-day war” by her. At that time, the Arab countries claimed that the United States had participated in the war on the Israeli side, and severed diplomatic relationship with her. Because the U. S. -Egyptian relationship had already been bad before the war, and the Israeli aerial attack was far more efficient than Egyptians had expected, they suspected U. S. -Israeli complicity. In fact, the Johnson administration had repeatedly warned Israel not to initiate hostility, while trying to organize an international fleet to deter Egypt from the use of force. The Arab side, however, continued to maintain that the United States had encouraged Israel to attack Egypt in order to weaken the revolutionary Nasser regime. The then unofficial spokesman of Nasser, Mohamed Heikal, still does so in his recent thick book “1967 al-Infijal (outbreak)” (Cairo, 1990), which is based on declassified documents of the United States and Egypt.According to him, when Egypt demanded the United Nations Emergency Force (which had been stationed in Sinai Peninsular since the 1956 Suez War) to leave from the Israeli border area, United Nations Under-Secretary Ralph Bunche, an American, advised Secretary-General U Thant not to accept partial withdrawal, thus provoking Egypt to demand total withdrawal and to occupy Sharm el-Sheikh and then close the Strait of Tiran for Israel. It was an American plot to give Israel a casus belli. After that the United States warned Egypt, in cooperation with the Soviet Union, not to initiate hostility while hinting to Israel that she would not, unlike on the occasion of the Suez War, support any United Nations move to sanction Israel if she attacked Egypt.On the American side, serious studies based on declassified documents as well as interviews with then policy-makers have been accumulated, some of which expressly try to refute the Egyptian accusations. I have studied and compared these books and articles, checked many of the documents and interviewed some people myself, and concluded that it is not that the United States “unleashed” Israel to attack Egypt, but that the Nasser regime itself let, through a series of miscalculations, the Egyptian military provoke Israel into war. However, Israeli decision-makers were wise enough not to attack Arab forces prematurely—they gave time to the U. S. and Britain to try to organize the international fleet. When the Johnson administration found the efforts rather fruitless, it was in fact inclined to let Israel help herself. In this sense the United States was involved in the political process leading to the outbreak of the war.

著者

西森 敏之

出版者

北海道大学高等教育機能開発総合センター

雑誌

高等教育ジャーナル (ISSN:13419374)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.185-201, 1997

著者

三輪 芳明

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1996, no.112, pp.158-174,L17, 1996-05-18 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

53

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The purpose of this paper is to to examine the prospects for Finnish security policy in the foreseeable future by following the arguments on security alternatives after the application of EC (EU) membership in March 1992.The end of the Cold War forced Finland to reconsider the premises of her neutral policy. The confrontation of two blocks, in which Finland found room to pursue neutral policy, ceased to exist, and the withdrawal of former Soviet's forces from East Eupopean countries increased the strategic importance of Nordic area Pondering these changes, Finland decided to apply for EC (EU) membership, and determined that the core of the neutral policy is military non-alignment and a credible, independent defence. As for the relationship of these policies to the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of EU, Finland takes a interpretation that observer status of WEU is compatible with the amended neutrality, as WEU is a crisis management organization. The purpose of the applicastion was to ensure its security in a changed situation by participating actively in the formation of the new security order of Europe.Toward the application to EC membership, some advocates of EC membership began to insist on the necessity to establish an institutional relationship with NATO, some maintaineded even the possibility of joining it. These arguments on NATO membership calmed down in the autumn of 1993, when the positive attitudes of Russia toward NATO turned to negative. While the major concern of Russia has been directed to the East European countries, it was highly probable that any attempt to approach NATO would strain the relationship with Russia owing to the Finnish position as a neighbouring country of Russia as well as the increased strategic importance of Nordic area In November, the then president Mauno Koivisto, made it clear that Finland would continue to pursue the neutral policy as any imminent and concrete menace against Finland was foreseeable. What was important for Finnish security was, according to the president, indirect security obtained through EU membership.The main issue for the Finnish security policy in the foreseeable future is whether the amended neutrality functions in the changed situation or not. It depends on how the EU and Russia estimate this policy. From the viewpoint of stability of Nordic area this policy could be in the interest of both. For Russia, this is a much better alternative than of Finland seeks to join WEU, whose membership could lead to the membership of NATO. For the EU whose border has come to touch with Russia, to maintain the stability is a matter of essential interest. One way to make this policy function more effectively in a way to serve for the EU and Russia may be to search for a possibility to cooperate with Sweden, as she is also a new EU member state and pursues neutrarity. Through this cooperation, neutrarity could be incorporated in CFSP as an institutionaized element.Another main issue is the validity of the concept of indirect security in the longer term. In case imminent and concrete menace emerges, would the EU membership be enough to ensure security, or should Finland consider joining NATO? If the latter's case is not excluded, this concept remains to be a transitional one. This problem of NATO membership is, however, premature. It depends ultimately on the advantages gained by NATO membership. But the function of NATO in the new security order of Europe is still unclear, especially in the context of nucler deterrence. The essential points, when Finland considers membership, are the reliability of the nuclear deterrence and the repercussion to be caused by joining NATO; among other things, endangerment of the regional stability of Nordic area.

著者

藤田 平

出版者

日経BP社

雑誌

日経ビジネス (ISSN:00290491)

巻号頁・発行日

no.860, pp.153-156, 1996-10-07

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求心力の欠如を理由に,阪神タイガースの監督を解任された。就任時の長期続投の約束は,「契約書は1年間」を理由に覆された。浮き彫りになった雇用契約の曖昧さは,球界だけの問題ではない。「私の野球人生を賭けます」。阪神タイガースの三好一彦・球団社長(阪神電気鉄道取締役)にこう決意表明して就任した監督の座を,わずか1年で解任されました。

著者

栗原 光政

出版者

愛知学芸大学地理学会

雑誌

地理学報告 (ISSN:05293642)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.1-7, 1961-03-05

著者

木田 圭亮 土井 駿一 鈴木 規雄

出版者

医学書院

巻号頁・発行日

pp.54-57, 2021-01-10

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Question 1心不全に高カリウム血症の合併が多いのはどうしてですか?

著者

加藤 恵理

出版者

医学書院

巻号頁・発行日

pp.25-31, 2021-01-10

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Question 1SGLT2阻害薬ってどのような薬ですか?

著者

秋葉 龍太朗 万代 道子 高橋 政代

出版者

医学書院

巻号頁・発行日

pp.29-38, 2021-01-10

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眼球の構造 人が得る情報の8割は視覚に由来しているといわれている1).眼球をカメラに例えると,外界からの光は眼球の表面にある透明な組織である角膜,レンズである水晶体を通して眼球内へと入り,フィルムにあたる網膜に到達する(図1a).光はまず網膜の最も外層にある視細胞にて電気信号に変換され,視細胞は双極細胞などの介在ニューロンに信号を伝達し,情報処理が行われる.この情報は最終的に神経節細胞へと伝達され,中枢神経へと送り出される(図1b).

著者

臼井 智子

出版者

日本耳鼻咽喉科感染症・エアロゾル学会

雑誌

日本耳鼻咽喉科感染症・エアロゾル学会会誌 (ISSN:21880077)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.165-171, 2020

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<p>小児のかぜの診療で耳鼻咽喉科医のはたす役割は,適切なプライマリ・ケアを行うこと,耳鼻咽喉科領域の合併症や小児科医へ紹介すべき症例を見逃さないことである.プライマリ・ケアとして実際に投与されている薬剤は有効性が確立されていない.副作用に留意し,投薬の目的は限定的な対症療法とすべきである.耳鼻咽喉科領域の合併症には急性中耳炎,急性鼻副鼻腔炎などがあるが,見える所見を見逃さず,これらの疾患に特徴的な症状がある場合耳鼻咽喉科を受診するよう小児科医に周知することが重要である.小児科医への紹介のポイントは,急性期の重篤な症状の場合とかぜの自然経過と異なる症状が続く場合や低年齢児の発熱である.当科の検討で,小児科に紹介し入院適応となった症例は,入院不要であった症例と比較して有意に低年齢で,急性中耳炎合併例,経口摂取不良例が多く,低年齢児は感染により経口摂取不良を起こしやすく全身状態に影響が出やすいと考えられた.</p>

著者

萩原 宜之

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.84, pp.136-152,L14, 1987-02-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

21

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Malaysia is a typical plural society which is composed of three different ethnic groups; the Malays, Chinese and Indians. The Malays are called “Bumiputra” as the indigenous people of Malaya. They observed the Islamic religion and have inherited the Sultanate system. The Chinese and Indians were brought as immigrant laborers under the British colonial administration of Malaya. They observed Buddism and Hinduism, respectively. Beside these racial and religious differences, there developed a different division of labor in the economy, which was led by the British divide and rule colonial policy. The Malays were mainly paddy and rubber small holders, the Chinese were tin miners, rubber estate owners, traders and merchants and the Indians were mainly rubber eatate laborers. This division of labor has resulted in the income disparity among the three ethnic groups. The Chinese were ranked as the higher income group compared to the Indians and Malays. And, this economic disparity among the three ethnic groups become the main political issues after the independence of Malaya in 1957.The independent Government led by the Alliance Party of Malaya, which was composed of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), and Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), has launched the rural development policy for the Malay farmers to increase their incomes, through land development and double-cropping of rice. But, as for the industrial development, the Government has allowed a free hand to the private sector, mainly Chinese enterprises and foreign investment. This laissez fair economic policy of the Government did not succeed in dissolving the economic disparities among the three ethnic groups. And, dissatisfaction toward the Alliance Government reached a crucial point in the May 13th (1959) racial riot at Kuala Lumpur. This tragedy happened after the May 10th election, where the UMNO and MCA lost their seats and the opposition parties-the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (GRM)-increased their seats and the DAP suported Chinese and the UMNO suported Malays were crushed at Kuala Lampur.This racial riot was controlled by the Government, led by the Vice-Premier Tun Razak. He has launched a New Economic Policy (NEP) to eradicate poverty and eliminate racial economic disparities. The point of this NEP policy is to create a Malay commercial and industrial sector by mobilizing Government development expenditures. After fifteen years implementation of this policy, there has emerged Malay commercial and industrial groups who were supported by the UMNO-led government and public corporations. But, the many Malay farmers were still poor as before, and discontent with the NEP policy among the Chinese has grown, year by year. And, there has been grass-root Islamic fundamentalism in the Malay rural areas. Also, the discontent of the Chinese, who moved to the support of DAP, is shown in their increased seats at the recent election of August, 1986. Thus, the outcome of the NEP policy was to produce a so-called small number of Malay state-capitalists, and dissatisfaction with this policy is growing not only among the Chinese, but also among the Malay farmers.This artide is an attempt to describe political and economic changes under the NEP policy, based on an analysis of ethnic differences, class divisions and ideological conflicts in Malaysia.

著者

土屋 健治

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.74, pp.117-133,L12, 1983-08-31 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

48

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The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that language is a very important part of political processes, that ‘physical’ processes go along with the manipulation of language, and that political conflicts or integration between different cultures or language systems may, on many occasions, be seen as the processes in which one language or culture ‘destroys, ’ or more modestly, takes over other languages or cultures.Indonesia is one of the world's largest dual-language states. While people in Indonesia commonly share the Indonesian language (bahasa Indonesia) as the national language, almost all Indonesians have their own ethnic languages as their native tongues and use them in everyday life. The Javanese language is the commonest of the ethnic languages in terms of the population. The major characteristic of the Javanese language is that it has two major levels in terms of ‘respectability’: one is the language of krama and the other is the language of ngoko. The language of krama, which has been highly developed through Indonesian history, is a ‘honorific’ language and is used by lower status people to higher status people. The language of ngoko is a ‘commoners’ language and is used among close friends and by higher status people to lower status people. When a person uses ngoko and the other person uses krama, then there exists a ‘dominance-conformity’ relationship between them.In this paper, we briefly describe the major characteristics, origins, and historical developments of these languages. Then, the “Mbah Suro” affair in 1967 is detailed. The affair is well known as one of the most salient resistance movements against the central government in Jakarta. One of the characteristics of the “Mbah Suro” affair is that it is a culturally based resistance movement. The event was widely publicized by the Jakartan government, whose objective was naturally to justify its action, and the newspapers reported the affair in detail. Next, the analysis focuses on how this event was reported in terms of the languages used in order to show the functions of the different languages in the political arena.Mbah Suro, who was a religious and cultural leader in a local area, used the language of ngoko to his followers, which shows that he is their legitimate leader. However, after Mbah Suro was killed by the physical forces of the central governmnent, the event was reported in such a way that the central government official talked to Mbah Suro using the langiage of ngoko and Mubah Suro replied in krama. This shows the central government demonstrated that legitimacy was on its side and that Mbah Suro “knelt down” to the central government. This psychological and cultural persuasion by the central government was only possible by the use of the Javanese language which maintains a distinction between ‘vulgar’ and ‘honorific’ versions. And, the Javanese language was used when the newspapers reported the event, even though the newspapers usually use the Indonesian language (which does not have such a distinction).

著者

白石 隆

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.84, pp.27-43,L7, 1987-02-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

16

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In the age of the United Nations, the state derives the meaning of its existence from the imagined nation, from the fiction that the executives of the modern state are a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole nation. From this, constitutional democratic thinking draws one conclusion: the key to legitimacy is the mandate of the nation/people, represented through fair and free elections; governmental performance in managing the common affairs of the nation is important, but it is translated into legitimavy only through elections. “Authoritarianism and development” thinking draws another: the legitimacy of a regime and hence regime stability ultimately depend on governmental performance in carrying out the common affairs of the nation, that is, national independence, unity, order and welfare. It is not the mandate of the nation/people represented through elections, but governmental performance itself that is the key to legitimacy. The ruling elite are those who know what the national goals are. The Important thing is to do the job. Legitimacy will come if the job is done well.Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines adopted this “authoritarianism and development” strategy for nation-building in the 1960s and 1970s with different results. Thailand and Indonesia have been successful in the task of state-building and are now trying to cope with the task of expanding political participation in different ways. In Thailand the bureaucratic polity has become a thing of the past and the search for a new form of “power-sharing” is now under way. In Indonesia, in contrast, the bureaucratic polity has been consolidated and the integratin of social forces in the regime is being attempted through functional representation. Only in the Philippines Marcos' “revolution from the center” and “democratic revolution” proved to be a dismal failure. But the argument Marcos made proved to be valid. It was indeed a “reoriented political authority” that initiated the “democratic revolution.”

著者

村井 吉敬

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1984, no.77, pp.89-109,L8, 1984-09-29 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

58

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The short history of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) has the reputation of being a case of “successful” regional co-operation in Southeast Asia in spite of a pessimistic prospect in its initial stage. However its “success” of solidarity was attained simply as a result of external pressures, namely the American defeat in Indochina and the regional tension arising from the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea. Except for this kind of regional “solidarity” mainly arising out of common fear of the Soviet “threat”, it might be said that ASEAN could not bring about solid results.This article aims to discuss the difficulties not only of regional integration in Southeast Asia but also of national integration in each country. Indonesia, a major member country of ASEAN, is characterized by its ethnic, religious and historical diversity. This nation also has a center and periphery in terms of social class and locality. This structure of center-periphery is analyzed mainly from the standpoint of one Indonesian local society; Sunda (West Java) World. The national integration of Indonesia from above after independence sometimes brought a process of depriviation of local identity and the oppression of the locality and local people.After the establishment of ASEAN it might be possible to say that authoritarian repressive integration through, “development” has been legitimized on the grounds of strengthening “regional co-operation” or fostering “regional peace.” But, at the same time, when we look at this integration process from the perspective of the vast majority of people, it is hard to say that the situation of their life, safety and justice has been much improved.It might be concluded that ASEAN is now functioning as a kind of sub-metropole of the world capitalistic system when we consider ASEAN's economic and sometimes military dependence upon the U. S., Japan and the EC. Nevertheless we should seek the common interest of Southeast Asian people from the standpoint of their peripheral situation in the world.

著者

土屋 健治

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.84, pp.80-94,L10, 1987-02-20 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

22

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This article is a preliminary attempt to discuss the cultural environment of Java from the end of the nineteenth to the beginning of the twentieth century through the medium of the growing market in a new type of “mestizo culture.” Since around the middle of the nineteenth century the colonial cities in Java like Batavia, Bandung and Surabaya had been growing dramatically, and concomitantly there was increased social communication among different social groups: the Dutch, Eurasians, and elites of Chinese and ‘native’ societies.“Mestizo culture, ” typically expressed in the pictures of “the Beautiful Indies, ” the kroncong melodies, new types of drama like the “Komedie Stambul” (the “Comedy of Stambul”), new types of popular novels like “nyai's stories, ” and films made by the colonial Dutch, incorporating each of these cultural elements to some extent, was distinctive. It was also important in creating cultural integration and in nation-building in Indonesia, in the sense that: 1) it continued to grow as a mass-culture at the “grass-roots” level, and therefore contributed to the spread of the Malay (Indonesian) language throughout society; 2) it was enjoyable and acceptable to all of the social groups in the colonial cities; and 3) it became more and more a “national” culture as nationalist movements burgeoned from the turn of the century.

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1983, no.73, pp.44-63,L9, 1983-05-25 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

69

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I.The Cyprus problem was one of the important international conflicts in the Middle East in the 1960s and 1970s. It was essentially an ethnic conflict between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, which developed into an international conflict. It was one of the fierce outbreaks of ethnic conflicts which are characteristic of the contemporary Middle East.II.In the modern age, the Western impact destroyed the traditional world system implying a self-sufficient Middle Eastern Islamic World and in the following process of “modernization”, the nature of its basic political units, the structure of identity and the style of co-existence among the ethnic groups, changed greatly.Before the coming of the Western impact, the Middle East was one of the relatively self-sufficient traditional world systems. In the Middle Eastern Islamic World, the idea of the unity of the Islamic World prevailed. There were, in fact, political units called “dawla.” Notwithstanding, the identity of the Middle Eastern peoples who belonged to dawlas was not based on ascription to political units but on religion.The various ethnic groups, which were the components of the mosaic-like societies in the Middle East, formed communities according to religions. And there existed a traditional style of co-existence among them. This traditional style of co-existence in the Middle Eastern Islamic world was not based on the principle of the equality of each ethnic group, but on the principle of the supremacy of the Muslims over the non-Muslims.Non-Muslims were thus second class citizens in Islamic political society. Notwithstanding, considering the limited range of political participation and the structure of the identity of the people of the time, the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, which was institutionalized as a “dhimmi” institution in the classical period and completed in the form of a “millet” institution in the Ottoman Empire, functioned rather well in the complicated mosaic-like societies of the Middle East. Only under the influence of modern nationalism did it begin to dissolve and ethnic conflicts begin to surface. The Cyprus problem is one of these ethnic conflicts of the modern Midddle East.III.Because of its strategic position, Cyprus was occupied by one nation after another. The ethnic composition of Cypriot society also became complicated. When the Ottomans conquered Cyprus in 1571, the largest ethnic group was the Greeks together with some other minor ethnic groups. After the Ottoman conquest, the Turkish soldiers and peasants emmigrated and became at least the second large ethnic group. The millet system, the Ottoman form of the traditional Middle Eastern style of co-existence, was applied to these ethnic groups. The millet system functioned and the fierce outbreak of ethnic conflicts were rarely seen.The beginning of ethnic conflicts came with the impact of the West. Especially, the rise of nationalism and the independence of Greece affected the situation in Cyprus. And the idea of enosis, namely the reunion of Cyprus with Greece, emerged in Greece. Greek nationalism gradually penetrated Cyprus. Because of the rise of the nationalism of non-Muslim subjects, there was an attempt to reform the principle of inequality between Muslims and non-Muslims. In this period, the traditional style of co-existence of ethnic groups was also changing. However, the relationship of co-existence among ethnic groups continued.IV.At the end of this period, in 1878, Cyprus came under British rule. Under British rule, the nationalism of the Greek ethnic group and the Turkish ethnic group developed. The separated educational system of each ethnic group under British rule contributed much to this development. The development of the nationalism of the Greek Cypriots oriented to enosis was especially outstanding. Because of

著者

鈴木 董

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1987, no.86, pp.39-53,L7, 1987-10-24 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

37

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Recently, in Asian and African societies, ethnic conflicts have begun to become more serious. In the Western societies, the ethnic resurgence has been going on. The ethnicity problem has become one of the most crucial issues in the research field of international politics.The ethnicity problem was regarded mostly as a transitional problem in the process of nation-state building and exected to be solved at the end of that process. However, in many cases, the ethnicity problems became more serious actually as the process of nation-state building was going on.The ethnicity problem is the problem of integration and co-existence of ethnic groups. Here, in order to reconsider the ethnic problem, we'll try to analyze the historical and cultural backgrounds of the system of co-existence and integration of ethnic groups and its dissolution, using the case of the Middle East, especially that of the Ottoman Empire and her successor states.The Ottoman society was a typical example of the Middle Eastern societies, which were composed of various ethnic groups. There existed a unique system of integration and co-existence.In the Ottoman society, the identity of the members of the society was mainly based on religion. National or racial consciousness was a secondery factor. Various ethnic groups were grouped according to their religions. The Ottoman system of integration and co-existence was essentially the system of integration and coexistence among religious groups, not national or racial groups.There were two essential categories of group, Muslims and Non-Muslims. Non-Muslims were categoried in several sub-groups. Each group co-existed each other with each own duties and pribiledges. This traditional system of integration and co-existence was not based on the principle of equality, but on that of inequality. Muslims were the essential citizens of the political community. Non-Muslism were the secondery citizens who were merely tolerated to exist. Nonetheless this system functioned rather well during the period when the traditional type of political apathy prevailed in the society.This situation began to change under the influence of the West in the late eighteenth century. At first, Non-Muslim peoples in Balkan began to be politically active under the Western influence. They began to try to build their own “nation-state” of ethnically homogenious composition, instead of seeking for equality in a multinational empire. The Ottomans attempted to transform an Islamic empire into a multinational empire in Western type during the nineteenth century. However this attempt failed. Then Muslims themselves fell under the influence of the Western nationalism from the late nineteenth century. Turkish nationalism, Arab nationalism, and so on began to evolve. After the dissolution of the Ottoman empire, there emerged “nation-states” of Muslim peoples. The traditional system of integration and co-existence totally collusped. The ideal of a nation-state which was ethnically homogenious prevailed.However the ethnic compositions of these societies remained heterogenious. Moreover each ethnic group began to evolve their own nationalism. The new style of integration and co-existence of ethnic groups with new orientation has not yet been established. This situation is one of the important factors in the violent outbursts of the ethnic conflicts in the area.